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Asr. X. — ^The Laiig:uage8 spoken in the Zarafshan Valley 
in Russian Turkistan. By R. N. Gust, LL.D., 
M.R.A.S 413 


Art. XI.— Farther Notes on Early Buddhist Symbolism. 
By R. Sewbll, Esq., Madras Civil Service, 
M.R.A.8 419 

Abi. XII. — On the Metallic Cowries of Ancient China 
(600 B.C.). By Prof. Tebriek bb Lacouperik, 
Ph. & Litt. D 428 


Xalidasa in Ceylon, by Cecil Bendall 440 

Notes of the Quabteb. 

1. Reports of Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society. . 441 

Anniversary Report of the Council 443 

2. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals 449 

8. Obituary Notices 450 

4. Notes and News 453 

5. Review 459 

\J' 6. Pali Text Society 460 

7. Corrigenda 461 

Abt. XIII. — The Tantrakbyana, a Collection of Indian Folk- 
lore, from a unique Sanskrit MS. discovered in 
Nepal. By Cecil Bendall 465 

^J Abt. XIY. — a Jataka-Tale from the Tibetan. By H. 

Webtzel, Ph.D 503 

Abi. XY. — Moksha, or the Yedantic Release. By Dvijadas 

Datta 513 


1. The Cross and Solomon's Seal as Indian Emblems, 

by W. F. Sinclair, Bomb.C.S 541 













[nXW 8SRIB8.] 


Art. I. — ^The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van. By the Rev. 

Professor A. H. Satcs, M.A., M.R.A.S 1 

Art. II. — Some Saggestions of Origin in Indian Arcliitectare. 

By William Simpson, M.E.A.S 49 

Art. III. — The Cha^^atai Mughals. By E. E. Oliver, 

M.I.C.E., M.R.A.S 72 

Art. IV. — Sachan's Albirunf. By Major-General Sir P. J. 

GoLDSMiD, C.B., K.C.S.I., M.R.A.8 129 


1. The Bibliography of Africa, by Gapt. T. G. de 

Guiraadon 143 

2. Notes on African Philology, by Capt. T. G. de 

Guiraudon 144 

8. The Migration of Buddhist ' Stories, by Serge 

d'Oldenburg 147 

4. Kalidasa in Ceylon, 622, by T. W. Rhys Davids. . 148 

Notes of the Quarter. 

1. Reports of Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

Session 1887-8 150 

2. Proceedings of Asiatic or Oriental Societies 153 

^, Contents of Poreign Oriental Jouruals 154 



4. Contributions to the Notes of the Quarter by the 

Hon. Secretary 156 

5. Excerpta Orientalia 1^7 

Abt. V. — ^The Dagabas of Anuradhapura. By Johw Cappeb 165 

Aet. VI. — Andamanese Music, with Notes on Oriental Music 
and Musical Instruments. By M. Y. Pobtman, 
M.R.A.S 181 

Abt. VII.— 8 ® tt ■? 3c Tsieh-Yao-Tchuen de Tchou- 

hi (Extraits). Far C. de Hablez, M.R. A.S 219 


1 . Architecture in India, by W. F. Sinclair, Bomb.C.S. 272 

2. The Babylonian Origin of the Chinese Characters, 

by Terrien de Lacouperie, M.R.A.S 313 

3. The Origin of the Babylonian Characters from the 

Fersian Gulf, by Terrien de Lacouperie, M.R.A.S. 316 

Notes of the Quabteb. 

1. Reports of Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

Session 1887-8 277 

2. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals 289 

3. Lectures on Oriental Subjects now being delivered 

in Europe 290 

4. Notes and News 301 

5. Reviews 308 

Abt. VIII. — ^Notes on the Early History of Northern India. 
By J. F. Hewitt, late Commissioner of Chota 
Nagpur 321 

Abt. IX. — ^The Customs of the Ossetes, and the Light they 
throw on the Evolution of Law. Compiled from 
Frofessor Maxim Kovalefsky's Russian Work on 
•* Contemporary Custom and Ancient Law," and 
translated with Notes, by E. Delhab Moboak, 
M.R.A.S 364 



Asr. X. — ^The Laiig:uage8 spoken in the Zarafshan Valley 
in Russian Turkistan. By R. N. Gust, LL.D., 
M.R.A.S 413 


Art. XI.— Further Notes on Early Buddhist Symholism. 
By R. Sewbll, Esq., Madras Civil Service, 
M.R.A.8 419 

Art. XII. — On the Metallic Cowries of Ancient China 
(600 B.C.). By Prof. Teerien db Lacouperik, 
Ph. & Litt. D 428 


Xalidasa in Ceylon, hy Cecil Bendall 440 

Notes of the Quarter. 

1. Reports of Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society. . 441 

Anniversary Report of the Council 443 

2. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals 449 

3. Obituary Notices , . , 450 

4. Notes and News 453 

5. Review 459 

\y 6. Pali Text Society 460 

7. Corrigenda 461 

Art. XIII. — The Tantrakhyana, a Collection of Indian Folk- 
lore, from a unique Sanskrit MS. discovered in 
Nepal. By Cecil Bendall 465 

^. Art. XTV. — a Jataka-Tale from the Tibetan. By H. 

Webtzel, Ph.D 503 

Art. XY. — Moksha, or the Yedantic Release. By Dyijadab 

Datta 513 


1. The Cross and Solomon's Seal as Indian Emblems, 

by W. F. Sinclair, Bomb.C.S 541 



2. By W. F. Sinclair, Bomb.C.S 642 

3. Origin of Indian Architecture, by William Simpson 545 

4. By Professor Beal . • 547 

Notes of the Qttasteb. 

1. Notes on a Collection of MSS. obtained by Dr. 

Gimlette, of the Bengal Medical Service, at Kath- 
manda, and now deposited in the Cambridge 
University Library, and in the British Museum. 
By Cecil Bendall, M.A., M.R.A.S 549 

2. 'Notes and News • . 555 

3. Bible-translation 555 


Genebal Index to the Fibst and Second Sebies of the 

JouBNAL of the Rotal Asiatic Societt 1-213 

List of Members 1-22 

Enles of the Royal Asiatic Society 1-8 

• • • • 




Art. I. — The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van. By the Rev. 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, M,A., M.R.A.S. 

Thb publication of my memoir on the Cuneiform Inscriptions 
of Van in the pages of this Journal (Vol. XIV. pp. 377-732) 
gave an impetus to the study of these interesting texts which 
was not long in bearing fruit. M. Stanislas Guyard, who 
had already contributed so much to their decipher men t, and 
whose untimely death is still deplored by science, soon after- 
wards published a detailed criticism of my work (in his 
Melanges d'Assi/riologie, Paris, 1883), and followed it by 
papers in the Journal Asiatique (8th series, vol. i. pp. 261, 
517; vol. ii. p. 306 ; vol. iii. p. 499). M. Stanislas Guyard 
was succeeded by the eminent Semitic scholar of Vienna, 
Prof. D. H. Miiller, who had been independently studying 
the Vannic inscriptions, and papers upon them from his pen 
have appeared in the Oesterreichisehe Monatsschrift fur den 
Orient (Jan. 1885, and Aug. 1386), and in the 36th volume 
of the Imperial Academy of Vienna (1886, "Die Keil- 
Inschrift von Aschrut-Darga"). Prof. Patkanoff has, more- 
over, been kind enough to send me copies of Vannic inscrip- 
tions found in the Russian province of Georgia, which I 
have published with translations and notes in the Mmdon, 
vol. ii. pt. 1 (1883) ; vol. ii. pt. 3 (1883) ; vol. iii. pt. 2 
(1884) ; vol. V. pt. 3 (1884). 

Apart, therefore, from the improved translations of words 
and passages, due to the penetration of M. Stanislas Guyard 
and Prof. D. H. Miiller, our stock of materials has been 

TOL. XX. — [nXW 8BBTBS.] 1 




proved by Guyard, and explains the mode in which the name 
of the city of Malatiyeh is written {Me'li'dha-a-ni). The 
new form of It first appears in the inscriptions of Menuas, 
after the death of his father Ispuinis. I believe, however, 
that it was at times confounded with da, though at present 
we have no means of certifying the fact. The result of 
Guyard's. disco very is to change the reading of all the words 
in which the syllable da occurs, except, of course, those in 
which the syllable is represented by the proper character for 
da. Consequently the " local case " of the noun will end 
like the *' perfective " in lu 

The character urn, to which I have prefixed a query, must 
be removed from the list. M. DeyroUe's squeezes show that 
in the three cases where I have read um-nu-li the word is 
really tanuli, the first character being ta. 

The character had should be he, since in the 7th line of the 
inscription of Palu Prof. Wiinsch's squeeze gives it instead 
of &t, unless, indeed, the character had both values. As >*< 
was be, it is possible that ^ffy was ge rather than kid. 

I have already stated in my Memoir (p. 681, note 1) that 
the character kab should be read qar. 

The ideograph which I have rendered by 'language* or 
' tribe * has been shown by Guyard to represent the Assyrian 
ideograph of pukhru * totality,' which has the same form in 
Assur-natsir-pal's standard inscription (W.A.I, i. 20, 28). 
M. DeyroUe's copy gives it in v. 24 in place of >-^fiT» 

The word for * camel ' should probably be didhuni^ since in 
xl. 6 DeyroUe's squeeze has ^^f^, which is more probably 
intended for di than for uL 

>f- ' twice ' must be struck out ; the squeezes prove that in 
every case >^ ' in all ' has to be read. We must also excise 
y]f ' son.' 

On the other hand, we must add to the list of ideographs 
^y ^y< * a vine,' which an examination of Schulz's original 
copy shows to exist in li. col. i. 8. As Guyard has pointed 
out, the phonetic reading of the ideograph uduii{8) is furnished 
by line 7. 

We must further add ^y ]*- {ardinis) * day,' which I have 


misread tume (1. 10^ 12, 16), as well as the eight other addi- 
tional ideographs given at the end of this paper. 

It may be added that the squeezes seem to make it clear 
that the word signifying ' to give ' must be read tequ and not 
laqUf and that consequently it is probable that Sandwith is 
right in li. col. iii. 10, where he has khuteve 'of kings' instead 
of khulave. 

Some more examples can be added of cases in which the 
line does not end with a word {e.g. No. Ixi.). 

In the declension of the noun (p. 429) the suffix da must 
be changed into /t, as already noted. Guyard maintained 
that the suffix was used in three senses : (1) as an expletive, 
(2) in order to join a word to its suffix, and (3) in order to 
form substantives, gerunds, and participles, when it denotes 
'the thing of something or some one. But the first two 
senses must be rejected, and in place of them my two senses 
of ' locality ' and ' perfection ' should be substituted. In 
XX. 3 (see p. 431) we must read ini-H pili armanili at-khud-li 
sidiS'tud'li ' after having restored this memorial-tablet which 
had been destroyed.' Miiller has shown that pi-li — which I 
believe him to be right in supposing to be the origin of the 
Assyrian 'jol/ei-stone' — is the reading of the ideograph t^^ *a 
tablet,' so that armanilis must be the translation of the 
ideograph ^f 'foundation,' which is substituted for it in 
parallel passages. Consequently at in at-khud-li is a prefix 
of some sort, like ap in ap-tint, and ini-li (which I read ini-da) 
is not an adverb, but a case of ini ' this.' The suffix of the 
pronoun could be omitted, e.g. we find alus ini pili armanili 
tuli in XX. 10. The form nu-lili'di-ni (xxx. 24) still remains 

The suffix tsi has been shown by Guyard to signify ' be- 
longing to.' 

In the numerals >f- 'twice' should be struck out, and 
Miiller has made it clear that atibi means ' myriads ' and 
never 'thousands,' that tarani (xlix. 13, as restored from 
Deyrolle's squeeze) signifies ' second ' or ' for the second 
time,' and that aistini (xlix. 22) is ' third ' or ' for the third 
time.' Guyard had already observed that suiini must be 


* first/ corresponding as it does to the numeral in f >^ * one 
year,' where >^ is the ideograph of year and not a word mu 

* his/ as I had imagined. 

The local case of the 3rd personal pronoun should be meiali 
or meli. As just remarked, a pronoun mu must be struck 
out of the list. So also should be a possessive meiem. 

Guyard, by his brilliant discovery of the meaning of the 
phrase in the execratory formula, alua ulis tiur-lie tea zadubi 

* whoever else pretends : I have done (this)/ revealed the 
existence of the first personal pronoun ies ' I.' As the final a 
is a suffix, the stem is ie, which seems to be the same as the 
stem of the demonstrative, t-ni. The relative, which I had 
seen in ies, will therefore have to be removed from the list of 
Vannic pronouns. 

Uiis or ulies (instead of my old reading udas) has been 
shown by Guyard's discovery to signify 'other,' * another.' 
The stem would be u, as in ui ' and ' or ' with.' 

Miiller is probably right in holding that sukhe is not a 
pronoun, as Guyard and myself have believed ; eka may be 
'and' rather than 'this'; and ikukaa 'the same' must be 
added to the list of the pronouns. Iku-kas is literally ' of 
the same kind,' being formed from a stem iku by the help 
of the suffix 'kaa. 

For ada, all or alie must be read. The word properly 
means ' to add ' ; hence ' the sum,' ' moreover,' ' in part ' 
(ale-ki), and possibly ' along with.' 

The adverb aada (for which read aalt or aalie) must be 
omitted. As Guyard has proved, it is the phonetic reading 
of the ideograph «^ ' a year.' 

To the form ap-tini (p. 442) we may add at-khuali ' which 
had been destroyed.' These prefixes remind us of the 
prefixes of Georgian. 

For 'da or -doe the termination of the present tense -/t and 
-lie should be substituted. The forms literally mean 'is for' 
the doing of a thing, altM tu'lie^ for example, being ' whoever 
is for taking away.' ^ 

^ The form is really the daiiTe of the gerund in -/•«. 


Kharkhar-sa-bi'tea (p. 444) is not an example of the present 
participle, as it is simply the first person of the verb followed 
by the personal pronoun tea. 

We should probably add a precative in -me to the forms of 
the verb, as in aakhu-me *may they occupy ' (xxiv. 6). 

A causative is formed by the addition of au ' to make * to 
the verbal root, and the difference of meaning must be 
noticed between ti ' to name,' and tiu * to name falsely/ 

The adverb aada (p. 445) should be omitted ; the word is 
aali * a year.* 

Corrections in the Eeading and Translation of the 


I. 7. For an-ni'hu read anniaam ' here.' 

II. 7, 8. ' These ' for ' there ' and anniaam for annihu, 

III. 2. Ua-gi-ni is probably a compound of ua ' near,' like 

ua-ma-ata * gracious,' and ua-td-bi ' I approached,' 
ua-tu-ni *he dedicated.' Read gi-e-i ai-da (not It). 
Sida is * restoration.' 
V. 2. The meaning of the words * during each month ' is 
obviously * during the several months of the year,' the 
sacrifices extending over the whole length of the 

3. Delete note 5 on this line. The ideograph means 

' totality.' 

4, 36. DeyroUe's copy gives urpue for ippue. In any case 

the epithet must apply to Ehaldis, and not, as I had 
supposed, to Teisbas. 

7, 40. A comparison with ardinia 'the sun' or 'day,' shows 
that ardia must mean ' light' or ' enlightener ' ; hence 
the compound aielardia will be *the enlightener of 
darkness,' and aieli will be ' darkness ' and not ' dawn' 
as I had imagined. 

9. DeyroUe's copy reads urululi-ve. The translation of the 
god's name should be ' who carries away all that 
belongs to seed.' The god of death is meant. 


11. DeyroUe's copy verifies my conjecture that we should 

read 'Zuzumarus.' It also reads Zi-kid (or ge)-qu'ni'e 
instead of Zi-hu-qu-ni^e, 

12. Here it has i instead of ^^ and ri instead of ^yiffy like 
Layard. But this cannot be correct. We must read 
Khaldi-ni ini asie ' to the Khaldises of this house/ 

14. ' The city of Ardinis * was the city of the Sun-god. 

15. Deyrolle gives Ar'tsthnukid't-ni-m for Ar-tau-hu-i'm-ni, 

We should evidently read Artaunmni-ni, as in xi. 1. 
The reading Khaldini dasi must be preserved, da being 
expressed throughout this inscription by the character 
which has that value. Dasie will be an adjective 
agreeing with Khaldi-ni from a root da. 
17. Suii-ni is shown by the inscription of Ashrut-Darga 
to signify ' the niche ' or consecrated ground in which 
the inscription was engraved. It is a derivative from 
iuis ' property.' 

19. My reading Tsu-i-nuna-hu-e is confirmed by Deyrolle. 
Guyard has shown that atqanaa signifies 'consecrated'; 
we must therefore translate * to the gods of the holy 
city.' Niribi must be * bodies/ see 1. 20. 

20. DeyroUe's copy has Ni-Bt'^'bi-ru-ni for iW-s!-fl(P)-c?w(P)- 
ru-ni. Perhaps we should read Nmebiruni or Niaie- 
duru-ni. Babas, 1 believe, means ' distant ' ; hence 
translate ' to the god of the distant land.' 

22. Deyrolle has A-di-pa-a for A-di-i-a. 

24. Deyrolle has the ideograph of ' totality,' ' nation,' 
instead of the ideograph of 'food.' But Layard's 
copy is clearly the more correct. 

25. Read qabqari-li-nu This is the only place in the in- 
scription where the later form of it is found. 

26. Deyrolle has khu-ru-na-i for khu-ru-la-u Alukid ardini 
is, I now think, ' at whatsoever time of the day,' and 
since selU is ' darkness,' aili guli tiaul'du-li-ni must be 
rendered ' during the evening, the morning and the 
noon.' Tisul'du'li-ni is a compound of du, and the 
root that we find in Teia-bas ' the Air-god,' and 
the whole expression is regarded as a sort of com- 


pound, the suffix -nt being attached only to its last 

27. Uldia^ I believe, signifies *a conduit.* The word occurs 
only at Meher-Kapussi and Artamit (xxiii.), besides 
Ixiv. 1, in both which places are the remains of an 
ancient aqueduct. The determinative shows that it 
was made of wood. Miiller may be right in seeing 
in 8ukhe a derivative from 8U ^ to make.' 

28. Kead ^f za-a-ri, a derivative from za (as in za-duni). 

The word means *a door,' whence zainis 'a gate.* 
DeyroUe has ti instead of >-^y, and Guyard conse- 
quently seems right in reading gi-e-i %S'ti'[ni A:a-]M-rt 
in place of my text. Guyard suggests that gieis 
means ' brickwork.' I should prefer ' wall,' and trans- 
late ' Ispuinis and Menuas have constructed an arti- 
ficial aqueduct for Ehaldis ; they have constructed a 
cistern (P) and an artificial door along with a wall 
belonging to it.' 

29. Deyrolle's copy reads mu-ru-ni for te-ru-ni. But 
Layard's copy is preferable. DeyroUe has gu-du-hu-li 
for aal'du'hu'li and ta^nU'li in line 30, like Schulz and 
Layard. A fresh examination of the squeeze of vii. 6 
proves that here also the reading is ta^nu-li, Gudu-li 
must be compared with gudi in vii. 3. The construc- 
tion is, 'A house {not gods) of wood and stone having 
been gud-uli, 3 sheep are sacrificed to Khaldis (and) 3 
sheep to the gods of the nations ; the house of the 
conduit having been tati'uliy 3 sheep are sacrificed to 
Khaldis and 3 sheep to the gods of the nations ; the 
house of the conduit having been mes-uli, 3 sheep are 
sacrificed to Khaldis and 3 sheep to the gods of the 

31. Instead of dU'Si'Si't-hU'li'm DeyroUe has K^< me'Si-i 
hu'li'fii, where a derivative from the same root as 
mesU'H is preceded by the ideograph of * wine.' Con- 
sequently meiesi will have no connection with the 
pronominal niesini, but wiU signify 'libations.' One 
of the recently-discovered inscnptions of Armavir 


(No. lix.) gives us the correct reading of the latter 
part of the line, namely, me-tsi el-mu-us. The whole 
phrase must mean, ' they have prescribed for the 
season the other libations of wine (and) the libations 
of mead {?).' It is hardly possible that me-tsi can be 
formed from the pronoun me, the sense being ^the 
libations of wine for the other (gods) and the libations 
that belong to him (t.^. Khaldis) for the season.' 
YII. 3. The ideograph in this line is that which denotes 
' the left hand.' 

4. Guyard has pointed out that Kamna in xxx. 19 inter- 
changes with the ideographs ^ y«< in xlii. 79, and 
consequently must signify * edifices.' 

6. A re-examination of the squeeze proves the reading to 
be ta-nu'li (for um-nu-li). Perhaps the word means 

* purifying.' 

X. 2y 5. Askhas can hardly be ^food.' It is a formation like 
aidis or amaa from aak/ia, which is probably a com- 
pound of as * settle ' and kha * take.' Askbu-me must 
mean * occupy ' in xxvi. 6. Moreover, ti is * to call,' 
so that askhas-tes will be 'declaring occupation' (a 
participial form like sies). 
4. Sui-ni-ni is probably a derivative from su * to make.' 

XII. 2,3. Translate 'declaring occupation,' and read ^aww-/t-nt. 

XIII. 2. Translate ' and their wall to restoration (he has 
given).' Sida is genitive or dative of sidas ' restora- 
tion,' connected with sidu-bi *1 restored' (xl. 72) and 
sidu'li (vii. 5, 6), as well as with sidi-s. 

XIV. KhU'iie is probably * ruinous,' since aUkhua-li means 

* which had been destroyed.' 

XVI. 4. Zanani-ni is ' that which belongs to the gateway of 

the gate.' 

XVII. 3. Suit is * the consecrated domain of a god.' 

XIX. 5. By means of a squeeze Guyard has been enabled 
to restore this line as follows : ^^] Ehal-di-i ku-ru'(m 
*")HF" V^< '^^ ku-ru-ni 'for Ehaldis the giver (and) 
for the gods the givers (for each among them are the 
regulations of Menuas).' The restoration is important 


as it seems to show that the Vannic word for * God ' 

terminated in -na, 
12. Askhu'li-ni will rather signify * who occupy/ 
18. Guyard has shown that turi-ni-ni must mean 'as for 

this person.' 

XX. 3. As already noticed, Miiller has pointed out that 

armani'li corresponds to the ideograph "i^f ' a foun- 
dation-stone.' We must read at-khua-li ' which had 
been destroyed.' 

5. Alsui'Sini is ' great ' according to Ixv. 10. The root 

al§u means * to increase ' from al * increase ' and Su 
' to have/ and hence the derivative signifies at once 
' multitudinous ' and ' great.' 

12. Rather to be rendered ' whoever sets it (inili) in the 


13. Translate 'Whoever else pretends : I have done (it)/ 
17. Read arkhi-Hruli-a-ni. Uruiis is ' seed.' 

XXI. 12 . Translate * whoever assigns it to another.' 

XXIII. 1. The original copy of Schulz has J»- Si'/a-a't-e. 

XXIV. 6 — 8. Ase means * house/ not * gods.' I can now 
suggest a better translation of these lines : * May 
Saris the queen occupy the house daily and monthly 
for Klialdis.' The suffix -ftte will denote the precative, 
the verb being literally * take possession of ' (aa-khu). 
The inscription of Meher-Kapussi shows that the year 
was reckoned by its months, which were probably lunar. 

XXVIII. 9. If armuzi is connected with annani-U * a foun- 
dation-stone,' it would signify * utterly.' 

XXX. 19. Kamnd means 'edifices,' not 'possessions'; see 
xliii. 79. 

26. Read ' the (king) of the city of Khaldi-ris.' He is 

called Saski . . in xlv. 15. 
28. Ebani-a-tsi-edini should be rendered ' the people of the 

(two) countries.' 

XXXI. 4. As arnnyali is replaced by aaili in line 12, my 
translation of the word by * castles ' is assured. 

6, 7. The suffix -di here seems to have the meaning 'because 



XXXII. 2. Perhaps tmukhani signifies * in the spring.' 

3, 4. Ikukdni should be rendered ' the same/ and (8aH)e 

supplied at the beginning of line 4, the sense being 
*in the same year.* Guyard is right in rendering 
kiddanuli * gathering/ — ' after gathering (my) soldiers 

5. Kead 'Surisilis.* "With the name of Tarkhi-gamas 

compare the Hittite names Tarkhu-lara, Tarkhu-nazi, 
6amgam&, and Gar-gamis (Carchemish). 

6. Read Sada'hadae'khi'nt-li'a'ni. Comp. the name of 


7. A8ta in Khati-na-asta-ni probably stands for asda, like 

Biainaste, from as-du ' to make a settlement.* Compare 
aadu, xxxix. 1, 25. 
XXXIII. ^ 1, 6. Wiinsch's squeeze gives >--< for bi. 

4. The squeeze seems to have a misformed tm rather than 

15. The name of the king is probably Su'lue-za-a-v-a-li^ 
corresponding to the Sulumal or Suluval of the As- 
syrian inscriptions, which make him a king of 
Malatiyeh in B.C. 738. 
XXXIV. 'Thanks to a photograph which Prof. Patkanoff was 
kind enough to send me, the text of the inscription 
of Tsolagerd can now be corrected in many places, 
though unfortunately the left side of the stone being 
covered with moss is partly illegible. (See the Musdon, 
ii. 3, pp. 358-364.) I reproduce it in full. 

1. >^y Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-ni gis-su-ri-e 
To the Khaldises I prayed, the powers mighty {or 


2. ka-ru-ni f E-ri-du-a-khi 'A^ -ni-e 
who have given of the son of Eriduas the lands, 

who have given 

' A squeeze of the first seven lines of this inscription has heen taken hj Prof. 
Wiinsch and published by Prof. D. H. Miiller in his Memoir on **Die Eeil- 
inschrift von Ascbrut-Darga** in the 36th volume of the Monuments of the 
Imperial Academy of Vienna (I8b6). 


3. >-^yy Lu-(nu-)hu-ni-ni la^-qu-ni f Me-nu-a-ka-i 
the city of Lununis as a present to the race of Menuas ; 

4. (>^y Khal)-di ku-(ru-)ni ^ Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-i 
to Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldises the mighty 

5. ku-ru-ni »->-y Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni 
the givers, to the children of Khaldis the gracious 

I prayed, 

6. (y Me-nu-)a-ni ] Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi 
belonging to Menuas the son of Ispuinis. 

7. (hu-)lu-(us-)ta-bi *^] Khal-di-ni f Me-nu-a-s 
I approached with gifts the Khaldises. Menuas 

8. a-li-e (nu-na-)bi f E-ri-(du-)a-khi V' -ni 
says : I attacked of the son of Eriduas the land. 

9. >-^yy Lu-(nu-)ni-ni >'tff ^^ -si a-li-hu-i-e 
The city of Lununis, the royal city, entirely, 

10. a-i-seP P al-khe qa-ab-qa-su(P)-la-du(P)-ni 
thecountry(P) . . the inhabitants, the neighbourhood, 

11. a-ru-ni *->^] Khal-di-i-s ] Me-nu-hu-a 
brought Khaldis to Menuas 

12. y Is-pu-hu-(i-)ni-khi-ni-e kha-hu-bi 
the son of Ispuinis. I conquered 

13. »-^yy Lu-nu-hu-ni-(ni) ha-al-du-bi 
the city of Lununis. I changed 

14. »-^yy Lu-nu-hu-ni-ni me-e-si-ni pi-i 
belonging to Lununis its name (into) 

15. y Me-nu-(hu)-a-li-e-a-t8i-li-ni 

the place of the people of Menuas. 

16. a-lu-s tu-li-e a-lu-s pi-(tu-li-)e 
Whoever carries away, whoever removes the name, 

17. a-lu-s (pi-)i Jff^ i-ni-li du-(li-)e 
Whoever the name of this stone destroys, 

^ So in the photograpli. 


18. a-Iu-8 u-li-8 ti-bu-li-1-e 
whoever else pretends : 

19. i-e-8 >-^yy Lu-nu-hu-ni-ni kha-hu-bi 

* I the city of Lununis have conquered/ 

20. tu-ri-(ni.)ni (>— f) Khal-di-s, ^f 4^-8 ^] ^]-s 
as for (that) person, may Ehaldis, Teisba8(and) Ardinis, 

21. >^y y«<-e ma-(a-ni) ardini pi-i-ni 
the godsy him publicly, the name 

22. me-i ar-khi-(hu-)ru-li-a-ni me-i 
of him, the family of him, 

23. i-(na-)a-i-m me-i na-a-ra-a 
the city of him to fire 

24. a-hu-i-e hu-lu-li-e 
(and) water consign ! 

XXXY.A. Obv. 7. Guyard is certainly right in regarding 
buraS'tubi as a compound like amas-tubi, and in 
rendering it by ' I appointed governor.' 
Rev. 3. Read {tu-hU')li-i'e. 

XXXVII. 3-5. The analogy of the Assyrian inscriptions 
seems to make it clear that khuti-a-di must mean * by 
the conmiand.' It will consequently be a compound 
of khuti ' command/ as in khute-a ' commander ' or 
' prince/ and a * to speak.' The construction is 
probably the same as in xxxi. 6, being literally * be- 
cause of Khaldis the lord, Teisbas and Ardinis, givers 
of the command.' Ali-a-ba-di is from a/t(«) 'multi- 
tude,' with the same suffix that we find in Teia-baa. 
Guyard has shown that veli-dubi must mean ' I 
collected.' Consequently the whole sentence runs: 
* By the command of Khaldis the lord, Teisbas and 
Ardinis, in the assembly of the great (gods) of the 
inhabitants, the same year I collected (my) baggage ^ 
(and) soldiers.' 

^ Miiller would render tisuJchani by * chariots,' but this word seems rather to 
be represented by hakhau, while in describing his preparations for a campaign 
the king would more naturally refer to his baggage generally than to his chariots 
in particular. 


10. Babas cannot be the name of a country, as in that case 
there would be half a dozen of the name. It obviously 
corresponds to the Assyrian expression matu ruquti 
* distant country.* 

16. The interpretation of the formula Khaidt-a istinie 
inani'li anniisini-ii auSini salie zadubi must be corrected 
on the lines indicated by CFuyard and MuUer, though 
I cannot agree with the precise explanation of the 
phrase given by either. In xlix. 29 the phrase is 
purullel to another in line 26, all tukhi sistini ebana 
suiim saiie zadubi * the sum of the captives of three 
countries for one year I made.* Hence I believe we 
muHt translate * for the people of Khaldis this spoil of 
the cities for one year I made.' 

17. Head A'bi'li'i'a'fn'ek/iL Abiliyanis perhaps received 

his name from abiiis * fire.* 

22. Quyard erroneously supposes {»- J&[J ^y to be a com- 
pound ideograph representing the Assyrian word for 
spoil. This, however, was sal/aty not sailut, while in 
the Vannic texts {»- is the determinative of women. 
Moreover, the combination with hose 'men* shows 
that ' women ' are meant. Lutu enters into the com- 
position of the proper name Lut-ipns, 

24. We should probably read * the same (year).' 
XXXVIIl. 5. DeyroUe's squeeze confirms Layard's reading, 

6. The reading is K/tila-ruadas or Khite-ruadas with da. 

8-10. The phrase appears to signify * By the command of 
Khaldis the lord, Teisbas and Ardinis, the gods of 
Biainas, in the assembly of the great (gods) of the 
inhabitants, may the gods prosper (me).' In khasi- 
ainWy the root al (as in al-iuis) means *to increase,* 
while khasi may be connected with kha-su * cause to 
take.' I may observe here that the verbs khu or khtui 
' to destroy,' and kha or khau ' to take,' must not be 
confounded together. 

14. Retain a-da-ni. 

17. Supply {haldubi mesijni pint 'on leaving the city of 


Pilas I changed its name/ Kead me'li-a-i-ni. The 
word occurs in Iv. 10, 12, where it is written meldini. 
Perhaps it means ' the ford of the river.' 

18. Render ^ I deported the men and women of the lands 
of Marmuas and Qa . . .' 

21. Correct 4* ^^^ Ar ' ^^ a^l-' Instead of ' its men * 
read *men of the year/ the word for 'men' being 
tarsuani which, as Miiller has shown, interchanges 
with the ideograph in xxxvii. 14. The word is derived 
from the compound tar-su * to make strong.' The 
expression ' men of the year ' denotes the men who 
were slain or captured during * the year's campaign/ 

40. Before uatadi we must supply tku{kdni sale) * the same 
year.' The da of Uburdas is to be retained. 

46. Read ' men of the year.' 

67. Translate ' the citizens of Assyria.' 
XXXIX. 1. Translate 'soldiers who occupied part of the 
country I assembled ' (veli-dubi). 

5. The squeeze seems to have t *^Tf^M ^^^"2* or gi or ri, 
which, however, cannot be correct. Retain the da 
of Da-di'ka-i. Babani is ' distant.* 

8. Read i{kukan% sale) * the same year.' 

11. The squeeze has khu followed by what is rather hi than 


12. The squeeze reads {Ba-Yu-a-ta-i'di instead of . . hu-a- 


14. Read sa-a-li-e ' of the year.* 

24, 25. Perhaps Guyard is right in translating " After 
restoring (siduli) the palaces of the country of Surisilis 
I settled (in them) the soldiers of Assyria who occu- 
pied part of the land." In this case the name of 
Ispuinis would signify ' the settler/ Surisilis was 
a Hittite city according to xxxii. 5. 

30. EidanU'hi ought to mean ' I gathered together.' 

31. The squeeze reads za clearly. We should doubtless 

supply idi (dU'U')bi. Miiller connects Sui with 
suits * a chapel,' and would render the phrase 
'I set in a (secret) place/ But this is unlikely. Sui 


is probably the second element in al-iuis * great ' or 
^multitudinous/ where the first element is al ^to 
increase.' I believe it means 'possession/ so that 
the compound iui-dtibi will be ' I appropriated.' 

36. Instead of my restoration Sa-ti, the squeeze has ^^^^^ 
^i, possibly Zi'kha. 

48, 49. Translate " As a present to the race of Argistis 
(and) the mighty children of Khaldis. Argistis 
says : after I had gathered together the war-material 
(and) the horsemen." Sur-khani is a synonyme of 
aisU'khani, and like it is compounded with the verb 
kha ' to take.' 

54, 55. The construction seems to be ^ after approaching 
Khaldis, etc., (and) the country of the lyaians.' 

58. Read E-ra-dha-li-e-hU'li. 

60. Read uQcu-ka-ni sale) * the same year.' 
XL. 2. Read sale ; ' the men of the year.' 

6. The squeeze has ^^T^ , which may be intended for rfi, 

rather than for ul, 

7. The squeeze has xxm. 

13. Read suiini sdli ' one year.' 

44. The squeeze has te-qu-hu-a-li, 

54. The squeeze has Sa-ti-ra-ra-ga-nt. 

57. The squeeze has A-la-dha-i-e, Babaa is ' distant.' 

72. Sidubi is *I restored.' Compare liv. 1. 

74. The squeeze has V" Ma-na ^^^ Jf Si-ra-a-ni, where 

the second word (which occurs again in line 80) seems 

a compound of iiras * a corn-pit.' 
79. Render : ' belonging to the horsemen (and) belonging 

to the whole army' {veli-iinie from velis ' a gathering '). 
XLI. 4. Read aii veli-dubi * the cavalry I collected.' 

13. Here, as elsewhere in the inscription, the readings of 

Layard are confirmed by the squeeze. 
15. Mumdiya-bi must signify 'I laid tribute upon' accord- 
ing to xlv. 23. 
18. I think that the meaning is Hhe city of Bikhuras 

which is dependent on the country of Bam/ aiuni-ni 

being a compound of iu * to possess.' 


19. Perhaps murU'muri'a'khi-ni is * rebels.* The squeeze 
has na-ci-nu I should translate: 'the rebels of the 
city removing out the sunlight.' 

20. Read khar-khar-sa-bi ies * I caused to dig up/ ies being 
the first personal pronouni and sa a modified form of 
the causative 8U. 

XLIII. 2. Sui'dubi * I appropriated.' 

3. The squeeze has ia instead of ir, 

4. Read abili-dubi * I gave to conflagration.' 

13. The squeeze has pa-rL Translate 'who have given 
portions out of the land of Gurqus, consisting of the 
people of Dhuaras.' 

15. The squeeze has is-me at the end of the line. Conse- 

quently we must read, ' As the lot {isme) of Khaldis, 
I selected a sixtieth of the spoil, both a portion of the 
captives and of the plunder.' 
17. Probably j9a-ri must be supplied at the beginning of 
the line. The squeeze has Ar ' hostile' instead of i^. 
Retain da in the name of Dailatinis. 
39. The squeeze reads Si-me-ri-kha'di-ri-ni, 
41. Kha-sit'bi * I captured,' from kha ' to take ' and 8u ' to 
make.' Translate, ' I captured the war-magazines 
and zirbilani of the city of Ardinis in the land of 
Etius. The same year I gathered together the 
baggage and the cavalry.' 

78. Delete 4* "^« 

79. The reading Jp is correct. 

XLIV. 8. Read tinlie uli turi * (whoever) pretends (it is the 

work) of another person.' 
XLV. 10. Read Qa-lt'u{ni). 

16. Correct * Ardarakis.' Saski . . . is called 'theEhal- 

dirian ' in xxx. 26. 

17. 18. Translate ' I appointed as governor the king, the 

son of Diaves.' 

33. Read a-H-e-li * the whole.' 

15, 39. Perhaps Miiller is right in omitting "^^ at the be- 
ginning of the last line, and regarding vedia-dubi as a 
compound. But his translation, ' I captured ' must 

TOL. XX.— [NBW 8B&IS8.] 2 


be wroDg. The phrase would rather mean * I received 
as a subject.' Guyard is also wrong in supposing 
that {*- vedia is a synonyme of ]*- lutu. If my old view 
in regard to it is incorrect, the word can only mean 
^ female slaves/ Translate, ' I appointed (him) . . • 
governor of the land of Igas.' 

XLVI. 16. Perhaps we should read peli-dubi ' I collected.' 
Ulis * the other ' follows. 

XLVIIL So to be corrected for XLVII. p. 632. 

15. Restore (^-</-t-)wi* inscription.' 

26. Read : Khaldi isme xx tukhi aruni ' as the lot of Khaldis 
20 prisoners he has brought.' 

27. Guyard has shown that we must read atqanieii 
instead of dhanieH and render ' priests.' The trans- 
lation of the line will accordingly be : ' On carrying 
away the 20 prisoners to be priests.' The class of 
priests meant would be that of consecrated temple- 

31. After ikukani sale * the same year ' agubi is impossible. 

We should expect some phrase like ' I assembled the 

baggage and horsemen.' 
XLIX. 7. Translate : * the plunder of each I have taken for 

a spoil.' 
8. ^y y*- is the Assyrian yume ' a day ' used ideographically. 

Consequently we must render: 'Twenty-three cities 

in 60 days I captured.' 

11. The squeeze has i-na-ni-hu-e 'belonging to the city.' 

12. The squeeze reads aa-hU'la-a-bi, which must, however, 

be an error for as-gald-bi. 

13. The squeeze gives ta-ra-ni. Translate: *The same 

year for the second time on approaching the land of 
Etius, the people of Liqis.* 

16. Retain da in Hu'e-ni'da-i-nu 

17. Translate: *the king of the inhabitants of Buis I 

appointed governor.' 
19. Translate : * belonging to the people of the country.' 
22. Translate : ' The same year, for the third time.' 
26. The squeeze reads za-du-bi. Translate: 'The sum of 


the captives of the three countries for the one year 
I made.' 

27. Read sale for mu; 'slaves of the year's (campaign).' 
L. 2. Retain da in Khila-ruadas or Ehite-ruadas. 

10, 11, 12. Translate : * After battling for four days with 
the cavalry of the tribe of Dhumeskis, after approach- 
ing the country during the same days.' 

14. Translate ' a distant land ' instead of ' land of 

16. Read suiini ardinie * in one day.' 

36. Miiller sees in seri a derivative from se *life' and 
renders the phrase ' whoever exposes to a wild beast.' 
The root du certainly means in the first instance ' to 
place,' but it also means *to destroy' or 'over- 
throw ' (see xxxvii. 6) like the slang use of ' do ' in 
LI. I. 3. As Quyard perceived, we have here the ideo- 
graph of * a vine,' written phonetically udulU in 
line 7. 

4, 5. Read a-li-i-ii ' every ' and nanuli. The original 
copy of Schulz has tu-ur-ia-a-ni, which is probably 
a compound of tur (as in iuris 'a person') and ta 
' to come ' (as in us-td-bi). It is possible that we 
should render this difficult passage, ** For every king 
of the same people who belongs here the plant (?) 
of himself (and his) house has (Sar-duris) created." 

6, 7. In spite of the terminations of khaidiani and (erikhinie, 
which look as if persons were referred to, I am 
tempted to render these lines : " the fruit of the tree 
planted by Sarduris he has called Sarduris's (fruit) 
of the vine." 

8. Schulz's original copy shows that the reading is a'{lu-)s 

kha-hU'li-e " whoever takes away what has been given 
for the support of the shoot." 

9. Schulz's copy begins the line with f^^^ ^TTT^ {?, 

10. Schulz's copy shows that here again the reading is 

«-(/«-)« kha-hu-li-e. 
III. 3 — 5. Read : Khaldi isme xx tukhi aruni : nakhddi D.P. 


atqanieii xx tukhini ikuhani sale teru{ni), " As the lot 
of Ehaldis (Sarduris) has brought 20 prisoners ; after 
carrying away the 20 prisoners to be priests, he has 
planted (the vine) the same year/' 
LII. V. A fifth inscription on a bronze fragment from Van, 
which has now been cleaned, must be added to those 
given in my Memoir. It is on part of the frieze 
ornamented with rosettes and kneeling bulls in 
respomsi work and runs : — 
. . . al-du-ni su-i-ni-ni-e i-qi-qi {or lu) • . . 
It is possible that the first word may represent haldu-ni 

* he has changed ' or * a change.' Suini-nie can hardly 
mean anything else than ' belonging to the construc- 

LIII. 6. The engraver of the inscription has probably omitted 
a second tu, so that we should read " the king, the 
men and the women I carried away " {tu-bi). At all 
events the verb kudhubi in the next line must mean 

* I departed.' 

LIV. 6. Bead gudu-li-a meli ulini^ where ulini is * other/ 
and gudu'li-a is probably connected with gudi in 
vii. 3. 
6. Read ali-bi-di and nula-lL The latter word may be 

12, Read Nu-nu-K-e *of Nunulis.' 
IjV. 14. S&li m&ni would mean * that year.' 
LVI. I. 2. Mumuni-ni would be * tributaries.' 
14. Read ^fyj^ 'tiUni 'the support' or 'food.' 
III. 2. We must render * (whoever) removes the gate of 

the land of Ehaldis.' 
3, 4. A re-examination of the cast shows me that da in 

each case must be corrected into />. 
10. Read Su-hu-i'du-li't-e * whoever appropriates this tablet.' 

I will now give the supplementary inscriptions that have 
been discovered since the publication of my Memoir, con- 
tinuing the numeration adopted in it. 


Inscriptions of Ispuinis and Menuas. 


The following inscription was discovered by Prof. Wiinscli 
in 1883 on the slope of the hill of Ashrut-Darga, eastward 
of the village of Pagan and the town of Salakhana, above 
the valley of the Kaper-su. Prof. Wiinsch took photographs 
and squeezes of the inscription, which is engraved on the 
upper part of a niche cut out of the rock in the form of 
a door. In front of the niche is a level space approached 
by a flight of steps, between thirty and forty feet in length. 
Below are the remains of a tunnel cut through the rock 
leading to a spring which flows into the Eaper-su. The 
height of the inscription is 2577 metres above the sea-level. 
The photographs and squeezes of the inscription have been 
studied by Prof. D. H. Muller, who has published it in a 
paper entitled Die Keil-inschrift von Aschrut-Darga, com- 
municated to the 36th volume of the Monuments of the 
Imperial Academy of Sciences at Vienna (1886). Prof. 
Patkanoff had already sent me a copy of the inscription 
(not, however, quite exact) which he had received from M. 
Garegin, the Armenian Vicar of Trebizond. The latter 
describes it as having been found in the Kurdish district 
of Hennari, nine hours distant from Van, and as consisting 
of ten lines, of which the five last are a repetition of the 
first. I have published the text with translation and notes 
in the MusSon, v. 3 (June, 1886). 

1. »->^ E3ial-di-i-e e-hu-ri-i-e ] Is-puhu-i-ni-s 
For Khaldis the lord Ispuinis 

y «-y RI-du-ri-e-khi-ni-B f Me-nu-a-s 
the son of Sari-duris (and) Menuas 

y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-8 
the son of Ispuinis 


2. >^y Khal-di-e-i su-si si-di-is-tu-ni 
of Khaldis the chapel have restored. 

»-»-y Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni 

For the children of Ehaldis, the gracious, 

y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-ni y «-y Rl-du-ri-e-klie 

who belong to Ispuinis the son of Sari-duris, 

3. «m^ « al-su-i-ni « 
the powerful king, the king great the king 

V" Bi-i-a-i-na-hu-e a-lu-si >-^yy Dhu-us-pa-a 
of Biainas, inhabiting the city of Tosp, 

te-ru-hu-ni ar-di-se 

they have established offerings 

4. qu-du-la-a-ni su-khi-na-a-tsi-e 

(and) sacrifices (?) belonging to the place of the workmen; 

J^Tf >-y^ ^ >^y Khal-di-e ni-ip-si-du-li-ni 
a lamb to Khaldis the maker of .... , 

5=y4^ ^y Khal-di-e 

an ox to Khaldis 

6. ur-pu-hu-li-ni ^y^ ^^ »-»-y Hu-a-ru-ba-ni-e 

of the shrine (P), a wild ox to Yarubas, 

Igy >^y Khal-di-na-hu-e 

a sheep belonging to the land of Khaldis 

tSfl} IgJ «->-y Khal-di-na-hu-e 

to the gate, a sheep belonging to the land of Khaldis 

be-li y«< 

to the dead (P). 

2. As Miiller points out, iuii must be the niche, or rather 
the chapel to which the niche belongs. I regard it as formed 
from Sui8 'possession' by the adjectival suffix Si like nuh' 
* royal' from nus *a king/ and consequently as literally 
signifying * the property ' or rifievo^ of the god. 

3. Since in LXV. 10 the ideograph ^y»- corresponds to 
aliuini in LI. iii. 9, it is evident that we must translate the 
latter word by * great ' and not by * of multitudes ' as I have 
done in my Memoir. Aliuis is a compound signifying 


'much-possessing/ * large/ ' multitadinous/ whence aliuinis 
' he who is large * or * great/ 

4. Miiller sees in qudulani an adjective, which he suggests 
may mean ' weekly/ Analogy, however, would lead us to 
infer that it is a second substantive of unknown signification, 
though as sheep and oxen are named subsequently, it ought 
to mean * cattle' or * sacrifices.' Sukhi-natsie is divided by 
Miiller into two words, in the latter of which he sees the 
word nds *a city.' Certainly nani occurs in xli. 19, ap- 
parently in the sense of a city or country, but in cases like 
Khaldi-na-ve -na can only be a suffix. The meaning, 
however, will be the same, whether na be regarded as a suffix 
or as an independent word. Miiller is, I think, right in 
deriving sukhi from «m * to make.' It will mean * an artificial 
product,' like arkM 'produce,' from ar *to bear,' or tukhi 
* captives,' from tu * to carry away.' 

6. * To the gate of the land {or city) of Khaldis,' not * to 
Khaldis of the city-gate ' as Miiller would render. That the 
latter rendering is wrong is shown by expressions like >-^yy 
Ardini-nave >^y *to the god of the city Ardinis' (v. 14), or 
that in lix. 11. The *gate' is probably the pass close to 
which the inscription was engraved. Varubas was doubtless 
the local deity of the spot. 


This inscription was discovered by Bishop Sembatiantz on 
the hill of Armavir above the Araxes, engraved on a red stone, 
the rows of characters being divided by horizontal lines. 
A copy of it was sent to me by Prof. Patkanoflf and published 
by me in the Musedn, v. 3 (June, 1886). The stone is 
unfortunately only a fragment of the primitive tablet ; the 
commencement and end of the text as well as of the lines 
themselves have been destroyed. What remains, however, 
shows that it is a companion text to that of Meher-Kapussi, 
and therefore presumably of the age of Ispuinis and Menuas. 
It must, however, be of rather later date than the inscription 
of Meher-Kapussi, since the character it has the form which 
(except in one instance) first makes its appearance when 
Menuas had become sole king. 


1. (P a-li-)bi-di su-hu-i hu-li ta-nu-(li) 
for the property of another after . . • • 

2. (me-i-e-)8i me-tsi el-mu-us ma-nu-hu-(8) 
libations of mead (P) season each 

3. (a-nu-hu-)ni ^f^ ^ Khal-di-e 
they have prescribed. An ox to Khaldis 

to be sacrificed ; a wild ox to the god . . . ; 

4 li-ni lay --y Khal-di-e :^ 

after a sheep to Ehaldis to be sacrificed ; 

m -T . . . . 

a sheep to the god .... 

6 e Igy-y^ t^ --y KhaWi-e-m 

a lamb to the Khaldises 

6 muk(P)^-ti-ni QI 

(to the god) . . . muktis the messenger 

Hu-ra-a qu-ul-di 
of Uras the 

7 JEIJ E-ra-a-si-ni-e hu hu-li 

a sheep for those of Eras along with another. 

8 za-di-ni rgf^ -tsi 

for the builders belonging to the sacrifice 

^yyyy si-ri-kha-ni 

who occupy the house of the tomb. 

9 (8i)-du-ii i-ni ^yyyy 

.... after restoring this house 


of the possessors of the tomb, 

10. (--y Khal-)di-na-a :i^^ka-i 

belonging to the land of Khaldis for the race of the gate 

a-lu-si me-ri-ip . . 

inhabiting the left (P) 

^ So in the copy sent to me. 


11. («-y Khal-)di-i-ni-ni zi-el-di-e t^< ti-is-nu 

for the children of Khaldis of the shrine on the right. 

I, 2. For alibi'di cf. liv. 6. The word may be derived 
from alis * totality.' For the rest of the two lines cf. v. 
30, 31. 

6, 7. The ideograph of * messenger ' occurs here for the 
first time. It will be noticed that the determinative of 
divinity is omitted before the name of the god Ilras who 
is mentioned in v. 11. This explains Erasinie 'those be- 
longing to the god Eras.' It is possible that Eras is the Er 
of Plato, the Arios of Ktesias and the Ara of Armenian 
legend, who was the Sun-god of Hades and the winter. In 
this case * those that belonged ' to him would be ^ the dead,' 
the Aralez of the legend of Ara. The conjunction iu 'and,' 
* with,' is here written u. 

II. The ideograph shows that tisnu must mean 'on the 
right hand.' This makes it probable that merib(di?) is the 
pronunciation of the ideograph of ' left hand ' found in 

Vll. o. 

Inscriptions of Argistis. 


The following inscription was copied by Bishop Mesrop 
Sembatiantz, at Ordanlu, and sent by him to Prof. Patkanofi*, 
who was kind enough to forward a revised text of it to my- 
self. I published it with translation and notes in the Mus^on, 
iii. 2 (April, 1884). 

1. >*-] Khal-di-ni (al-)8u-si-ni 
To the Ehaldises the great 

2. ] Ar-gi-is-ti-s a-li 

Argistis says : 

3. kha-hu-bi -::yT Qi(?)-e-khu-ni V^ -ni. 
I have conquered of the town Qiekhus the land. 

4. khu-dhu-(bi) pa-ri >-^yy Is-ti-ma-ni-(e) 
I departed out of the city of Istimas 


6. '^ sa-na ap-ti-ni 

(and) the country thereto belonging which was called 

6. li-me-i-e-li qi-i-hu 

7. y Ar-gi-is-ti-ni 
belonging to Argistis, 

8. « ^TT?^^ « V^ Bi-a-na-hu-e 
the king powerful, king of Bianas, 

9. a-iu-(8i) »-^yy Dhu- US-pa »-^yy 

inhabiting the city of Tosp. 

5. For this line cf. xia. 3. Miiller points out that the 
town of Tsuis is named in v. 19. 

6. This line is quite unintelligible, and is probably mis- 
copied. At all events the copyist must have overlooked a 
line, since before Argistini we require the words Khaldi-ni-ni 
usta-hif * to the children of Khaldis I prayed.' 


This inscription was also published by me in the Mtia^on, 
iii. 2 (April, 1884). A copy of it had been sent to me by 
Prof. Patkanoflf. The original text was discovered at * Ihau- 
lidjan in Chirac ' by a certain Narzes, who communicated his 
copy of it to Bishop Sembatiantz. 

1. «-y Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi 
To the Khaldises I prayed, 

2. ma-si-ni gis-su-ri-e ka-ru- 
to the powers mighty who have 

3. ni y Qu-u-li-a-i-ni 
given of Quliais 

4. V" (-ni) te-qu-ni y Ar- 
the land as a present to 


5. gi-is-ti-ka-i 

the race of Argistis ; 

6. hu-lu-u8-ta-bi 

I have approached with offerings 

7. --y Khal-di-ni f Ar- 
the Khaldises. Ar- 

8. gi-is-ti-s a-li 
-gistis says : 

9. kha-hu-bi -::yy Al(?)-ru. 
I conquered the city of Alru- 

10. ba-ni y Qu-u-li- 
-bas (and) of Quli- 

11. a-i-ni V" -ni 
-ais the country. 

Inscriptions of Sarduris II. 


Prof. D. H. Miiller has published the following inscription, 
with translation and notes, in his memoir on "Die Keil- 
inschrift von Aschrut-Darga ' already referred to, as well 
as in the Oeaterreichische Manatsschrift fur den Ortent, Jan. 
1885, p. 24. He received a squeeze of it from Dr. Polak, 
who had seen the original on a stone in the possession of an 
Armenian dealer in antiquities at Yan named Dewganz. 
The stone had been brought from a ruin at Astwadzashen 
near Van. 

1. (i^y) Khal-di-ni-ni 

To the children of Ehaldis 

2. al-su-i-si-ni 
the great 

3. y ->y Rl-du-ri-s 

4. y Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni-B 
the son of Argistis 


5. i-ni ha-ri su-hu-ni 
for this . . . has made 

6. X M V M III C 

fifteen thoasand three hundred 

7. ka-pi-is-ti-ni. 

It is unfortunate that we do not know to what object the 
stone belonged, as this would have explained the unknown 
word hari, Miiller suggests that kapistitti denotes small coins 
or something equivalent. 


The two following inscriptions were copied by Bishop 
Sembatiantz on stones among the ruins of Arma^nr, and 
communicated by him to Prof Patkanoff, after having been 
published in the Armenian journal Ararat for November, 
1881, along with another which had been copied at the same 
time. Prof Patkanoff published an account of them in the 
Muaion, i. 4 (1882), and had the kindness to forward his 
corrected copies of two of the three texts to me. I published 
them with translation and commentary in the following 
number of the Mmeon, ii. 1 (1883). Prof. Patkanoff observes 
that the five inscriptions discovered at Armavir up to 1S82 
are all mutilated on the left side, from which he infers that 
they have been removed from their original position and 
recut, in order to serve for the building of some edifice in the 
city which succeeded the ancient Armavir. The commence- 
ment and end of the inscriptions have been lost, as well as 
the commencement of the lines, but a comparison of the two 
enables us to restore a certain portion of the text. 

1. 1 ra-a-bi-di-i-ni 


2. (T --T Rl-du-ri f) Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni-e 
of Sariduris the son of Argistis 


3. (ul-gu-8i-ya)-i-ni-e 
(and) the shield-bearers 

4. (>*-y Khal-di-ni al-) su-i-se-e 

of the Khaldises multitudinous {or great) 

6. (>->-y Khal-di-ni) ar-ni us-ma-se 

and the Khaldises of the citadel (P), the gracious, 

6. (pi ^ ma-at-khi . . .)-hu-a-ni-se 

the name of the girls (P) 

7. ( ri-K) T«< ^y y- y«< <y-^]f y«< 

the . . y days prosperous, 

8. (pi-) li si-ip-ru-gi-ni 
a memorial-stone enduring (?). 

9. (y --y Rl-du-ri-s XX) tu-khi-ni ^y ^y -ni-ka-i 
Sariduris 20 prisoners for the race of the Sun-god 

10. (a-ru-ni tar-gi-)ni "^ "V y«< -di su-ya-i-di 
has brought, the choicest (P) among countries hostile(P). 

11. (>^y Khal-di-ni-ni al-) su-i-si-ni 

For the children of Khaldis the multitudinous (or g^eat) 

12. (y --y Rl-du-ri-ni) y Ar-gis-ti-khi 
belonging to Sariduris the son of Argistis. 

II. 1 i -::yy ^y ui-di 

the city, the aqueduct (P) 

^y za-ri-(i) . . . 
(and) the door . . . 

2 y«< ar-ni-hu-si-ni-li is-(ti-ni-ni) . . . 

the booty belonging to them . . . 

3 (ra)-bi-di-ni ►^y Khal-di-na-ni 

the .... belonging to the land of Khaldis, 

(. . . . ra-bi-di-ni) 

^' (T •"'"T Rl-du-ri) y Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni-e ul-gu-(8i-ya-i-ni-e) 
of Sariduris the son of Argistis, the shield-bearers 


6. (>-*-y Khal-di-ni) ar-ni us-ma-a-se pi 

of the Khaldises of the citadel(P), the gracious, the name 

J»- ina-(at-khi) .... 
of the girls 

6 ri-ii ^y f- y«< <y-^? y«< pi.(ii 

days prosperous^ a memorial-stone 

y • • 

enduring (?). 

7. (y --y Rlj-du-ri-s XX tu-khi-ni (-^y ^y -ni-ka-i) 
Sariduris 20 prisoners for the race of the Sun-god 

8. (a-ru-)ni tar-gi-ni "^ V' y«< -di (su-ya-i-di) 
has brought, the choice8t(P) among countries hostiIe(?). 

I. 6, II. 5. It is possible that we should not read matkhi 
here, since in the copy no division is made between the two 
characters \*- and ^y. In this case we should have the new 
ideograph J*-^y * prince.' 

I. 10, II. 8. Tar-gi-ni is compounded like ns-gi-ni and the 
new word Sipru-gi-ni with gi, which may be connected with 
the difficult word gies. However this may be, its first element 
tar shows that it must signify * the strength * or * best part ' 
of a thing. Suyai-di seems to me to be either * hostile ' or 
' all.' If it has the latter meaning, light would be thrown 
on aui-ni-ni in xix. 8, etc. 


This inscription has also been found at Armavir. A 
photograph of it was sent to Prof. Patkanoff, who forwarded 
it to me. I have published it with translation and notes in 
the Mu8ion, ii. 3 (1883). 

It will be noticed that the inscriptions of Armavir, so far 
as they are known, all belong to Sarduris II. Menuas indeed 
engraved an inscription on the bank of the Araxes opposite 
Armavir (No. xxxiv.), but we learn from it that the whole 
district at the time formed the kingdom of a certain Eriduas, 
and Menuas boasts of his capture of the city of Lununis, 


which may have occupied the site of Armavir. When 
Argistis appointed his son satrap of a portion of the terri- 
tories of Hazas, the Mannian prince (xl. 73, liv. 1), Sarduris 
II., appears to have made Armavir the seat of his govern- 
ment, and to have retained his partiality for it after the 
death of his father. It is very possible that it was founded 
by him. 

1. HKhal-di-e -n I i-ni fcTTTT 

For Ehaldis the lord of multitudes this house 

2. y --y m-du-hu-ri-i-s 


3. y Ar-gi-is-ti-khi-ni-8 
the son of Argistis 

4. si-di-is-tu-ni e-ha 
has restored ; this 

5. --y Khal-di-ni-li t^'i -li 
place of Ehaldis (viz.) the gate 

6. ba-du-si-e ku-su-hu-ni 
which was ruined he has caused to be erected 

7. at-qa-na-du-ni >*-] Khal-di-e >-JJ J 
(and) has consecrated to Ehaldis the lord of multitudes 

8. «-y Ehal-di-ni-ni al-su-si-ni 
(and) to the children of Ehaldis, the great, 

9. y --y Ri-du-ri-ni « ^yy| ^ 

belonging to Sariduris the king powerful 

10. « ^y^ -ni « V^ \^ y«< -hu-e 
the great king, the king of the world, 

11. ^^ V Bi-a-i-na-a-hu-e 
the king of Biainas, 

12. « « y«< -hu-e a-lu-si 
the king of kings, inhabiting 

13. >-^yy Dhu-us-pa-e >-^yy 

the city of Dhuspas. 


1. This inscription is especially yaloable on account of the 
large number of ideographs it contains. The ideograph of 
' multitudes ' goes to show, if lii. B. i. (p. 655) is compared, 
thut ginsurie signifies 'belonging to multitades ' rather than 
* great/ 

4. Perhaps Guyard is right in regarding eha as denoting 
' at the same time ' rather than the demonstrative pronoun. 

6. KnsH-ni is the causative of ku, a root which we probably 
have in kii-gn-bi * I cut' or * engraved.' 

10. In xlviii. 6, and li. iii. 9, the place of ^^ is taken by 
alHiiini, and that of V" X*" T«< by sura-re, showing that aUu- 
inln must signify ' great/ and that suras is not the name of a 
district in Van, but a word meaning 'provinces' or 'the world.' 

V'\. It is poHsiblo that Miiller may be right in considering 
Iho j)h()notic reading of the second >-^yy to be wa. The word 
ntini in xH, 19 certainly seems to signify ' city/ and a 
comparison of the two forms Dhuspa-ni-na-re v. 14, and 
Jj/iuspa-na-ve v. 53, makes it probable that na-ve is here used 
as an independent word. Inania will then be a derivative in 
-;//>, like fba-niH from ebas, and we may either regard ina as 
the fuller form of which na is a contraction, or as a compound. 

Alphabetical List of New Words and 
Corrected Explanations. 

Abili dubi (for ahida-dnhi). *I burnt,' literally 'I set on 

fire,' from du ' to place' and abilis ' fire.' 
Abilidnie-khi. ' The son of Abilianis,' i.e. 'the fireman.' 

xxxvii. 17. 
Adubi to bo read zadnbi, xlix. 26. 
Ali. 'And.' Literally 'moreover,' from alls 'totality/ 

(For a-da,) 
AH. ' The whole,' ' totality.' (For a-da.y 
Ali-ki. * part of the whole,' ' partly.' (For a-da-kL) 

Mt id poHfliblo that a/, ali and aht are all rclatod to one another, alu standing 
in the huiiin relation to al as tin to ti, Al means *to increa»e/ hence ni^j/nts 
'having incruaw!,' or * larj^o,* af'sui'ttt's 'great,* and ai-khe *the increase* of 
a placii or 'inhabitants.* The derivative aii-s is 'totality,* while alu-a 'who- 
soever * would literally signily * every one/ and alu'»i» would be, not * inhabitant,' 
but ' uourislier.* 


AIi-a-M-di. * Among the assemblage.* (For add-badi.) 

Ali-manu. ' All and each.' (For aiia-manu,) 

Ali-si. * Every.' li. 1. 4. (For adaiH.) 

Alie-me. 'The sum total.' xli. 13. 

A-li-hu-i-e (ali-vie). 'Entire.' xxxiv. 9. 

(A-li-)bi-di. lix. 1. 

A-i-se. * Countries ' (?) xxxiv. 10. 

Al-khe. * Inhabitants.' xxxiv. 10. 

Al(?)-ru-ba-ni. ' The city of Al(?)ruba8.' Ixi. 9, 10. 

Alsui-nis. * Great,' * large.' From al * increase,' and iu or 
itti * to possess.' 

A-nu-hu-ni. * They prescribed.' v. 31, 83, Hx. 3. 

Ap-ti-ni. * Which was called.' Ix. 6. 

Ardis. 'Light.' v. 7. Hence ardi-nis 'the daylight,'* the sun.' 

ArdisS. 'OflFerings' (not 'regulations'). Iviii. 3. 

Arkhie-uruli-a-ni. ' Family.' (For arkhie-uruddni.) Com- 
pounded with uruli-a ' men of the seed.' 

Arm4nie-li. 'Foundation-stone.' xx. 3. (For armaniedad.) 

Ar-ni. Ixiii. 5. 

Arniusini-li. * Spoil.' xli v. 2. (For arnimini-da 'citadel.') 

Ar-tsu-ni-hu-i-ni-ni. v. 15. (For ArUu-hiA-i-ni-ni,) 

A-ru-ni. xxxiv. 11, Ixiii. 10. 

Ase does not signify ' gods.' 

Askhu-rae. ' May she occupy.' (For ' let them eat.') From 
as ' habitation ' and khu ' to take.' 

Askhu-li-ni. (For askhu-da-ni.) 

Askhas-tes, Askhas-ti. 'Declaring occupation.' 

ASi veli-duli. 'After collecting the cavalry.' (For ASi-hu-e- 

Asuni. Probably 'dependent on.' Correct xxxiii. 14 for 
xxxiv. 14. 

A-ti-bi. ' Myriads,' not ' thousands.' 

At-khu-a-li. * Which had been destroyed.' xx. 3. 

At-qa-na-hu-e. ' holy,' * consecrated.' v. 19. 

At-qa-na-du-ni. * He consecrated.' Ixv. 7. 
At-qa-ni-e-si-i. ' Priests ' (consecrated slaves of a 
temple), xlviii. 27, li. iii. 4. (Instead of 

TOL. XX — [iTBW 8B&IB8.] 3 



Babas. 'Distant ' (not a proper name). 

Ba-du-si-e. Ixv. 6. 

(Ba)-ru-a-ta-i-di. ' In the land of Baruatais.' zxxix. 12. 

Be-Ii y«<. Iviii. 5. Instead of BAD-li. 

Buras-tu-bi. ' I appointed as governor.' From buras 

* government ' (instead of ' court ') and tu for du 

* to place.' Possibly bura or pura signifies * head.' 


Da-si-e. 'To the . . .' v. 15. (Instead o{ Khaldini^dane,) 

Di-dhu-ni. Probably to be read instead of uldhunL zl. 6. 

Du-u to be excised. The character is the ideograph of 'a 
vine ' (itdulut), 

Du-hu-bi means properly * to place/ * set.' The idea of 
'destroying' is secondary. In many of the passages 
quoted the word should be translated ' set.' 

Duris. Probably signifies * appointed.' 

Dusisi-hu-li-ni to be excised. The reading is mesi u-Ji-ni 

* other libations.' 

Du-tu. * Things appointed.' The compound iui-dutu (xxxi. 
10) is * property.' 

Dhanisi to be excised. The word is At-qa-nt-e-ii-i. 


E-ba-m-a-tsi-e-di-ni signifies * inhabitants of the country ' ; 
literally ' those {di) belonging to {tsie) the people (a) of 
the country.* 

Ebanie-lie-di-ni for ehanie'da-e-di-ni. 

E-ha. Perhaps ' at the same time/ rather than ' this.' 

Elipris. Miiller compares the name of the city of Ispilipria 
in Biari (W.A.I. i. 20. 16), where ispi is probably con- 
nected with ispu ' to settle.' 

El-mu-s. ' A season.' lix. 2. 

Eradha-li-hu-ni. (For Eradha-da-hu-ni.) 

E-ra-a-si-ni-e. * For those of the god Eras ' (? Ara), per- 
haps ' the dead.' lix. 7. 


E-ri-du-a-khi. ' The son of Eriduas/ xxxiv. 2, 8. (For 
Eri-a-khi.) This king is therefore different from the 
' son of Erias ^ mentioned in the inscriptions of Argistis. 

E-hu-ri-i-e. * To the lord/ Iviii. 1. 


Gieis is perhaps ' wall ' rather than * image.' Cf. gi in 
tar-gi-niy perhaps meaning ' to stand.' 

Giei-si-da to be excised. Bead giex sida * the re- 
storation of the wall.' 
Gisl&ie to be excised. The word is iildie, 
Gissuri rather 'belonging to multitudes' than 'mighty.' 
Gu-di. 'Commencement' (?). vii. 3. 

Gu-du-hu-li. 'Having been begun (?).' (For 

sal'du'hu'li.) v. 29. 
Gu-du-li-a. (For e-gu-du-da-a.) liv. 5. 
Gu-li. ' In the morning.' v. 26. 


(P Ha-)al-du-ni. lii. v. 

Ha-ri. Ixii. 5. Perhaps ' altar ' ; cp. ha-lis ' sacrificial.' 


les ' I ' (for ' which '). So in xli. 20, The stem is ie, which 
is probably the same as that of the demonstrative t-nt. 

Ik6k4ni. 'The same.' (For 'property.') The suffix -A:a« de- 
notes 'of the kind.' The root iku may signify ' to be like.' 

I-qi-qi . . . (or lu . . .). lii. v. 

Inani-lie. (For inani-dae and inani-da). ' Belonging to the 

Inani-hu-e. ' Belonging to the city.' xlix. 11. 

Ippue to be excised in v. 4, 36. Bead urpue. 

Is-me. ' A lot.' xlviii. 26, li. iii. 3. (Instead of y>- ' one 

Is-pu-hu-i-bi. 'I installed,' 'settled.' xxxix. 24. Con- 
sequently Ispuinis means 'the settler' instead of 'the 

Is-ti-ma-ni-e. 'The city of Istimas.' Ix. 4. 

I-hu-li-i-e (for i-hu-da-i-e), not to be identified with tiu-lie. 



* Edifices.' 

Ka-pi-is-ti-ni. Ixii. 7. 
Eid-da-na-ha-Ii. ' After collecting/ 
Ki-da-nu-bL * I collected/ 
Ea-su-ha-nL ' he has caused to be erected/ Ixt. 6. The 
causative of X*<i. 

Ehai ji-a-ni. Probablr ' fruit/ IL i. 6. 


Ehaldi-ni dasie. ' to the Ehaldises . . / instead of Khal^ 

Ehal-di-ri-ul?-khi. *' The Ehaldirian/ Le. king Saaki . . • 

of xlv. 15. 
Kharkhar-na-hl i>«. ' I dug up/ The causatiTe of kharkhar 

with the first personal pronoun, instead of kharkkar%ah\t%, 
Ehasi-alme. Probably ' they encouraged/ or * prospered.' 
Eha-su-bi. ' I conquered ;' the causative of kha ' to poaseas/ 

which must be distinguished from khau ' to destroy/ 
Ehau-bi. * I destroyed ' (for * I possessed *). 
Ehatqana-ni ' the holy city ' (like the Semitic Eadesh). 
Ehuradi-ni-li ueli (dubi). 'Of the soldiers a collection 

(I made)/ instead of Ehuradini-da-hu-e-da. 
Ehu-sic. Perhaps 'ruinous/ from khu 'to destroy' rather 

than 'holy/ 
Ehuti-a-di. ' By the command ' probably, from khuH 

' royal ' and a ' to speak/ 


Qa-ab-qa-8u(?)-la-du(?)-ni. xxxiv. 10. Probably from the 

same root as qab-qaru ' to approach/ 
Qa-li-i-ni. xlv. 10. For Qa-da-i-ni. 
Qir?)-e-khu-ni. ' The city of Qiekhus.' Ix. 3. 
Qu-du-la-a-ni. Iviii. 4. Perhaps ' sacrifices.' 
Qu-ul-di. lix. 6. 
Qu-hu-li-a-i-ni. ' The city of Quliais/ Ixi. lii. 10. 


Lakuni, laquni. Probably to be read tequni. This will 
explain the vowel e in the form te-e-qu-ni. 



Ma to be excised. The word seems to be a misreading. 

Ma-si-nie. Miiller is possibly right in deriving the word 
from ma 'to he' (as in the compound us-ma'Sis, and per- 
haps ar^ma-ni'lis), 

Me-li-a-i-ni. Perhaps ' a ford * ; for me-da-a-i-nu 

Me-nu-(hu)-a-li-e-a-tsi-li-ni, *The place belonging to the 
people of Menuas.' xxxiy. 15. 

Me-ri-ip . . . Perhaps * on the left hand.' xli. 10, 

Me-i-e-si, me-si-i. 'Libations.' lix. 2, v. 31. (Not 'his.') 

Me-su-li. * After pouring out libations.' (Not * after the 

Me-tsi. ' Mead.' v. 31, lix. 2. 

Mu to be excised. The word is the ideograph of ' year.' 

Mu-mu-ni. * Tribute.' 

Mu-hu-mu-ni-ni. ' Belonging to tribute.' Ivi. i. 2. 
Mu-mu-hu-i-ya-bi. * I laid tribute upon.' 

Muru-muri-a-khi-ni. * Rebels.' 


Na-a-ni. ' A city/ Hence, perhaps, na-ku-ri is * city-gifts ' 

and na-kha-di * city-destroying.' 
Ni-ip-si-du-li-ni. Iviii. 4. A compound of nipiis and du 

' to place.' 
Nunu-li-e, for nu-nu-da-e, 


Ruqu, Possibly Miiller is right in seeing in ruqu the Assy- 
rian ruqu ' distant,' used ideographically. 


Salie. ' A year.' (For sadae ' there.') 

8aldu-hu-li should be read gu-du-hu-li. 

Sa-na. Ix. 5. 

Satirara-ga-ni for Satirara-hu-ni. 

Se-ri. Miiller is probably right in translating ' wild beasts/ 

from 86 ' to live,' the root of se-khi-ris. 
Sida. * Restoration.' iii. 2, xiii. 2. For sidahu. The root 

occurs in sidi-a * afresh.' 


Si-du-bi. * I restored/ 

Si-i-du-li. * After restoring/ vii. 5, 6, Kx. 9. 
Sili. ^ After dark,' as in Siel-ardis ' the darkness-enlightener ' 

or ' moon/ 
Simeri-khadiri. xliii. 39. For Sisiri-khadiris. 
Sisti-ni. ' The third.' xlix. 22. 
Su-ya-i-di. * HostUe ' (?). Ixiii. 10. 
Su-hu-ni. ' He has made.' Ixii. 5. 

Su-i-ni-ni-e. lii. v. Perhaps ' what belongs to the 

Su-khe. Perhaps ' artificial ' or * workmen.' 
Su-khi-na-a-tsi-e. Perhaps ' belonging to the land 
of the workmen/ Iviii. 4. 
Sura-8. 'The world.' See Ixv. 10. Probably from su. 
Su-ri-si-li-ni. For Sunsi'da-ni, 
Sur-kha-a-ni. * War-material.' From kha ' to have ' and 9ur, 

a derivative of 8U. 
Susini. ' One ' (not * walls '). 


Si-la-a-i-e. xxiii. 1. For gis'la-a-i-e. 'Mother.' 

Si-ip-ru-gi-ni. Ixiii. 8. 

Si-ri to be excised in xliii. 13. 

Si-ri-kha-ni. 'Possessors of the tomb.' lix. 8, 9. A com* 
pound of iins and kha ' to have.' 

Sui. * For a possession.' lix. 1. Hence iui-duhi *I appro- 
priated.' Ivi. iii. 10, etc. 

Su-li-e-za-a-hu-a-li. xxxiii. 15. For Su-da (?)-ni (?)-za-a- 
hu-a-da. Compare the Assyrian Suluval. If we read 
Sulie-khaualis, the name will still more closely resemble 
the Assyrian form. 

Su-si. ' A chapel,' or ' piece of consecrated ground.' Iviii. 2. 
From iu * to possess.' 

Tsu-hu-ni-e. 'The city of Tsuis' (as in v. 19). Ix. 5. 

Ta-nu-li. v. 30 ; xii. 2 ; lix. 1 ; for um-nu-U. 


Ta-ra-ni. ' Second/ xlix. 13 ; for ta-li-nu 

Tar-gi-ni. 'The choicest '(?). Ixiii. 10. A compound of 

tar ' strong ' and gi. 
Tar-su-a-ni. 'Youths/ 'men.' From the causative tar-su 

' to make strong.' 
Teri-khi-nie. ' The tree which has been planted.' li. L 6. 
Ti-is-nu. ' On the right hand.' lix. 11. 
Tisul-du-li-ni. ' A fternoon.' 
Ti-u-lie. 'He pretends.' A derivative from ti; for tiU'daie 

* he undoes.' 
Tu-khi-ni. 'Captives.' Ixiii. 9. 
Tumeni to be excised; we must read the ideograph of 

ardinis ' a day.' 
Turie. ' For a person ' (not ' stone '). 
Tu-ur-ta-a-ni. li. i. 5. For jw'-wr-^a-a-m. 
Tusukhani. ' In the spring '(?). xxidi. 2. 

U, HU. 

Hu. ' Together with,' ' and.' Hx. 7. Contracted from m. 

Hu-a-ru-ba-ni-e. ' Of the god Varubas.' Iviii. 5. 

Hu-du-li-e-i. ' Of a vine.' li. i. 7 ; for hu-du-da-e-u 

Hu-e-di-a. ' Slaves.' Vedi-a-du-bi ' I received as subject.' 
xlv. 15, 39. The root ue or ve seems to signify 'to bind 
together.' Hence ve-di-a ' those who are in bondage,' 
ve-li'S 'a binding together,' or 'gathering,' ui 'together 
with,' ' and,' and w-« ' near.' 

Hu-e-li. 'A collection.' Veli-dubi, 'I gathered together.' 
XXX vii. 5, xxxix. 1, xli. 4, xlvi. 16. 

Hu-e-li-si-ni-e. xl. 79. For hu'e-da-ii'tiu 

Hu-i-du-s to be excised. 

TJldis. Probably 'a conduit'; ul-di. Ixiv. 1. 

XJl(?)-dhu-ni. More probably Di-dhu-ni. 

XJl-gu-si-ya-i-ni-e. Ixiii. 3. 

Hu-li-e-s. ' Another,' for hu-da-e-s * that.' 
Hu-li. ' Of another.' lix. 1, 7. 

Um-nu-li to be excised. Bead ta-nu-li. 

Hu-ra-a. ' Of the god Uras.' lix. 6. 

Ur-pu-hu-li-ni. Iviii. 6. 


Hu-ru-li-e. ' Seed.' For hu-ru-da-e. 

Hu-ru-li-li-hu-e. * Belonging to the seed/ v. 9. 
XTsraasis. ' Gracious/ From m ' near ' and ma * to be/ 


Za-di-ni. * Builders/ lix. 8. 

Za-a-ri. ' A door/ For 5:yjJ -a-ri. v. 28. 

Za-ri-(i). Ixiv. 1. 
Zi-el-di. ' Of the shrine/ lix. 11, 


7. y]f to be excised. 

12 The ideograph represents * totality.' 

13. Add.\"^\"^y«<-hu-e(S«/m-r6). 'Of the world.' Ixv. 10. 

\^ \^ T«< -di. Ixiii. 10. 
18. Add. ti^} -ka-i. ' To the race of the gate.' lix. 10. 
20. To be read pilis. See No. 63 iu/rd. 
26. Add. Ivi. i. 14. 

31. Add. Iviii. 5, lix. 3. 

32. Add. Iviii. 4, lix. 5. 

42. To be excised. Read A^. 

49. Add. >-»-y y«< -na. * To the gods.' xix. 6. 

50. Add. >J{ ^y -ni-ka-i. ' To the race of the Sun-god/ 

Ixiii. 7. 
68. To be excised. 

61. ^y>- (a/mnw). 'Great.' Ixv. 10. 

62. I (fgmure). 'Multitudes.' Ixv. 1, 7. 

63. ^y (ar;/wni7/«). 'Foundation-stone.' See No. 20 «f/prd. 

64. ^y y- -ni (ardini). ' Days.' 1. 10, 12, 16. 

^y ]>- y<«. Ixiii. 7. 

65. lEIJ. 'A messenger.' lix. 6. 

66. ^^< (tisnu), 'On the right hand.' lix. 11. 

67. i-«y<y (? merip . .). ' On the left hand.' vii. 3. 

68. <y- ^J y«<. ' Fortunate.' Ixiii. 7. 

69. i^<. 'Wine.' v. 31. 

70. 5:y ^< (udiiiis). ' A vine.' li. 1, 7. 
P71. J»-Ey. 'Prince.' Ixiii. 6, Ixiv. 5. 



The progress that is being made by Yannic studies has re- 
ceived an unexpected illustration since the MS. of the above 
paper was placed in the hands of the printer. Prof. D. H. 
Miiller has just published in the Wiener Zeitschriftfur die Kunde 
des Morgenlundes, vol. i., an article on "Three New Inscriptions 
from Van," copies of which were communicated to him by 
Prof. Patkanoff. These he has edited in translations and 
notes. I reproduce them here with a few additional sugges- 
tions of my own. 


This inscription of King Menuas has been discovered at 
Zolakert, on a hill named Dandlu, not far from the village of 
Tash Burun. According to Prof. Patkanoff, it seems to have 
been transported since its discovery to Eshmiazin. It is 
probably a companion to the other inscription of Menuas 
found at Zolakert (No. xxxiv.), though it is also possible, as 
Miiller suggests, that it belongs to another Menuas, a son of 
Irkuainis. With the latter name Miiller compares that of 
Irkuainis (as the newly-discovered text shows that the name 
should be read), King of Iruias in the time of Sarduris II. 
(No. xlix. 15). The beginning of the inscription has been 
lost, like the beginning and end of each line. 

1. (»-^y Khal-)di-ni-ni us-ma-si-(ni a-li-e) 
To the children of Khaldis the gracious he says 

2. hu y Me-nu-a-8 f Ir-ku-a-i-(ni . . . .) 
thus: Menuas Irkuainis 

3. ni(P)-i-hu >-^yy Lu-khi-hu-ni-ni V -ni . . . . 
belonging to the city of Lukhiunis the land . . . 

4. (Pzi-)ir ma-ni-i-ni e-si 

belonging to each the law .... 

5. (y Me-)nu-a-s e-si-ni-ni du-ni 
Menuas has set. 

6. (si-)di-is-tu-a-li >^ Khal-di-ni-li JJflJ . . . 
After restoring of the Khaldises the gate . . • 


7. (::TT)TT ET- ba-du-(8i).i-e .... 
(and) the temple which was decayed . . • • 

8. (y) Me-i-nu-hu-(a-)8 a-li u 

Menuas says 

9. e khal al a-ni . . • • 

10. khi is a hu te-ru-bi 

I established .... 

11 1 . . bi . . . 


3. Miiller suggests that we should read the city of Lu-nu- 
inis, as in No. xxxiv. 

6, 7. With this Miiller compares No. xvii. 


The following text runs round a circular stone discovered 
in the village of Ghazandi, in the district of Surmali, on the 
right bank of the Araxes opposite Armavir. 

»-*-y Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-hu-si-ni J Ar-gi-is-ti-s 

For the children of Khaldis the mighty Argistis 

y Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s za-du-ni 
the son of Menuas has completed. 


The text which follows was discovered by Bishop Mesrop 
Sempadianz in Armavir. Prof. Miiller has perceived that it 
forms a part of No. liv., which was also found at Armavir. 
He has further perceived that it represents the commence- 
ment of the lines of which No. liv. represents the conclusion, 
the intermediate portion having been lost. It is therefore 
evident that the original stone upon which the text was 
inscribed has been cut into three pieces, probably in order to 
form the lintel and two door-posts of a gate. Like Miiller, 
I add the text of No. liv. 



1. »->f- Khal-di-ni-ni 

To the children of Khaldis 


(y Ar)-gi8-ti-khi-na 
as the satrapy pf the 
son of Argistis 

al-su-i-si-m y Ha-za-ni V -ni 

the mighty ofHazas the land 

2. ki-ni V' Lu-lu-e 
who have cut off(?) from the land 

ma-nu i-hu a-ni-hu-ni su-ga- 

of Lulus, to each as follows has brought a thank - 

y Ar-(gis-ti-s y Me-nu-a- ba-ra-ni 
Argistis (the son of offering(?) 


3. i-na-ni hu-se hu-su- li-hu-a-ni bar-za-ni 
Of the city the vicinity season the 

ul-mu-us zi-el-di 

by season (?) chapel 

4. y Ar-gis-ti-e y Me-nu-a-khi-ni D.P. khu-su 

of Argistis the son of Menuas (to offer) flesh be- 

(ti-ni?) Kyyy-ni-ni 

(he has called it) longing to the tablet 


according to the 

5. XX ku-ur-ni £^»- Se-e-lu-i-ni (hu-)e gu-du-li-a 
20 offerers of the Seluians (he withthebeginner8(P) 

has appointed) .... me-li hu-H-ni 

(and)of them others 

6. a-lu-ki a-ma-ni su-ga- ali bi-di as-ta 
In every case a part of the thank- all the sacrifice (?) for 

ba-ri nu-la-li 

offering (?) the royal palace (?) 


7. a-li ta-a-se a-ma-ni i-ni te-ir-du-li-ni 
and the yisitors(P) a part this setting up 

bi-di e-si-e 

of the sacrifice of the law 

8. hu-ni >^*^ Ur-bi-ka- hu-e ta-ra-i-hu-khi 
the dependents of the clan of along with the nobles 

ni-ka-i ma-nu-li-e 

TJrbikas each (of them) 

9. JEyy -a-bi ip-dhu- u-e ta-ra-)khi-e 
The burnt offerings has con- along with of the 

hu-ni ma-a-(sa-ni hu-ni t^*- TJr- 

8umed(?) (thatareon theleft(?) nobles) the depen- 


dents the TJrbikas 

(priest) : 

10. ma-sa-ni ti-is-ni a-ma-ni li a-li bi-di 
those that are on the right apart . . the whole of the 

h-(a-Ii) as-ta nu-la- 

to be sacrificed sacrifice for the 


royal palace (P) 

11. hu-ni fc;5y»- Pu-ru-nu- li a-li bi-di as-ta 
thedependents among the Purun- . . all the sacrifice for 

ur-da-di nu-la-a-li-e 

urda the royal palace(P) 

12. ^y^ -ni-ni i-ra-di-ni-ni (t^»- Se-}lu-u-i-ni-e 
belonging to an ox the Seluians the de- 

III, a hu-ni J Nu-nu-li-e 

3 pendents of Nunu- 


13. a-la-e ] I-kha-i-du-s i si-ni ur-di-du tif*- 

.... Ikhaidus of the 



2. It is diflScult to think of any other meaning which the 
root ki could have here, except that of * cutting off' or 
' separating ' ; " who have cut off from the country of Lulu 
the land of Hazas as the satrapy of the son of Argistis." The 
context shows that sugabaras or sugabari (as it is written in 
1. 6) must signify some kind of offering made to the gods. 
In I. 6, as compared with 1. 10, it is in parallelism with halts 

* a sacrifice.' The new text makes it clear that the second 
character of the word is ga and not hu. 

3. Use is the substantive corresponding to us * near.' It 
seems to enter into the composition of the word usulmus^ the 
second element being elmus ' a season,' so that the literal 
meaning of the word would be ' next in season.' U-sis is a 
derivative from the root u {ue, ui) * to join ' or ' attach,' 
whence tte * along with.' 

5. As Miiller has pointed out, kur-ni is related to kuruni 

* he gave.' We find elsewhere (xlviii. 26, 27, li. iii. 3) that 
the number of prisoners set apart as religious slaves of 
Khaldis was twenty ; the 20 kurni accordingly must be the 
20 ministers who were appointed by the king to offer sacri- 
fices to the gods. 

6. Alu'ki is the adverb of alas 'every one' or 'any one,' 
like alU'kid or aluke in v. 56. Ama-ni is the accusative of 
ama-s, which we find in the compound amas-tubL In the 
next line we have amani bidi, corresponding to ali bidi in 1. 6, 
and since ali means *all,' ama-ni must signify 'part' or 
perhaps ' half.' Amas-tubi consequently will literally be ' I 

7. With this line Miiller has already compared xxx. 17, 
ali D.P. tas-mus bedi-mdnu bidu-ni. Tase may be derived 
from the root ta ' to come ' (as in us-tabi), the second 
element in tas-mus being the root which occurs in a re- 
duplicated form in mu-mu-ni ' tribute.' Bidi is clearly akin 
to bidu-ni, 

8. U-ni is contracted from ue-ni, from t^ or t« *to be 
attached ' (whence ue * with,' uelia * captives,' uedi * a 
gathering'). The form Urbika-ni-kai, with inserted -wj, means 
literally ' the clan that belongs to Urbikas/ itself a derivative 


^ .■.•Z' ZTEL ^. X taT^r~»im»'Tty^ 


'Tit*' THai 



TT~i^ra^ 1 



£» xr ip 


2. 1. 



~:*jh ' 

ae«^ T^ta 



-■ . 




ixzii a.^y^-T7»»>» —riiiL' 3izi: rhs siizSx "■«^>»^ saiu vo dfeov 

':;iac x sjnac ~3e smuf ^srr: ic jxl ix: 
^ -^.i . . ic in. IS.' 

A'v'. 1x7-'^ --. rsriia* • ':iir!i^ z&^tLS / Conpue a&i/tt 

A; <'k;. iiTi::, 6. • li eTyery case/ 

KttA0-w>^ iT-r.ii. *>. r. 10. • Pats " or gyrrapff ' halt ■) ; ace. 


Ki'^K IxTiiL 6, 7. 'A aacrince/ connected wiih bidm-mL 

yAt'fti UK IxTi. 5, 

Kii, )xvi, 4, 'The law/ 


IImO!;* Uviii* 10, 'To be tacrificed/ 'a sacrifice.' 



Inani. Ixviii. 3. ' Of the city/ 

IpdhQ-ni. Ixviii. 9. * He has consumed ' (?)• 

y Ikhaidus. Ixviii. 13. 

Iradi-ni-ni. Ixviii. 12. 

y Irkuai(ni). Ixvi. 2. 

lu. Ixviii. 5. 'Thus.' 


Ki-ni. Ixviii. 2. * Who have cut off ' or ' separated.' 
Xur-ui. IxviiL 5. * Offerers.' 


Lukhiu-ni-ni. Ixvi. 3. ' The city of Lukhiunis.' 
Lulue. Ixviii. 2. * The country of Lulus.' 


Mani-i-ni. Ixvi. 4. * Belonging to each.' 
Manu. Ixviii. 2. ' To each.' 

Masa-ni. Ixviii. 10. ' Those that are ' ; probably from ma 
• to be.' 


Purunurda-di. Ixviii. 11. 'Among the class of Purunurda.' 
Of. urdi-du, 1. 13. 


Selui-ni. Ixviii. 5. 'The class of Seluians.' Possibly they 
were priests appointed to look after the temple at night, 
the name being derived from seiis ' darkness.' 

Sugabara-ni. Ixviii. 2. 'A thank-offering' (P). 
Sugabari. Ixviii. 6. 


T&se. Ixviii. 7. 'Visitors' (?). Perhaps a derivative from 
ta ' to come.' 

•iS THE crynFout Dfscsipnoxs of tax. 

Tisii. IiriiL 1»>. " On zbe tzsHlzJ 

Hi. IxtL 3. ' Tliiii.' CoEtncted £rom w- 
Ha-nL lirifi. S, 11. * Depjiiient^w' For w^f-Jii. 
Urbika-ni-kai. IxTiiL 5. * Or" the class of the Urbikas.' 
TTse. bcriiL 3. * Viciniry/ Heace «* * near/ 
U5clnia& IxTiiL 3. ^ Season aner seas^xi ' '^?;. Perbaps a 
compoand of V4 and ^«Vri>«#. 


Za-da-nL IxriL ' He has compleced/ 


Art. II. — Some Suggestions of Origin in Indian Architecture. 

By William Simpson, M.R.A.S. 

When Mr. Fergusson commenced the study of Indian Archi- 
tecture, nothing was really known on the subject. He had 
first to collect the materials, and after years of work he was 
able at last to leave the Architecture of India in a classified 
form. This was in itself a great achievement for one man to 
do. But he did more than this. He traced back the develop- 
ments of form and construction in many cases to their early 
beginnings, and thus gave us their origin. It is only when 
this has been accomplished that we can truly say "we know" 
any particular style of architecture. We have still some 
very interesting problems of this kind to work out in regard, 
to India ; and suggestions regarding them, even although 
they should ultimately be found to have pointed in the wrong 
direction, may yet be useful in many ways; such speculations 
may call the attention of men in India to the information that 
is required, and by this means we have the chance of receiving 
knowledge. I have often discussed some of these questions 
of origin with Mr. Fergusson, and he used to refer to some of 
the unexplored parts of India, where he thought some remains 
of the older forms of Architecture might yet be found, which 
would throw light on what we wanted. His mode of ex- 
pressing himself was, " If some man, with the necessary 
knowledge, and with an eye in his head, could be sent," 
he felt certain that there are old temples in many parts 
not yet discovered that would clear up most of the doubtful 

Besides what may be classed as Architectural remains, 
Mr. Fergusson attached great importance to the primitive 
forms of constructing dwellings such as are known to exist 

TOL. XX.— [nbw bbribb.] 4 



in out-of-the-way parts, and more particularly among the non- 
Aryan races of India. Many of these forms have continued 
from the earliest times to the present day. I can refer to an 
instance in my own experience. In this case I found in the 
Himalayas the main features of the style of construction, 
and still with wood as the material, which. we know was 
commonly followed two thousand years ago on the plains of 
India.^ Things have remained very much unchanged in the 
Himalayas, and if they were properly explored, that is, with 
the necessary knowledge," and with the equally necessary- 
eye '* in the head of the explorer, a good deal might be 
expected that would help us in our search for some of the 
starting-points of Indian Architecture. 

The first suggestion I propose dealing with is that of a 
peculiar form of construction which seems to have prevailed 
over a large portion of India at the time of Asoka. We may 
assume that it had a long existence before his date — ^250 B.C. — 
and it may have been in use for some centuries afterwards. 
By looking over the sculptures of the Sanchi Tope, given in 
Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, it will be seen that the 
upper parts of the houses are formed of wood, and that the 
roofs are not flat, as is the case with most of the houses in 
India at present, but they are barrel-shaped, they are round 
externally and internally, producing a gable which is circular 
in shape. We have every reason to suppose that the Bud- 
dhists erected large wooden halls of assembly with roofs of 
this kind. In the Ghaitya Caves it is assumed that we have 
exact copies of these halls, and in them we can see the interior 
details most faithfully preserved to us. The roof is formed 
with ribs covered with planking, and the whole has very 
much the appearance as if the hull of a ship were inverted. 
The end externally where the entrance was, is also repre- 
sented in the caves ; and here we have the circular form of 
the gable which resulted from the shape of the roof. It is 
this round arch which is referred to in my paper on the 
Caves of the Jellalahad Valley, and led me to suppose that the 

^ Sec Architecture of the Himalaytu, by Wm. Simpson, Transactions of the 
£07. Inst, of Brit. Architects, 1882-b3. 


Afghanistan caves were copied from those of India. In the 
Indian caves we find that this form began to be used as a 
decoration; the same as that which took place in Europe with 
the Greek pediment, which was also a gable, and has 
been largely applied for merely ornamental purposes. The 
Hindus adopted the circular gable as an ornament : in 
their hands it became decorative, and was made more orna- 
mental, and you will scarcely find a temple in India where 
this form cannot be traced somewhere in its ornamentation. 
In the Dravidian, or Southern Indian, style it is to this day 
the predominating characteristic of the decoration, and it 
even yet affects some of the constructive details. I sketched 
this easily-recognized shape on the old topes of the Jelalabad 
Valley, where it had been carried and there applied as an 
architectural ornamentation. This form can be traced from 
Ceylon to the Hindu Kush — a wide space — over which it has 
spread, and to the inquiring mind, it calls for some explana- 
tion of its first origin. The oft-recurring question was, why 
did the early people of India construct this peculiar kind of 
roof ? We know that all architectural forms had at first a 
reason for their existence, but in seeking for the source in 
this case no answer has yet been found. 

While in Persia and the Afghan Frontier lately, I took 
much interest in the facility with which roofs, where wood 
is scarce, were there produced by means of sun-dried bricks. 
The dome is the usual method, but it was very common to 
find oblong houses covered with barrel roofs. Some of these 
had a semi-dome at one end, with the circular arch as the 
gable at the other. Now we know that the Ghaitya halls had 
this semi-dome at the further end ; — this, I confess, struck 
me very forcibly, for the one form is an exact repetition of 
the other ; and I speculated on the possibility that I had 
found the origin of the Chaitya circular roof. There are 
certainly probabilities in favour of the theory : we know that 
there are forms common to both Indian and the Ancient 
Persian Architecture ; mud-bricks were as common on the 
one side of the Indus as on the other, and barrel-roofs may 
have been the same. If such were the case, it might be possible 


7. a-li ta-a-se a-ma-ni i-ni te-ir-du-li-ni 
and the vi8itors(?) a part this Betting up 

bi-di e-si-e 

of the sacrifice of the law 

8. hu-ni S;5y>- Ur-bi-ka- hu-e ta-ra-i-hu-khi 
the dependents of the clan of along with the nobles 

ni-ka-i ma-nu-li-e 

Urbikas each (of them) 

9. ]^yy -a-bi ip-dhu- u-e ta-ra-)khi-e 
The burnt offerings has con- along with of the 

hu-ni ma-a-(sa-ni hu-ni J^>- Ur- 

sumed(?) (thatareontheleft(P) nobles) the depen- 


dents the Urbikas 

(priest) : 

10. ma-sa-ni ti-is-ni a-ma-ni li a-li bi-di 
those that are on the right apart . . the whole of the 

h-(a-li) as-ta nu-la- 

to be sacrificed sacrifice for the 


royal palace(P) 

11. hu-ni K5y>- Pu-ru-nu- li a-li bi-di as-ta 
thedependents among the Purun- . . all the sacrifice for 

ur-da-di nu-la-a-li-e 

urda the royal palace(P) 

12. ^y^ -ni-ni i-ra-di-ni-ni {i^>- Se-)lu-u-i-ni-e 
belonging to an ox the Seluians the de- 

III. a hu-ni ] Nu-nu-li-e 

8 pendents of Nunu- 


13. a-la-e y I-kha-i-du-s i si-ni ur-di-du tif*- 

.... Ikhaidus of the 



2. It is difficult to think of any other meaning which the 
root ki could have here, except that of * cutting off' or 

* separating ' ; " who have cut off from the country of Lulu 
the land of Hazas as the satrapy of the son of Argistis." The 
context shows that augabaras or sugabari (as it is written in 
1. 6) must signify some kind of offering made to the gods. 
In 1. 6, as compared with 1. 10, it is in parallelism with halia 

* a sacrifice.' The new text makes it clear that the second 
character of the word is ga and not hu. 

3. Use is the substantive corresponding to us * near.' It 
seems to enter into the composition of the word usulmus, the 
second element being elmus ' a season/ so that the literal 
meaning of the word would be ' next in season.' U-sis is a 
derivative from the root u {ue, ui) ' to join * or * attach,' 
whence ue * along with.' 

5. As M tiller has pointed out, kur-ni is related to kuruni 

* he gave.' We find elsewhere (xlviii. 26, 27, li. iii. 3) that 
the number of prisoners set apart as religious slaves of 
Khaldis was twenty ; the 20 kurni accordingly must be the 
20 ministers who were appointed by the king to offer sacri- 
fices to the gods. 

6. AlU'ki is the adverb of alus * every one ' or * any one,' 
like alu'kid or aluke in v. 56. Ama-ni is the accusative of 
ama-s, which we find in the compound amas-tubu In the 
next line we have amani bidi, corresponding to alt bidi in 1. 6, 
and since ali means 'all,' ama-ni must signify 'part' or 
perhaps ' half.' Amas-tubi consequently will literally be ' I 

7. With this line Miiller has already compared xxx. 17, 
afi D.P. taS'tnus bedi-mdnu bidu-nL Tase may be derived 
from the root ta * to come ' (as in us-tabi), the second 
element in tas-mus being the root which occurs in a re- 
duplicated form in mu-mu-ni ' tribute.' Bidi is clearly akin 
to bidu-ni, 

8. U-ni is contracted from ue-ni, from w^ or w 'to be 
attached' (whence ue 'with,' uelia 'captives,' uedi 'a 
gathering'). The form Urbika-ni-kai, with inserted -ni, means 
literally ' the clan that belongs to IJrbikas,' itself a derivative 


in nEstt £prm Uriu. Tmrmm kit k IbcsaltT ' tke ofipring of 

9. ^^' mar be dsie foil void msxtwins 'i^icsimm/ a£ whieh 
we Lare the ideogrBpo in xix. 14. bcs i; bst also leprcacn t 
o&lj the final part of ii. Its Ukenea^ iiovever, to mbiliM 
* fire,' makes me believe thai tbe tkree AiMimtuss mran ' a 
BMcnBce for fiie^' i>. a bamt-c&rbLe. 

10. JfoM'iu is piobabiT derived fraaa am 'to be.' For 
tititi nee iimm in Ux. IL Tlie restoimdan kmM seems baldly 

12. Malkr soggerts that irmdi^i-Hm eorresponds to ^^ 
(rimu *m wHd hnil\ in the ideographic expression cy^ ^^. 
and agnifies 'wild.' Bat the suffix rather seems to show 
that it most be aome part of an ox ; ' three . . . belonging 
to the ... of an ox.' 


Abi. IxriiL 9. Perhaps * burnt- 'offering-.* Compare abUU 

Alae. IxriiL 13. 

All. IxTiii. 7. • And/ * the totaKty.' 
Alu-kL Ixriii. 6. * In eTery case.* 
Ama-nL Ixyiii. 6, 7, 10. ' Part * (or perhaps ' half *) ; ace. 

of ama-s n onuu-tubL 


Bi-dL IxTiiL 6, 7. 'A sacrifice/ connected with bidu^ni. 


Esi-ni-ni. Ixvi. 5. 

Esi. Ixvi. 4. • The law/ 

Ha(li). Ixviii. 10. ' To be sacrificed/ 'a sacrifice/ 



Inani. Ixviii. 3. ' Of the city/ 

Ipdhd-ni. Ixviii. 9. * He has consumed ' {?), 

y Ikhaidus. Ixviii. 13. 

Iradi-ni-ni. Ixviii. 12. 

y Irkuai(ni). Ixvi. 2. 

lu. Ixviii. 5. ' Thus.' 


Ki-ni. Ixviii. 2. * Who have cut off' or 'separated.' 
Kur-ni. Ixviii. 5. * Offerers.' 


Lukhiu-ni-ni. Ixvi. 3. * The city of Lukhiunis.' 
Lulue. Ixviii. 2. ' The country of Lulus.' 


Mani-i-ni. Ixvi. 4. * Belonging to each,' 
Manu. Ixviii. 2. ' To each.' 

Masa-ni. Ixviii. 10. ' Those that are ' ; probably from ma 
'to be.' 


Purunurda-di. Ixviii. 11. 'Among the class of Purunurda.' 
Cf. urdi'du, 1. 13. 


S61ui-ni. Ixviii. 5. *The class of Seluians.' Possibly they 
were priests appointed to look after the temple at night, 
the name being derived from selis * darkness.' 

Sugabara-ni. Ixviii. 2. 'A thank-offering' (?). 
Sugabari. Ixviii. 6. 


TiLse. Ixviii. 7. 'Visitors' (P). Perhaps a derivative from 
ta ' to come.' 


Tisni. Ixviii. 10. ' On the right.' 


Hu. Ixvi. 3. * Thus.' Contracted from tti. 
Hu-ni. Ixviii. 8, 11. * Dependents.' For ue-nL 
Urbika-ni-kai. Ixviii. 8. ' Of the class of the XJrbikas.' 
Use. Ixviii. 3. ' Vicinity.' Hence us * near.' 
Usulmus. Ixviii. 3. 'Season after season '(?). Perhaps a 
compound of us and elmus, 


Za-du-ni. Ixvii. * He has completed.' 


Art. II. — Some Suggestions of Origin in Indian Architecture. 

By William Simpson, M.R.A.S. 

When Mr. Fergusson commenced the study of Indian Archi- 
tecture, nothing was really known on the subject. He had 
first to collect the materials, and after years of work he was 
able at last to leave the Architecture of India in a classified 
form. This was in itself a great achievement for one man to 
do. But he did more than this. He traced back the develop- 
ments of form and construction in many cases to their early 
beginnings, and thus gave us their origin. It is only when 
this has been accomplished that we can truly say "we know" 
any particular style of architecture. We have still some 
very interesting problems of this kind to work out in regard, 
to India ; and suggestions regarding them, even although 
they should ultimately be found to have pointed in the wrong 
direction, may yet be useful in many ways; such speculations 
may call the attention of men in India to the information that 
is required, and by this means we have the chance of receiving 
knowledge. I have often discussed some of these questions 
of origin with Mr. Fergusson, and he used to refer to some of 
the unexplored parts of India, where he thought some remains 
of the older forms of Architecture might yet be found, which 
would throw light on what we wanted. His mode of ex- 
pressing himself was, " If some man, with the necessary 
knowledge, and with an eye in his head, could be sent,'' 
he felt certain that there are old temples in many parts 
not yet discovered that would clear up most of the doubtful 

Besides what may be classed as Architectural remains, 
Mr. Fergusson attached great importance to the primitive 
forms of constructing dwellings such as are known to exist 

TOL. XX.~[NEW 8KRIB8.] 4 


in out-of-the-way parts, and more particularly among the non- 
Aryan races of India. Many of these forms have continued 
from the earliest times to the present day. I can refer to an 
instance in my own experience. In this case I found in the 
Himalayas the main features of the style of construction, 
and still with wood as the material, which . we know was 
commonly followed two thousand years ago on the plains of 
India.^ Things have remained very much unchanged in the 
Himalayas, and if they were properly explored, that is, with 
" the necessary knowledge," and with the equally necessary 
"eye" in the head of the (explorer, a good deal might be 
expected that would help us in our search for some of the 
starting-points of Indian Architecture. 

The first suggestion I propose dealing with is that of a 
peculiar form of construction which seems to have prevailed 
over a large portion of India at the time of Asoka. We may 
assume that it had a long existence before his date — ^250 B.C. — 
and it may have been in use for some centuries afterwards. 
By looking over the sculptures of the Sanchi Tope, given in 
Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, it will be seen that the 
upper parts of the houses are formed of wood, and that the 
roofs are not flat, as is the case with most of the houses in 
India at present, but they are barrel-shaped, they are round 
externally and internally, producing a gable which is circular 
in shape. We have every reason to suppose that the Bud- 
dhists erected large wooden halls of assembly with roofs of 
this kind. In the Ghaitya Caves it is assumed that we have 
exact copies of these halls, and in them we can see the interior 
details most faithfully preserved to us. The roof is formed 
with ribs covered with plankiug, and the whole has very 
much the appearance as if the hull of a ship were inverted. 
The end externally where the entrance was, is also repre- 
sented in the caves ; and here we have the circular form of 
the gable which resulted from the shape of the roof. It is 
this round arch which is referred to in my paper on the 
Caves of the Jellalahad Valley y and led me to suppose that the 

* See Architecture of the Himalayas, by Wm. Simpson, Transactionfl of the 
£07. Inst, of Brit. Architects, 1882-»3. 


Afghanistan caves were copied from those of India. In the 
Indian caves we find that this form began to be used as a 
decoration; the same as that which took place in Europe with 
the Greek pediment, which was also a gable, and has 
been largely applied for merely ornamental purposes. The 
Hindus adopted the circular gable as an ornament : in 
their hands it became decorative, and was made more orna- 
mental, and you will scarcely find a temple in India where 
this form cannot be traced somewhere in its ornamentation. 
In the Dravidian, or Southern Indian, style it is to this day 
the predominating characteristic of the decoration, and it 
even yet affects some of the constructive details. I sketched 
this easily-recognized shape on the old topes of the Jelalabad 
Valley, where it had been carried and there applied as an 
architectural ornamentation. This form can be traced from 
Ceylon to the Hindu Kush — a wide space — over which it has 
spread, and to the inquiring mind, it calls for some explana- 
tion of its first origin. The oft-recurring question was, why 
did the early people of India construct this peculiar kind of 
roof ? We know that all architectural forms had at first a 
reason for their existence, but in seeking for the source in 
this case no answer has yet been found. 

While in Persia and the Afghan Frontier lately, I took 
much interest in the facility with which roofs, where wood 
is scarce, were there produced by means of sun-dried bricks. 
The dome is the usual method, but it was very common to 
find oblong houses covered with barrel roofs. Some of these 
had a semi-dome at one end, with the circular arch as the 
gable at the other. Now we know that the Ghaitya halls had 
this semi-dome at the further end ; — this, I confess, struck 
me very forcibly, for the one form is an exact repetition of 
the other ; and I speculated on the possibility that I had 
found the origin of the Chaitya circular roof. There are 
certainly probabilities in favour of the theory : we know that 
there are forms common to both Indian and the Ancient 
Persian Architecture ; mud-bricks were as common on the 
one side of the Indus as on the other, and barrel-roofs may 
have been the same. If such were the case, it might be possible 


that this fonn bad been copied in wood, wbere that material 
may have chanced to be more easily procured than bricks. 

The suggestion produced by this Persian roof, although it 
is a very remarkable coincidence, I have entirely rejected, 
my reason being that I have what I consider to be now a 
better theory to offer. 

Not long ago I chanced to pick up a book at a stall, called 
A Phrenologist among the Toda%} To me the Phrenology of 
the Todas was the least important part of the book, but it is 
all interesting as an account of personal experience among 
these strange people, and parts are given with much humour. 
The illustrations are in Photography — the frontispiece caught 
my eye while buying the book — in it is a representation of a 
house, and the more I have looked at this peculiar structure, 
the more I am inclined to think that it gives the true origin 
of the early round roof of India. In a case of this kind 
there is no direct, or what might be called demonstrative, 
evidence ; all that can be offered in favour of the idea is 
coincidence in form, with the highly possible chance that the 
peculiar manner of construction, belonging to what is sup- 
posed to be one of the Aboriginal races, dates back to an 
early period. 

I turned up Fergusson,^ to see if he had chanced to light 
upon these houses, and I was delighted to find that he had, 
and his notice appears in a note which I had at the moment 
forgotten. He refers to the work of Mr. Breeks,* and I find 
that his conclusions coincide exactly with my own. Of these 
structures he states that, — "Their roofs have precisely the 
same elliptical forms as the Ghaitya with the ridge, giving 
the ogee form externally, and altogether, whether by accident 
or design, they are miniature Ghaitya halls. Externally 
they are covered with short thatch, neatly laid on. Such 
forms may have existed *in India two thousand years ago, 

1 By William E. Marshall, Lieut. -Colonel of II.M. Bengal Staff Corps, 1878. 

' Mittory of Indian and Eastern Arehiteeluret p. 105. 

' An Account of the Primitive Tribee and Mouumentt of the NUagiris, by the 
late James Wilkinson Breeks, of the Madras Civil Scirice, 1873. A work full of 
most yalnable information ; but so far as the Todas are concerned, I prefer CoL 
Marshairs book, as it deals with them alone, and its information regarding the 
one tribe is much more complete. 

4"=^' - 




'' i, 




^ 3; 

=5 S: 



and may have given rise to the Chaitya halls, but it is, of 
course, impossible to prove it." 

I give a pen and ink sketch of one of these Toda huts — 
which I trust Colonel Marshall will forgive me doing without 
his permission. The sketch also contains a hut with a 
straight-lined roof — which is not the common form with the 
Todas : here it will show that the curved roof is the simpler 
in construction, and consequently we may suppose for that 
reason the most primitive. It is easy to understand how 
simple it would be to bend the flexible bamboo, and thus 
produce a covering from the sun and the weather ; it is still 
further possible to suppose that in the very earliest condition 
of man, when trees were utilized for shelter, he would 
bend the growing bamboo, and spread over them branches or 
long grass, and thus produce a pansala, or primitive habita- 
tion ; and this would be the first germ of the Chaitya hall. 
The additions which it would receive in its transition from 
the bamboo to a more solid wooden mode of construction, 
which we know the Chaitya hall reached, presents no difficulty. 
The one difficulty previously was to explain why, at some 
early time, the builders of India had produced a round roof, 
like an arch, with wood as their material. The Toda hut is 
sufficient to supply the explanation. That is all that can be 
said ; we cannot affirm positively that this is the source, but 
it is, so far as I know, the best suggestion that has yet 
appeared, and when a better does turn up, I shall be most 
willing, as in the case of the Persian barrel-roof, to give it up. 

According to Colonel Marshall, the Todas are very con- 
servative in everything. No tribe remains perfectly stationary, 
however secluded it may be ; but the Todas seem to have pre- 
served everything about them in a very archaic state, and their 
huts are evidently not an exception to this condition of things. 

I add, also from Colonel Marshall's book, a sketch of what 
he terms " The Tirieri : The Holy Place, or Toda Sanctum." 
I cannot give all the details of the author ; it will be enough 
to say that this is a temple. Constructively, it does not 
seem to differ from the Toda house, or hut. I do not think 
it helps the conclusion I have come to, but to some it may 


appear as an additional confirmation that temples were also 
built in this peculiar manner in India. The Tirieri cont«in8 
a sacred bell — the bell of a cow — and some other relics, but 
it is in reality a dairy, and the only person who enters the 
place is the Pd/di, a very sacred kind of priest, a sort of 
god — it is believed that the Deity is in him — who is cow- 
keeper and cow-milker for the community— evidently a most 
primitive ecclesiastical arrangement.^ 

The well-known Hindu temple, with its Sikhara, or spire, 
presents us with more than one problem for solution. India 
is covered with these places of worship, and up to the present 
day the origin of this temple is unknown ; some few attempts 
at solving the difficulties have been made, but no certainty 
has as yet been reached, and I am willing to confess that the 
suggestions I am about to ofier are here given rather as 
tentative, than as settled, convictions on my part. 

The Hindu temple is formed of a cell, square in plan, with a 
door on one side. The sikhara rises from the walls of the cell, 
preserving the square form to the top : the line curves slightly 
inwards. In the oldest examples the curve is very small 
below, whilst the greatest amount of bend is at the summit, 
the line produced being what would be seen if you were to 
bend a tapered wand. The early sikharas are more like 
towers than spires. The sikhara is surmounted by a member 
called the amalaka, which is circular in plan, and might be 
likened to a cushion, or a compressed melon : the outer surface 
is ribbed. A kaiasa, or jar, surmounts this as a pinnacle : 
emblems belonging to the deity of the temple are common on. 
sikharas, but these do not belong to the problems before us. 

The magnificent group of temples at Bhuvaneswar, in 
Orissa, brings before us the earliest known examples of these 
monuments. They date back, roughly speaking, to the sixth 
and seventh centuries, and whoever is familiar with Mr. 
Fergusson's works, will know that we have not in these 

» Since thia waa written, I have learned through the Rev. John MacKenxie 
that the Ganepine people, or Yellow Race, of South Africa, haye nsliirio^ 
ideaH about cows, milk, and mUking, very like those of the Todas. A woman's 
presence would make the cattle pen impure; chiefs are buried in the wn 
and the ground is trodden down by the cattle to obUterate all trace of the internienk 


temples the first starting-point of the style ; instead of rude 
beginnings, we have here the highest development of it. It 
must be taken for granted that there were earlier efforts, and 
a long course of them too, to account for the perfected art 
which we see has been realized. As yet, these earlier efforts 
have not been found ; if any should be discovered, we may 
yet come upon some indications of the origin. In the case 
of the temples of ancient Greece, the wooden origin had 
only to be suggested, when the truth became apparent in 
every detail. But the Orissan temples are very different in 
this respect ; the parts offer no clue as to what they were 
derived from. Some have explained the destruction of 
previous temples as the work of the Muhamraadans ; others 
have supposed that they were perhaps wooden, and ended in 
decay, or were burnt. Whatever may have been the cause, 
what I have here said will explain why we know so little 
about the Hindu temple, and why there are problems relating 
to it, which yet require to be solved. 

I should like to say something, to begin with, regarding 
the origin of the worship in the Saiva temple, more par- 
ticularly as it has some slight bearing on other points to be 
dealt with. It must be confessed that I do this with consider- 
able diflBdence, because I am but very slightly acquainted with 
the sacred books of the Hindus, and I may have the Pundits 
quoting the Sutras, the Brahmanas, and the Puranas, and 
overwhelming me with texts — a fate that often befalls those 
who venture beyond the limits of what they know. 

In studying the symbolism of temples, I have been much 
struck with what appears to have been a common origin with 
many. I have found that temples have often been, in some 
way or another, a development from a tomb, or from some 
structure raised in connection with the rites of burial : 
** Worship of Ancestors" would be the usual term to describe 
this idea, but I do not like the phrase, for often there is no 
ancestor. I would prefer " Tomb Worship," as wider in its 
meaning ; but I use the words '* Worship of Death," as 
being wider still. I am aware that there are temples in 
which this tomb connection cannot be traced^ and among the 


number I have, up to a few yean ago, always classed the 
Saiva Temple of India. 

It was when in Jelalabad with our troops in 1878-79, that 
the first starting-point of a change in my ideas in this matter 
should be placed. There is a Hindu temple in the south-west 
corner of the town, and I made friends with the Hindu who 
has charge of it. There is a rude temple with a sikhara, and I 
was rather surprised when my friend told me that it was the 
tomb of a Qooroo, whose ashes were in it. No theory could 
bo based on this, but I then remembered having seen the 
tombs of Jogis on the ridge of Delhi — ^little round heaps of 
phistered mud, about two or three feet in diameter, but I 
could not recall whether they had a stone placed in the 
centre or not. Since then. Dr. Sajendralala Mitra's work 
on Buddha Gaya has appeared, and in his description of the 
Walitv* he sa^-s^ '' Towards the south-west comer of the 
outer wall of the monastery there is a cemeterr, also attached 
to the monastery. The dead bodies of the monks, unlike 
thoK$e of other Hindus, are buried, and the cemetery contains 
the graves of about two hundred persons. The body is 
buried in a sitting posture ; and in the case of mere neo- 
phytes a small circular mound of solid brickwork, from three 
to four feet high^ is all that is deemed necessaiy for a 
covering for the grave. For men of greater consequence a 
temple is held essential, and in it> immediately over the 
corpse, a Ungam is invariably consecrated. For Mahants 
the temple is large and elaborately ornamented. It would 
seem that even for neophytes a lingam was held essential." 
. . . ''In the way from Gaya to Buddha Gaya there are 
several monasteries of Hindu Sannyasis^ and everywhere the 
graves are alike." ^ 

Here we have a temple identical with those oi Siva» and 
yet it is a tomb. To what extent such temples exist in 
India. I have no exact information^ but there is no reason to 
auppo^ that they are limited to Buddha Gaya. Front Mr. 
Klvett-Camac I learn, through a paper of his in whivh he 
describes a temple in Komaon with a borial-ground 

i p. 4. 


*' In the centre of the yard is a monolith Mahadeo of 4^ feet 
in height above ground. The priest in charge of the temple 
held that most of the shrines were very old, and accounted 
for their large number by saying that the yard was the 
burial-place of men of great sanctity, some of whom had been 
brought from great distances for interment there, and that 
Mahadeos of an elaborate or poor class were placed over the 
tomb according to the means of the deceased's friends. I 
have at this moment no means of verifying whether any 
particular class of Hindus are buried in the hills, or whether 
my informant intended to convey that ashes only were 
deposited beneath the shrines, but on this point there will be 
no difficulty in obtaining information." ^ We have no temple 
in this case, but there is a recognized Mahadeo, or Siva, 
placed over the tomb. I am able to add another example 
from Southern India ; it is from an account of the Jangams, 
by the late C. P. Brown, the well-known Telugu scholar: 
" Over the grave, the Jangams place an image of the lingam, 
to which they offer worship for ten days. They then remove 
it, or leave it established, at pleasure." ^ The author had 
not seen any of the Jangam tombs, but he quotes a description 
given him by Lieut. Newbold, which I insert here, as it 
contains a point of importance : " The tombs of the Linga- 
vants of rank are generally massive quadrangular structures, 
raised on terraces built of stone, and simply but handsomely 
carved. The interior consists generally of a square chamber, 
beneath which is a vault containing the real tomb, which is 
also usually square. Over the head of the corpse is some- 
times placed a phallus, often ornamented daily with sweet 
flowers" (p. 176). I may have to refer to the square form 
of these tombs further on. Another important point is that 
we have in this case burial of the body, and not the ashes 
after burning. This particular sect are to be found ** among 
the Canarese, the Telugus, and the Tamils," from which we 
may conclude that they are Dravidian ; hence there may be 

^ ** Rongh Notes on some Ancient Sculptnrings on Rocks in Eumaon," Journ. 
of the As, Soc. of Betiaai, 1879. 

' ** On the Creed, Cnstoms, and Literature of the Jangams/' by C. P. Brown, 
Aiiaiic Journ, 1845, toI. iy. 3rd series, p. 176. 


a certain value belonging to this practice of a non-Arjan 
race, because the worship of Sira is now generally accepted 
as not Aryan in its origin. 

The Salgram stone is, in the worship of Yishnn, the 
counterpart of the Linga, and I have a quotation referring to 
it which may be worth giving, as it shows still fiirther the 
connection of this peculiar form of symbolism with death : 
''The Salgram Stone. — One should always be placed near 
the bed of a dying person, and the marks shown to him. 
This is believed to secure his soul an introduction to the 
heaven of Vishnu." ^ 

Here it may be worth noticing how common in almost all 
parts of the world it is to find a stone placed as a mark to a 
grave ; and I believe that most of the rites connected with 
the old stone worship will be found to have had some relation 
to death. When Jacob erected the stone at Bethel, and 
poured oil on it, he declared that then the spot was the 
'* Gate of Heaven." Death only can lead us to the portals 
of the next world. 

The attributes of Siva, I submit, point also to the oonclu* 
sions I am supporting. He is the personification of Destruc- 
tion and Death. In virtue of these attributes he wears a 
necklace of skulls. In the Mahabharata, Dakska says of Siva, 
" He roams about in dreadful cemeteries, attended by hosts 
of ghosts and sprites, like a madman, naked, with dishevelled 
hair, laughing, weeping, bathed in the ashes of funeral piles, 
wearing a garland of dead men's skulls, and ornaments of 
human bones." ^ The following, from General Cunningham, 
is worth quoting, as it is very strongly expressive of this 
connection with death : ** The name Kalanj&radri, or the 
Hill of Ksllanjara, is said to have been derived from Siva 
himself, who, as EtLla, 'Time,' causes all things to decay 
(jar), and who is therefore the destroyer of all things, and 
the God of Death." ^ The General also describes a temple 
at Kand-Chand, between Saugor and Rewa, dedicated to 

^ Stocqaeler*s Oriental Interpreter ^ p. 200, Art. Salagrama. 
' Quoted in Muir^s Sanskrit Texts, toI. iv. p. 379. 
* Bengal Archsological fieports, toL xxi. p. 22. 


Siva, as Martangesar or Mritangeswara ** The Lord of 
Death." ^ 

I think there is good evidence that the worship of Siva 
was formerly, in some way or another, connected with funeral 
rites, from the story in the Ramayana, which recounts the 
origin of the Ganges. I have no doubt but that it is known to 
you all, but it is necessary here to give the leading points of 
the legend. 

The sixty thousand sons of Sagara, while seeking for the 
horse their father had consecrated, in order to perform the 
Aswamedha or Horse-sacrifice, were all consumed to ashes 
by a glance from Eapila. These ashes remained, because 
there was no sacred water with which to perform the neces- 
sary lustrations. Bhagiratha became an ascetic, and by a 
long course of devotion accompanied by the severest mortifi- 
cations, the boon he desired was granted, and the sacred 
Gunga was sent from heaven. Had it fallen direct, the earth 
would have been destroyed, but Siva placed his head under 
it, and thus broke the fall. When the water reached the 
ashes of the sons of Sagara, they became purified, and were 
thus by its means translated to the heaven of Indra. We have 
here undoubtedly a legend which we may suppose had some 
connection with a funeral rite ; and so important is it in rela- 
tion to Siva that he is generally represented with the Gunga 
flowing from his head. It is still more to our purpose to find 
that the Linga Pujah, at least as it is practised on the banks of 
the Ganges, reflects this story of the Gunga. I think we can 
see the legend in the rite. The Linga Pujah is the worship 
of Siva, and the Linga is Mahadeo or Siva himself. At 
times the head of Siva is represented on the symbol, with 
the Gunga flowing from it ; the principal part of the cere- 
mony attached to this worship is the pouring of Ganges 
water on the head of the linga, thus repeating the prominent 
part of the legend told in the Ramayana ; and represents 
Siva, I submit, as receiving from heaven the sacred water for 
the purification of the dead.^ 

1 Ibid. p. 161. 

' Fur the benefit of those not familiar with the Linga-pajah, it may be added 


I may now put the question, is the Hindu temple a de- 
velopment from a tomb, or is it not P My own impression is 
that the evidence just given is highly in favour of an affinna- 
tive answer. 

Wishing to know Mr. Fergusson's ideas on this, about two 
years ago I wrote and gave him some of the statements which 
have just been laid before you. I may mention that my in- 
formation has been accumulating since then. I received a note 
which first stated that " the linga in its present form ... is 
derived from the Buddhist emblem of a dagoba " ; and that 
he was sending me a pamphlet where, he said, " you will 
find my last ideas of the origin of the Sikhara. They are 
not very definite, but are the best I can form." 

The pamphlet is entitled ArcJuBology in India, and is 
perhaps the last work of Fergusson's which has appeared. 
I will give a quotation which bears on the subject now in 
hand : " For the last fifty years the question of the Hindu 
Sikhara has been constantly before my mind, and hundreds 
of solutions have from time to time suggested themselves^ 
but all have been in turn rejected as insufficient to account 
for the phenomena. Though the one I am now about to 
propose looks more like a solution than any other that has 
occurred to me, it is far from being free from difficulties, and 
must at best be considered as a mere hypothesis till some 
new facts are discovered which may either confirm or 
demolish it. The conclusion I have now arrived at is, that 
the Hindu Sikhara is derived from the Buddhist dagoba, or, 
in other words, it is only a development of the style of archi- 
tecture which was practised, both by Hindus and Buddhists, 
during the early ages in which stone architecture was 
practised, subsequent to the Maury an epoch." 

The Sikhara I shall deal with immediately, but here it 

that the Linga is simply a stone pillar ; the worshippers pour Ganges water on 
the top of it, and make oflFerings of rice and flowers. I have seen lingas with a 
jar of water suspended above, and by means of a small hole the water continaed 
to drop on the emblem so as to keep it constantly moist. The celebrated temple 
of Somnath, in Kathiawar, had jaghires attached, the rents of which were devoted 
to pav men who continually travelled to and from the Ganges, bearing ** Gunga 
pani '' to keep the Mahadeo always in a wot state. This is the Gunga falling on 
the head of Siya. 


may be pointed out that in identifying it with the Dagoba, 
Fergusson does not reject the idea of a tomb development, 
for that is the origin of the Dagoba ; in fact, the admission 
implies this very tomb origin I am at the moment contending 
for. Previously to this pamphlet, Mr. Fergusson had always 
rejected the theory of the sikhara and the dagoba being the 
same in origin. In this I felt he was right, and I cannot 
yet, even with such a high authority as a guide, accept the 
idea. Fergusson certainly does not insist that it is the only 
solution which may yet be possible ; and he speaks in rather 
a diffident and doubtful manner in its favour. I do not 
reject it as impossible, for I know that through the mutations 
of development, architecture presents us with results as 
strange and unexpected as we find in other walks of science, 
where time produces changes. In this case — at present I 
refer not to the sikhara, but to the body of the temple on 
which it stands — we have to account for such a great change 
as that of a solid mass, which the dagoba is, and often a very 
large mass, to a small hollow cell, and from what seems to 
have been an established round form, to a square. The 
changes necessary to account for the sikhara are equally 
difficult. I will assume, for the moment, that the Hindu 
temple is derived from a tomb. If such was the case, the 
original, I think, was not a mound or a cairn, which implies 
solidity, and it must, at some early period at least, have been 
square in form. India, with its many races and forms of 
religion, would no doubt have many forms of burial : various 
customs and rites exist still. It would have been a very 
remarkable phenomenon if all the places of sepulchre were 
similar, over such an extent of country There is a curious 
passage in the Satapatha Brahmana, which gives colour to 
what I say ; at the same time, it has, I think, an important 
bearing on the subject. It is as follows : " Four-cornered. 
The Gods and Asuras, both the offspring of Prajapati, con- 
tended in the regions " [conceived, apparently, as square, or 
angular]. **They, being regionless, were overcome. Hence, 
the people who are divine construct their graves four- 
cornered, whilst the Eastern people, who are akin to the 


Asuras, construct them round. For the Gods drove the 
Asuras from the Regions." ^ This passage leaves much that 
one would desire to know as to the exact meaning of the 
words; it is in Muir's Sanskrit Texts, and with no explanation. 

The round graves here alluded to were in all probability 
the stupas, or dagobas. So far as can be judged at present, 
the stupa is a very old form of structure. In the Book of 
the Great Decease,^ Buddha himself, when directing how his 
remains were to be treated, refers to stupas such as were 
erected to contain the ashes of Chakravarta Rajas : he men- 
tions these monuments as if they were well known. The 
ceremonies performed at Buddha's death seem also to have 
been akin to those of the Asuras, which were probably 
Turanian, rather than Aryan. A passage in the Khandogya- 
Upanishad will illustrate this point. The Asuras, — " They 
deck out the body of the dead with perfumes, flowers, and 
fine raiment, by way of ornament, and think they will thus 
conquer the world." * The account of the ceremonies at 
Buddha's death were even more decorative and festal than is 
indicated by the above passage. The funeral ceremonies of 
the Todas and other tribes of the Kilgiris, who are Dravidian, 
and consequently allied to the old Asuras, are also of a festal 

As to the divine people who made their graves four- 
cornered, we may suppose in this case that the Aryans are 
understood. This could scarcely have been the form of their 
graves at an early period, for we know that they buried in 
mounds. There is a hymn in the 8th book of the Rig Veda 
which is very distinct on this matter ; from it we learn 
that the body was buried, and the earth heaped up over it. 
Dr. Rajendralala Mitra has published a paper entitled 
Funeral Ceremony in Ancient India, which deals principally 
with this hymn. He thinks that burial of the body was the 
rule till about the fourteenth or thirteenth century B.C. ; this 
was followed by cremation, and burial of the ashes in an urn, 

* Satap, Brahm, xiiu 8, 1, 6; quoted in Muir'i Santkrit Texts, Yol. ii. p. 485. 
' The Mahd'FariNibbdna'SuUa, trans, by T. W. Rhys Dayids, Saertd Book» 

of the Eaaty vol. xL p. 93. 

* Khandoffifo-Upaniihad, 8acr$d Books of the Bast, toI. L p. 137. 


which lasted till the beginning of the Christian era, when 
the throwing of the ashes into a river began. This would 
perhaps indicate the time when the worship of Siva had 
assumed predominance, and the belief in the purifying power 
of the Ganges water, as well as the legends connected with 
it, were accepted. The modern Siva, or Rudra, is so very 
different from the Yedic Rudra, that he may be classed as a 
non-Aryan deity, and the last change in the funeral ceremony 
may indicate pretty nearly the date when the Vedio Rudra 
had become the non- Aryan Siva ; and this would agree with the 
conclusion which Fergusson came to, that the Hindu Temple 
was originated and developed during the first five centuries 
of our era. Whether the four-cornered grave of the divine 
people was the primitive germ which afterwards became the 
Hindu temple, or whether some structure connected with the 
worship of the non- Aryan Siva, was the source, I think we 
have not as yet the necessary information on which to found 
an opinion. I am still hopeful that something will turn up 
to give us light on the subject. If I have shown that the 
Hindu temple is a development from a tomb, or from some 
structure connected with the rites of the dead, the point may 
be of some value as indicating the direction in which to seek 
for evidence, not only among architectural remains, but also 
in the old ceremonies, whether given in books of the present 
or of the past. 

Fergusson's identification of the linga with the Buddhist 
dagoba is rather startling ; it may be so, but I regret that 
we have not his reasons for coming to that conclusion. I 
know of dagobas which the Brahmins have adopted as 
lingas ; but I should suppose he had more solid reasons than 
a practice of this kind on which to base his statement.^ 

The theory which Fergusson gives of the origin of 
the Sikhara in his pamphlet^ is, as already stated, that it 

1 The Brahmins haye utilized the Great Cave at Karli, at least I found them 
in possession in 1862 when I visited it, and the dagoha was represented by them 
to be a linga. Rajendralala Mitra mentions that some of the graves of the 
Mahants, already referred to in this paper, were surmounted by small Yotiye 
chaityas or dagobas, which did duty as lingas. 

3 Archseology in India, p. 72. 


was derived from the dagoba, with ita surmounting umbrellas. 
He frankly enough acknowledges the difficulties of the case, 
and how hard it is to believe that the horizontal lines of the 
dagoba should have entirely vanished in the transmutation, 
and left no trace behind them. He states clearly enough 
that he only gives it as the best out of a multitude of sugges- 
tions which had occurred to him during the long space of 
fifty years back. That Fergusson, with all his vast know- 
ledge of detail in Indian architecture, had spent such a 
length of time considering the subject, and failed to find a 
satisfactory explanation, is, I think, sufficient evidence that 
under the peculiar circumstances of the case it must be a 
very hard nut to crack. I am perfectly aware of the 
obscurity and consequent difficulties of the question, to 
venture upon being rash, where Fergusson has been so fear- 
ful to venture. As I am dealing in suggestions, I will give 
you one on this subject, but I confess at once that the 
evidence in its favour is but small ; still it must be re- 
membered that theories, even although not satisfactory, often 
lead others to think; and in this way even blunders may 
help towards the true explanation. 

It is now three or four years ago, when looking over a 
popular history of India, full of illustrations,^ that my eye 
fell on a picture called the "Car of Juggernaut*' — not the 
one at Puri; — it was evidently from a photograph, and 
hence I assume was not a fancy picture. Ko explanation 
appears, but the car is elaborate, and seems not to have been 
dismantled after the yearly ceremony, which is the usual 
practice, but has been kept as a permanent temple ; and for 
this purpose there is what looks like a permanent mantapa or 
porch built, and the car has been placed alongside, so that 
the whole produces a complete Hindu temple. No one could 
look at this without a suggestion of origin coming to the 
mind. If this combination has taken place in late years, it 
might also have taken place during the first five centuries. 
At that time, so far as I can judge, the use of cars at oere- 

1 Cas8ell*8 Illustrated History of India, by James Grant, toI. L p. 372. 


monies was far more common than they are now. They do 
not seem to have been confined to Jagannatha. The Budd- 
hists had car festivals, and Fah-Hian mentions them as taking 
place at Khoten and Patna ; that was in the fourth century. 
If the cars of the gods were more common in the ceremonies 
at that date, the chances of one, particularly if it were 
elaborate and costly, becoming a permanent temple, would 
be all the greater ; indeed, it appears to me that it would be 
one of the most likely things to happen.^ I am perfectly 
well aware, in making this suggestion, that my theory of the 
sepulchral origin of the Hindu temple would be in great 
jeopardy ; but then, it must be remembered, that I am not 
laying down theories which have been established, but only 
suggestions which may lead others to think and to use their 
eyes. Should any of the suggestions chance to be confirmed 
as correct, it will then be time for the mental scizzors to act 
and do the necessary trimming. 

It will be perceived that so far the peculiar form of the 
Sikhara has not been accounted for. Whether we suppose a 
car or a temple, how did it come into existence ? I have 
a small photograph of one of these raths or cars, in a dis- 
mantled condition, and most people who have been in India 
may have seen either the cars themselves or similar represen- 
tations. In this one of mine, the framework of the tower 
is left standing, and that part is made of bamboos, and the 
bamboos give in the most simple way the form of the Sikhara. 
I shall ask you here not to limit your thoughts to a car ; you 
may suppose a fixed temple, and most probably a wooden one, 
sepulchral or otherwise, for I am not dealing now with the 
whole Hindu temple, but only trying to account for the 
peculiar form of the sikhara which is a part of it. It would 
not be asking you much to grant that a temple in India any 
time about two thousand years ago may have had a roof in 
which bamboo was employed. Nothing could be more likely. 

* At Mahavallipnr, near Madras, there are nine rock-cut temples; huge 
houlders of granite haye been shaped into temples, and they are called ** raths." 
I cannot tell why temples should be called "cars," for that is the meaning of 
* * rath. * ' I f cars had the intimate connection with temples which is here suggested, 
it might help to give an explanation. 

TOL. XX. — [new 8BBIE8.] 5 


We have what is known as the ^^ thatched roof" of the 
Bengal temple ; as an example of which I may mention the 
well-known temple of Eali at Kali-ghat, near Calcutta. Now 
it is accepted that this roof owes its form to the bamboo 
framework on which the thatch was placed. This form, or 
derivation from it, beginning in bamboo, went in the course 
of time through the usual transmutations so common in 
architecture, and can be now traced nearly all over India, 
reproduced in brick, stone, and marble. I submit the sugges- 
tion, that in the thatched roof of the Bengal temple we have 
the nearest approximation to the sikhara that has yet been 
found in India. The curved perpendicular lines in both 
are suggestive. You have only to get rid of the curved 
line of the drip, a mere trifle, and elongate the height, and 
a perfect sikhara will be produced. There would be a 
natural tendency to elevate the roof of a temple, to distinguish 
it from other buildings, and in order that it might be seen 
from a distance.^ A form like the sikhara could be thatched, 
but the tendency would be, and particularly where there was 
wealth, to use another means of covering. Cloth and tinsel 
ornaments mav have been used, as we see in the raths. 
When the style became established, the bamboo would give 
place to wood, which admits of more solidity and precision 
of structure. Metal may have been used as a covering; — 
such changes as these might suggest an explanation of the 
peculiar ornamentation of the sikhara, which was ultimately 
reproduced in stone. The strong point of this theory is the 
thatched roof of the Bengal temple, acknowledged to be 
bamboo in its origin ; and if the curved Chaitya roof should 
be found to have been derived from the Toda cottage, or 
some similar construction, this, by showing that bamboo has 
had its influence on architectural forms in India, will add to 
the probability that the curved form in the Sikhara was in all 
likelihood a result evolved from the use of the same materiaL 
I wrote at the time a short note to Mr. Fergusson,^ ocm- 

' It is Terr common in India to see m long bamboo with a bit of cloth at tht 
end, which can be seen at m distance, to mark the site of m temple or holy 
s Ihiswasin 1882. 


taining the suggestion ; in reply he said that the idea was 
" certainly very ingenious, and I was at first immensely taken 
with it," but on reflection he rejected it. His principal 
objection was that Fa-Hian describes one of the Patiia cars 
as having been in five stories, this implies the horizontal 
lines of Dravidian architecture. This I admit is strong 
evidence against that particular car, and so far it tells against 
the theory generally. I understand that Mr. Burgess made 
a similar criticism. The reply to this, of course, would be 
that the Dravidian style, which is derived from one story 
standing on another, the one above being smaller than the 
one below, was not the only style in India ; the Bengal 
thatch roof being one example, proving so far that there 
were others. In this paper I have been careful to separate 
the question of the curved line of the sikhara from that of 
the car, which I had not done in my note to Fergusson, and 
his remarks apply more particularly to the conjunction of 
the two. At the end of his letter, however, he says: "But 
putting Fa-Hian aside, the bent bamboo theory seems to me 
to come as near to an explanation of the form as any theory 
that has yet been suggested, but it must stand or fall on its 
own intrinsic merits alone. There is not, so far as I know, 
any authority to support it ; I wish there were any ! " This 
is very much my own view of the case ; when I wrote to 
Fergusson to tell him of the theory, I remarked that I 
thought it myself a very good notion, and that all it wanted 
was evidence. This is the thing which is so difficult to find ; 
and until some old remains turn up to supply the necessary 
links, the matter must remain a question of probabilities. 

Colonel Marshall gives a slight sketch of a very peculiar 
temple form which he found among the Todas.* This is 
quite a difierent structure from the TiriSri temple already 
mentioned. I have copied it for this paper, as it may 
possibly have some connection with the sikhara. There is a 
photograph of this spire in Mr. Breeks's work ; * there it is 
called a " boa," while Colonel Marshall gives ** boath " as 

» p. 164. » pi. xiii. 


the name. Neither describe the construction of the spire ; 
hence, very little can be said about it. The plan of the 
temple is circular, formed of wood about six feet high ; this 
is surmounted by a conical roof, like an extinguisher, about 
twenty-two feet in height. It would have been interesting 
to know how the framework was constructed, whether of 
bamboo or wood : both authors describe it as being covered 
with thatch. The probability is that we have here a very 
primitive kind of temple, and what is, perhaps, of some 
importance, we have what may be called a round sikhara. 

The framework of the cone must have some strength, for 
it is surmounted by a pretty large stone, and this is the 
feature that I wish more particularly to call attention to, as 
it may turn out to be an important link. The sikhara of the 
Hindu temple is surmounted by a member not unlike a 
cushion ; although the sikhara is square to the top, this is 
circular, and is raised slightly, to give it more prominence. 
It is called the Amalaka. Rajendralala Mitra says it is also 
called " the Amra, or Amrasila, so called from its resem- 
blance to the . emblic Myrobalan. In the Agni Purana, and 
in the Manasara, it is named Udumbara, and likened to the 
fruit of the Ficti8 Olomerata.'* ^ This may have been merely 
an ornament, to give a sort of finish to the top of the spire, 
but it is such a marked feature and stands out so distinct, 
that the archaeologist naturally inquires if it is not a survival 
of something that once served a purpose. "We have a similar 
example in the Tee of the dagobeu It, like the amalaka, 
surmounts the monument, and might have been supposed to 
be only an ornamental appendage, but Fergusson long ago 
suspected that it " either was or simulated a relic casket." • 
Now Mr. Burgess, in describing the Chaitya cave at Bhaja, 
states that the tee, or box, had the upper stone hewn out, 
and thus "indicates very distinctly that it was the receptacle 
of some relic." ^ Assuming that Mr. Burgess is correct iu 
his conclusion, the Toda boath, with the stone on the top, 

^ IndO'Arynns, by Rajendralala Mitra, LL.D., C.I.E., vol. i. p. 67. 
* Histor)' of Indian and Kastern Architecture, p. 64. 
' The Cave Temples of India, p. 226. 

^ jj 





supplies a very striking counterpart to this, and justifies my 
reference to it, even if it should turn out to have no relation 
to the amalaka of the sikhara.^ 

Here is what Col. Marshall discovered regarding this stone, 
he first learned that there were relics in the boath. He and 
his friend tried to get in to see them, but the Toda in authority 
would on no account allow this ; the place was far too sacred. 
So they determined on a midnight expedition to the temple, 
with the intention of getting the desired knowledge in a bur- 
glarious manner. A very humorous account of the adventure 
is given. The two gentlemen got in all right, but, to their sad 
disappointment, found nothing that they expected; only some 
ordinary articles were in the place, — "no bell, no hatchet, 
neither ring nor relic of any kind, no niche for lights, no altar, 
no stone, no phallus or lingara. No snakes ! Every one has 
been telling us lies, and the world is full of sawdust." ^ As the 
old Toda on whose information they depended had always given 
correct information before, he was cross- questioned a day or 
two later. After some preliminary inquiries, he was asked 
where the relics were placed, and, " with his hand to the side 
of his mouth, he said in a low voice, ' Under the stone on the 
top of the roof/ " ' In the case of the Todas, these, what- 
ever they were, are not necessarily human relics. The point 
is that they were relics — ^something sacred to be preserved — 
and that is motive enough when we are seeking for origins 
in architecture. Now it must be evident, if this, which we 
may easily believe is a very primitive sort of temple, had a 
relic on the summit of its spire, and the dagoba had a relic- 
holder on its top, it adds considerably to the probability that 
the amalaka is a form derived from something of the same 
kind. Here, again, we have no direct proof : it may have 
been so, or it may not. The suggestion may be useful as a 
hint to others, but it must remain a suggestion only, till 
further knowledge has been obtained. 

The Todas cremate their dead, and they have two burn- 

1 Note also the upper half of roof of Bengal temple. Here this particular 
feature is very strongly marked. 
» p. 166. 
« p. 167. 


ings. Colonel Marshall and Mr. Breeks seem to me to differ 
slightly in their accounts, but I shall follow the latter. 
After death the body is burnt, but the skull is preserved ; 
also a portion of a finger-nail, cut off, I suppose, before the 
burning. These are kept for about a twelvemonth, and then 
they are burned with a number of articles. The burning is 
done at a stone circle,^ and at the entrance a hole is made in 
the earth, into which the ashes are placed ; a stone is laid 
over them, and a man breaks a chatty over the stone. This 
part of breaking the chatty is a custom followed more or less 
by all the primitive tribes of the Nilgiris. I give this 
account because if this stone with the ashes under it has any 
connection with the origin of the stone, similarly with relics 
under it, on the summit of the boath, we have here what 
might be the explanation of the Kalasa, or vase, which 
surmounts the amalaka on the Hindu sikhara. This is, of 
course, assuming the suggestion given above regarding the 
amalaka is correct.^ 

I cannot help suspecting that the Toda customs represent 
at the present day a very primitive condition of the Hindu 
rites, or perhaps I ought rather to repeat Mr. Fergusson's 
expression of " Dasya rites." I am not sure whether the 
bell figures in the old Vedic ceremonies, but we know that it 
does so very largely in the worship of Siva now. All his 
temples have a bell, which is sounded by the worshippers, 
and Nandi has always one hanging from his neck. With 
the Todas a bell is the most sacred relic in the temple. It is 
supposed to be old, and has no tongue ; a bell is always 
placed round the necks of the buffalos sacrificed at the crema-^ 
tion ; the relics which are preserved from the first burning 

^ Mr. Breeks states that the Toda burning-place is called '* Methgudi^ lit. 
Marriage Temple^^* p. 20. This suggests an explanation of the Asnra festal rites 
in relation to the dead. 

' In many Himalayan sikharas, instead of the amalaka there is a small roof 
formed of wood ; it is square, and a p}Tamid in shape, standing on four small 
wooden posts. This yery marked variation is, I think, a point in favour of the 
theory that the amalaka is derived from an umbrella, which would be like the 
wooden structiure and canopy. I believe some of the Himalayan temples have 
more than one of these roofs, one above the other, in this again still moro 
suggesting the umbrellas of the Buddhist dagoba, which Mr. Fergusson helieret 
to oe the source of the sikhara. 


are placed in a hut, and a bell is hung over them, which the 
relatives ring night and morning, generally for neariy a 
year, when the second cremation takes place. When the 
votary of Siva at the present day rings a bell at a shrine, 
which he supposes is to waken or to call the attention of the 
god, he may be only repeating part of an old rite connected 
with the dead, of which we have a marked example in the 
** dead bell " of the Roman Catholic Church.^ The Hindu 
of our own time will not kill a cow, in later times he has 
adopted a more humane ritual ; but his Nandi may yet repre- 
sent the old funereal sacrifice which accompanied the spirit 
of his proprietor, and was thus a sort of Yahan, to the regions 
of Yaraa.^ 

1 I can refer to a noted bell of this kind which existed in Glasgow, and was 
said to have belonged to St. Mungo, the patron saint of the town ; it was known 
as the *'Dcid Bell," and was used at funerals; it **wa8 also rung through the 
streets for the repose of the souls of the departed." This bell even survived the 
destruction of many things at the Reformation, as the following record of a 
Presbytery meeting in 1594 will show : ** The Presbyterie declains the office of 
the ringing of the bell to the buriaU of the deid to be ecclesiastioall, and that the 
electioun of the persone to the ringing of the said bell belongis to the ancient 
canonis and discipline of the reformit kirk." This bell still survives, but only in 
the armorial bearings of the city. 

^ The Vahan of Yama is curiously enough a buffalo, the animal sacrificed at the 
Toda cremations. 


Art. IlI.^The Chaghatai Mughah. By E. E. Oliver, 

M.I.C.E., M.R.A.S. 

Without attempting to go back to the obscure traditions 
concerning the great nomad confederacy or confederacies 
that ranged the country north of the desert of Gobi, or to 
the genealogies of the tribes of Turks, Tartars, and Mughals, 
descendants of Yaiis (Japhat) son of Niih, who, after coming 
out of the Ark with his father, is said to have fixed his yurat 
or encampment in the Farther East, and who have furnished 
subjects for the most copious traditions for native chroniclers, 
and materials for the most intricate controversies ever since ; 
it may perhaps safely be assumed that Mu gh al was prob- 
ably in the first instance the name of one tribe among 
many, a clan among clans, and extended to the whole as its 
chief acquired an ascendency over the rest. The name is 
most likely locally much older than the time of Chengiz, 
but it was hardly known to more distant nations before the 
tenth century, and became only widely famous in connection 
with him. 

It is also perhaps unnecessary to enter upon the vexed 
question as to how the name is to be most properly spelt. 
"Writers who have drawn considerably from Chinese sources, 
and most of the standard authors, like d'Ohsson, Yule, 
Ho worth, and others, have adopted and familiarized us with 
" Mongols." On the other hand, to the Persian writers 
who have much to tell concerning them, and in so far as 
they are associated with India and the countries adjoining, 
they are Mu gh als or Mu gh uls. To Timur, Baber, and Akbar, 
their ancestors were Mughals, and the first "Irruptions of 


the Infidek into Islam " were Mughal incursions. It might 
be urged that the name, as well as the people, became 
Muhammadanised, and both in their proper place may be 
equally correct, but it is certainly more convenient to use 
one throughout, and, from an Indian point of view, the 

The Empire and Descendants of Chengiz. 

If he did not actually establish the supremacy of his tribe, 
Yassukai, the father of Chengiz, had done much towards it. 
He had enforced obedience on many of the surrounding 
clans, had asserted his entire independence of Chinese rule, 
and though, when he died in 1175 (571 h.), the people over 
whom he directly ruled are said to have only numbered some 
40,000 tents, it is probable he had laid the foundations for a 
rapid increase to the power of his state, disproportionate as 
those foundations might be to the extraordinary development 
that followed. When his father died, Tamurchin, as he was 
then called, was but thirteen years old, and for the next 
thirty years was occupied in establishing his authority, first 
over his own, and then the neighbouring clans, facing power- 
ful conspiracies, and consolidating his power. In 1205 (602 h.) 
he summoned a Kuriltai, or general assembly of all chiefs 
of the tribes in subjection to him, announced that Heaven 
had decreed he should thenceforth be known as '' The 
Chengiz Khan,*' — a title something equal to the Great Chief 
of the E^ans, the Shah-in Shah, or the King of Kings — and 
that the "Almighty had bestowed upon him and his posterity 
the greater part of the Universe." Whatever effect the 
announcement may have had on his hearers, he fully believed 
in himself, and henceforth devoted the remainder of his life 
to a wider and more comprehensive scheme of conquest, and 
in twenty years succeeded in building up what, as regards 
area, was probably the widest Empire the world has ever 
seen — an Empire that the conquests of himself and his sons 
finally extended from the Yellow Sea to the Crimea, and 
from what is now called the Kirghiz Steppes to Khurasan, 


and which included lands and peoples taken from the Chinese, 
Kussians, Afghans, Persians, and Turks. 

Not a little of this was accomplished during his own 
lifetime. He had incorporated the neighbouring Keraits, 
Kaimans, XJirats, and other scattered Turkish tribes round 
about Lake Baikal and what is now Southern Siberia, 
received the submission of the XJighurs, borrowing from 
them a creed and an alphabet, and established a residence 
at Karakorum. He had begun the invasion of China, and 
subjugated the northern provinces, the ancient kingdom of 
Liau Tung, and the Tangut kingdom of Hia, though it was 
reserved for his grandson Kubilai to complete the subjugation 
of the Celestial p]mpire. He had absorbed the great Turkish 
kingdom of the Kara Khatai, formerly ruled over by a line 
of Gurkhans, a territory which included Imil, Almalik, 
Khotan, Eashghar, and Yarkand. He had marched with 
three of his sons, Chaghatiii, Oktiii, and Juji, accompanied 
by immense armies, estimated at 600,000 men, into the 
territory of the Khwarazm Shah, whose rule then extended 
from the Caspian Sea to near the III river ; and under a 
discipline of Draconian severity, had harried the fairest plains 
and spoiled the richest cities of Transoxania and Khurasan, 
unfortunatecoun tries which suffered a combination of atrocities 
hardly to be equalled in history. Lastly, he had driven Jalal« 
ud-din, the last of the Khwarazm Shahs, a fugitive into 
Persia. These vast Mughal hordes were subsequently divided 
into separate armies under his descendants. One swept 
over Khwarazm, Khurasan, and Afghanistan ; another over 
Azarbaljiin, Georgia, and Southern Russia ; while a third 
devoted its attention to China. 

In the midst of this career of conquest, Chengiz died in 
1226 (624 H.) at the age of 64,^ leaving behind him traces 
of fire and sword throughout Asia, He had previously, in 
1221 (621 H.), according to the Mughal custom, divided his 
gigantic empire, or, as the distribution was tribal rather than 
territorial, it is more correct to say, had partitioned out as 

^ Some writers make out his age to hare been 72. 


appanages the tribes over whom he ruled. These tribes 
were in many, if not most cases, nomads, occupying some- 
what loosely defined camping grounds, which in the natural 
order of things were occasionally unavoidably changed. A 
due appreciation of the fact that a chief not un frequently 
ruled over a moveable inheritance will assist to a better 
understanding of the difficulties of fixing the boundary of a 
Khanate, and of the complications likely to occur, when, as 
was frequently the case, it became subdivided. 

Of consorts, *' KhatunSy* and wives of sorts, Ohengiz had 
many, and possibly a goodly number who came under the 
denomination of " ladies " rather than wives. Among these 
wives of the highest rank, the chief was Burtah Kuchln,^ of 
whom was born, first JujT, " the unexpected *' — there was 
a doubt about his paternity — and subsequently Chaghatai, 
Oktai, Tuliii, and some five daughters. Between these four 
sons the inheritance was divided, the other children probably 
being given tribal rank below them. To Oktai, a somewhat 
hard-drinking warrior, was given the appanage of the tribes 
of Zungaria, and in addition he was nominated successor to 
the Supreme Khanate, to which in due course he succeeded, 
assuming the title of Khakan. The seat of the Khakan's 
empire eventually became KhanbalTk or Pekin, and included 
China, Corea, Mongolia, Manchuria, and Thibet, with claims 
even towards Turaking and Ava. Before this, however, the 
supreme throne had passed to the line of Tului, which it did 
after one generation in 1248 (646 h.). 

To Tului was assigned the home clans, the care of the 
Imperial family and archives, and, as fell out, the flower of 
the Mughal army proper; to which last circumstance it was in 
a great measure due that his eldest son Mangu, a general 
of renown, became afterwards chosen as supreme Kaan ; 
who was again succeeded by a still more famous brother, 
Kubllai, the " Great Khan " of Marco Polo, and the " Kubla 
Khan *' of Coleridge. A third brother, Hulakii, founded the 
Persian dynasty of the Ilkhans, and an Empire that besides 

^ Beally the Chinese title Fuchin. — Ed. 


all Persia came finally to indude G^rgia, Armenia^ Azar- 
baljaD, part of Asia Minor, the Arabian Irak, and Khurasan, 
with a capital at Tabriz. 

JujI, the eldest, died before his father Ohengiz. bat to his 
&mily was assigned the Empire of Kipchak, or the northern 
Tartars, founded on the conquest of BatO, his eldest son. 
Its chief seat was at Sarai, on the Volga, and it finally 
covered a large part of Russia, the country north of the 
Caucasus, Khwarazm, and part of modem Siberia ; the 
whole being known under the generic name of the ** Oolden 
Horde," from the chief's *'Slr Orda" or golden camp. Batii 
ruled the Blue Horde or Western Eipchak, extending east 
and west from the Ural to the Dnieper, and north and south 
from the Black and Caspian Seas to Ukak ^ on the Volga, 
and carried the Mughal armies over a great part of Russia, 
Poland, and Hungary, scattering fear through Northern 
Europe. Urdah, his brother, ruled the White Horde or 
Eastern Eipchak, from the Eizil Eum, or red sands, to the 
Vzbak country, where Shaiban, another brother, ruled the 
Eirghiz Eazak steppes, while a fourth ruled to the north 
again in Great Bulgaria, and a fifth for a while was indepen- 
dent in Southern Russia. 

From thtrse descended the various lines known as the 
Ehans of AstraUian, of Ehiva, of Eazan, of the Erim, and 
of Bukhara. Excepting the Ilkhans of Persia, the whole of 
these, with their intricate ramiBcations, have been dealt with 
by Mr. Howorth, who, in his three volumes of ''Mongol 
History," has devoted an amount of patient research that 
can perhaps only be fully appreciated by those who have 
consulted his learned work. 

He promises in subsequent volumes to write the history 
of the Ehanate of Chagbatai and his successors, of the 
Persian Ilkhans,- and of the Empire founded by Timor, 
with its still more famous offshoot the Mughal Empire of 
India, and last but not least, an index. Considering the 

* 'Seni the modern Sarator. _ 

' The Tolume dealing with the Ilkhans is printed and will he rtxj ahiortiy 


history of this Khanate of Chaghatai is the most obscure 
of all the branches of the family of Ghengiz, and that in 
most histories the dynasty is barely mentioned, or is 
dismissed, as by d'Ohsson, with a bare list of rulers, 
professing to be neither complete nor accurate; and that 
the Persian chroniclers, who, though near neighbours, 
probably themselves not very trustworthy or consistent, are 
for the most part untranslated, and, to most residents in 
India, inaccessible ; it would have been decidedly more 
judicious to wait for Mr. Ho worth's promised volume before 
attempting any sketch, however brief or unpretending. 
However, while dismissing the '' doubt that would make us 
lose the good we oft might win by fearing to attempt," it is 
as well to at once disarm criticism by confessing no one can 
be more sensible than the writer of the imperfections of the 

The Appanage of Chaghatai. 

The dominions assigned to Chaghatai, or held by his 
successors, included Mawara-un-Nahr and parts of Khwarazm 
and Khurasan, the Uighur country, Kashghar, Badakhshan, 
Balkh, and the province of Ghazni to the banks of the 
Indus. A vast extent of territory, corresponding to the 
modern kingdom of independent Tartary, the western 
and northern portions of Chinese Turkistan, Transoxania, 
with at least a part of Afghanistan. It included countries 
differing from each other in every particular. North 
of the mountains of Mughalistan, the Thian Shan of 
the maps was a great pastoral country, interspersed with 
lakes and rivers, varied with hill and dale, rich plains 
and pleasant meadows ; in the spring and summer covered 
with beautiful flowers and plants, and at those seasons 

* The principal authorities used in the above are : Histoire des Mongols, par 
d'Ohsson, Amsterdam, 1836. History of the Mongols, by Howorth, first three 
Tols., London, l»76-80. Coins of the Mong^ols, vol. vi. of the British Museum 
Catalogue, by R. S Poole, London, 1881. Tabakat-i-Na?iri, byMinhaj-ud-din, 
and Major Kaverty's valuable notes, London, 1881. 


possessing a climate particularly delightfuly though the 
extreme cold of the winter drove the inhabitants to seek the 
more southern and sheltered districts. But it was also 
interspersed with and abutted on extensive deserts, while to 
the east a great townless waste separated the Khanate from 
the Empire of the Great Eaan. Eashghar and Yarkand, or 
what was called the Middle Empire, lay between these 
mountains, and the wealth and population of the south, 
and though they too abounded in wild country, possessed 
many large and important towns, Bu^ara and Samrkand, 
the '* pearls of great price," and the country that went under 
the name of Marwara-un-Nahr. Farghana, Balk]^, and 
Badakhshan on the other hand were rich and civilized 
kingdoms, rejoicing in cultivated fields and flourishing cities, 
less prosperous perhaps than before the devastating visits of 
Chengiz, but gradually recovering themselves. 

The inhabitants of a good deal of this western part of 
the Khanate, more especially Bukhara and Samrkand, 
had much more in common with their south-western 
neighbours, to whom they were more nearly allied by 
blood, culture, and religion, than with the more vigorous 
but less civilized Chaghataides ; and though they re- 
mained subject to the family till the appearance of 
Timur, it was more generally as dependencies than as 
integral parts of the Empire. The first head-quarters of 
the Khans is said to have been Bishballk, but Chaghatai 
himself soon moved his summer residence to Almallk (or 
Almaligh), which place was certainly one of the capitals 
from a very early date, 1234 (652 h.), and continued to be, 
at least nominally so, until the end of the dynasty. The 
sovereign is reputed as residing there in the time of Hulaku, 
1254 (652 H.), and Ibn Batuta in 1334 (735 h.) speaks of 
its being still recognized as the proper capital. 


The Geography of the Khanate, 

Information regarding the whilom famous towns and 
places in the north-eastern part of the Khanate is very 
scanty. Besides the wars, emigrations, and movements of a 
people, themselves mainly nomads, great physical changes 
have taken place during the six centuries that have elapsed 
since the death of Qhengiz. "What were once flourishing 
cities have in many cases been replaced by sandy deserts, 
and the very sites of others been lost to human ken for the 
latter half of that period. Scattered notices are to be found 
left by the early mediaeval travellers, and to the Buddhists 
and Chinese we are more especially indebted for fragmentary 
notes regarding many. 

Karakorum, which still stands among the mountains of 
Mongolia, was the chief seat, first of the Khans of Kerait, 
and next the probable residence of the Great Kaans until 
Kubilai moved his capital to Khanbalik, the modern Pekin. 
Bishballk (Pentapolis), the ancient chief seat of the XJlghurs, 
the Bie-sze-ma and Bie-shi-hdli of Chinese writers, is supposed 
to be the modern Urumtsi. Almallk is mentioned by many. 
Ye-liu Tch'u-tsai, the Chinese statesman who accompanied in 
1219 (616 H.) Chengiz Khan during his conquest of the 
West, after describing the Sairam Nor, the lake on the top 
of the mountain of Yin-shan, and the dense forest of apple 
trees to the south, *' through which the sunbeams cannot 
penetrate," goes on to A-li-ma, the "city of apples," named 
after these apple orchards round it.^ Grapes and pears, he 
says, also abounded, and the people cultivated five kinds 
of grain, and eight or nine cities were subject to them. 
Tch'ang Tch'un, a Taouist monk, on his way to and from 
the court of Chengiz in 1221 and 1224 (618 to 621 h.), de- 
scribes the "lake of Heaven" or Sairam Nor, and after 
passing through the Talki defile, comes to the " apple city," 
A'li-ma, where he was entertained by the rulers of the 

^ Aiima is the TurkUh for * apple.' 


F'U'MH-man or Mq^fnana, Tch'ang Te, an enroj aent from 
Maagii Kaaa to his brother Halakii, who had just defeated 
the Khalif of BaghdSd, de^scribea the abundance of fruit at 
A-U-ma^lL ''Ifeloos, grapes, pomegranates, of excellent 
qoalitr. The reserroirs in the market-places connected with 
nmning water." ^ The 3Inhainmadans lired," he aaya, 
'* mach with the Chinese, until gradually their customa had 
asshniLited. On the mountains round grew, but poorlj, many 
cypresses ; but the dwelling-houses and bazaars stood inter- 
spersed amid gardens. In the winter the people used sledges 
drawn by horses, which carried heary burdens very quickly. 
Gold, silver, and copper coins were in use, having inscriptiona, 
bat no square holes. 

Bilasa^un, CoL Yule considers may have been the capital 
of the ancient empire of the Kara Khitai, and where, about 
1125 (519 H.), the Giir Khan fixed his residence and estab- 
lished the Buddhist faith, and where his successors were still 
reigning in 1208 (605 h.}, when the Khan of the Xaimans 
eooght shelter at his court, married his daughter, and eventu- 
allv ousted him from a large part of his dominions. One of 
the Chinese travellers above mentioned calls it J7if-«v-aro- 
lu'do,^ the capital of the Kara Khitai. or Si-iiao^ and says 
several "tens of cities'* were subject to it. It was also 
associated with the semi-mythical Pope-King Prester John. 
After the kingdom had been overthrown by Chengiz, and 
this city passed to Chaghatai, little more is traceable 
regarding it. Its position can hardly be fixed. Colonel 
Yule puts it east of the Klzll Bashi Lake ; Mr. Howorth, 
more doubtfully, near the modern It-Kitchu, in the Chu 
valley. Several other authorities incline to place it some- 
where in the valley of the Chu River. Imil was another 
rival capital of the Kara Khitais, and, as will be noticed here- 
after, subsequently the capital of the Khans of Mughalistan, 
when they made their yearly journeys from Kashghar and 
Yarkand to the north of the Thian Shan Mountains. The 
" Omyl *' of Carpirai, it was probably the " Aimol Guja ** 

1 JTo-lu^, probably meftning ** Orda ** or camp. 


of Timur, as he called the capital of the " Jettah '* or 
Mughalistan monarchs, and their royal residence in 1389 
(792 H ). The city stood on the banks of the river of the 
same name, near where the latter flows into the Alakul, and 
is represented by the present frontier town of Chuguchak, or 
Tarbogotai. Kabalik, or Eayalik, would appear to correspond 
to the Cailac of Rubruquis, who halted there for ten days in 
1254 (652 H.), the Khanlak of Edrisi,^ and the modern 
Eainak referred to by Valikhanofl".^ It is placed by most 
writers in the vicinity of Lake Balkash, though some ^ 
incline to identify it with the greater Yelduz* of Timur. 
Yelduz, however, according to the Rauzat-us-Safa, was among 
the spurs of the Thian Shan, slightly to the left of the great 
caravan route. It was celebrated for its beautiful springs, 
luxuriant meadows, and fine breezes, and was the plstce 
where, after his campaign against the "Jettah nation," 
Timur camped for some time, devoted to feasting and recrea- 
tion, in l;^89 (792 h.). 

Naturally the most important places lay along the principal 
land-routes between China and Europe. The chief of these 
differ but little from the post and caravan routes of the 
present day. In fact, in a country so intersected by 
lofty mountain ridges, with a limited number of passes, 
this could hardly be otherwise. From those followed by 
Zemarchus, who went on a mission for the Emperor 
Justinian about 569, or the Buddhist Hiwen Thsang, who 
travelled over a part of the ground in 629 (8 h), the 
routes taken by mediaeval travellers, and that of the Russians 
of to-day, varied but little. The main highway was the 
northern road which left China by its extreme north-western 
comer and crossed the desert of Gobi to Kamil, the Hamil 
or former Igu of the Chinese, from which town two routes 
diverged, one on either side of the Thian Shan mountains. 

* Vide his Geography, written in 1153-64. 

* Vide " The Kussians in Asia." 
' Kitter, etc. 

* Timur refers to two, Katchak Yelduz and Olugh Yelduz, the latter about 
46 leagues south of the former. 

TOL. XX. — [new BBRIBB.J 6 


Polo describes the people of Kamil as all Buddhists in hia 
day, but in 1419 (822 h.) Shah Rukh's enroys found a 
mosque and a temple side by side. An ancient city of the 
XJighurs, it is now a Chinese commissariat dep6t. The 
southern route was through Turfan, a town bearing the same 
name when visited by Benedict Goes about 1615 (1024 h.), 
and when taken by Yakub Ehan, the Amir of Kashghar^ 
in 1870 ; Karashahr, or " Black town/* on the Kaida 
River, the " Yenki'* of the Chinese writers and the ^^Cicalis ** 
of Benedict Goes; Euchar, or ^' Ctuna" as Goes calls it, 
a place still of some importance; Bai, the **Pein** of 
Polo, which is noticed by Ibn Muhalhal as ''a great 
city where jade is found in the river, and a red stone good 
for the spleen " ; but one now better known for its sheep 
farming and felt manufstcture ; and lastly Aksu (*' white 
water "), a town appearing in the Chinese annals as early as 
the second century B.C., possibly the Auxacia of Ptolemy. 
Once the residence of the kings of Kashghar and Yarkand, 
it is still a central point of Chinese trade. Here the main 
routes diverge, one going on to Kashghar and Yarkand, 
thence over the Muzart Pass along both sides of the Isik 
Kul towards the valley of the Chii River. The Isik Kul, or 
** warm lake," may have been so named on account of the 
numerous warm springs on its southern shore, and from the 
fact that there is only the thinnest crust of ice along its edge 
in winter. Hiwen Thsang calls it " Thsing tchi/* and has 
many stories of the dragons, fish, and extraordinary monsters 
that rose out of it. The Chinese spoke of it as " Zhe hai/* or 
"Yan hai," which had much the same meaning. To the 
Kalmuks it was " Temurtu Nor^** or the iron lake, on account 
of the black iron sand on its shores ; and to the Khirghiz 
" Tuzgitl" or salt lake. The latter have many legends 
regarding it. The water is of a deep dark blue, shut in by 
mountains. At the eastern end the shore is thickly strewn 
with skulls and bones, where they say in ancient times a 
great battle was fought, and these are the remains of the 
slain. Others say, that here stood a city, submerged for its 
wickedness, and in connection with which Schuyler tells a 


somewhat good story.^ That in former times cities existed 
on its shores, that have since been submerged, both the 
legends and the old Chinese maps agree to render probable. 
Ruins are still visible under water, and the level may pos- 
sibly have risen. It is now 5300 feet above mean sea-level. 
To the north of the Thian Shan the route lay, if not 
through, at least near to Bishballk; thence by the modern 
town of Ku-kara-usu ; by the Sairam Nor, the Talki Pass, 
and Almalik, very nearly approximating to what till lately 
was one of the great Imperial Chinese post roads, joining 
the one from Kayallk and the modern route to Sempolatinsk 
at Altyn Imll, the " golden saddle." This road met the 
southern route at Almatu, a little town at the foot of the 
mountains, on a small stream called Almatin — ^both probably 
connected with abundance of apples — and corresponding to 
the present flourishing Siberian town of Vierny. A little 
further along, just over the Eastak Pass, Col. Yule suggests 
the probable site of Asparah, a place frequently mentioned 
in Timur's wars, and probably corresponding to the Equius 
of Rubruquis. A little further still is Tokmak, the old town 
now in almost undistinguishable ruin about fifteen miles 
from the present Russian station. It was formerly the 
capital of a principality. The Mughal writers spoke of the 
Sultan of Tokmak, meaning probably Khwfirazm Shah. 
Hiwen Thsang refers to it as a city six to seven /* in cir- 
cumference, the meeting-place of merchants from diflferent 
kingdoms, and Tch'ang Te in 1259 (658 h.) as " having a 
numerous population, the surrounding country irrigated in 
all directions by canals." The route thence passed on to 
Talas, a well-known and ancient city of considerable im- 
portance. Zemarchus would seem to have met the Persian 
Ambassador here in 569. Hiwen Thsang in 629 (8 h.) calls 
it Ta-lO'See, and says it was eight or nine li in circumference, 
many merchants from many countries living there. Tch'ang 
T'chun in 1222 (619 h.), Tchang Te in 1259 (658 h.), and 
Hethum, the King of Armenia, in 1254 (652 h.), refer to 

^ Schuyler^s Turkistan, vol. ii. p. 122. 


passing through it, and many Muhammadan historiand 
speak in praise of its rich meadows. It was probably at 
or near the modern Aulie-ata, an insignificant country 
town. Some ruins ten miles away may possibly be 
the site. Either a little east or west of Talas was the 
" Valley of the thousand springs," the " Ming Bulak/* or 
"Thsian T/mouen" where Hiwen Thsang makes the Gtuv 
Khan of the Turks pass his summers. It was very likely 
the identical place where Zemarchus met his predecessor 
sixty years before. Sairam, a little further on, may be the 
^^ Sai'lan** of the Chinese travellers, where was a "tower 
in which Muhammadans worship." Near this, Isfidjab, to 
give its Muhammadan name, the "Pt-shui'* or white water of 
Hiwen Thsang, who described it as six or seven li in circum- 
ference, and says he preferred the climate of Ta-h-see. The 
modern Turkish name is Chimkent, possibly a corruption 
of " Chaim '* and " Kent" Spring-town. 

From here two great routes again diverge, the one passing 
by Yassi, now the town called Turkistan, where Timur in 
1397 (800 H.), while waiting for his bride, Tuket Ehaniin, 
built a mosque over the tomb of Hazrat Hodji Akhmad 
Yasaki, a celebrated Central Asian Saint. By Yangigand, 
also called Yannikent or new town, the *' Kong yu " or 
** Tangy " of Hiwen Thsang, " a town five or six li in cir- 
cumference, the plain round particularly rich and fertile, 
with magnificent gardens and forests," and which appears 
ou modern maps as Yangi Kurgan. And thence north- 
westward, following the Sihiin between the Kizil Kum (red 
sands) and the Kara-Tagh (black mountains ^), towards the 
Aral Sea and the Khanate of Kipchak. The other by Sha^ 
or Tash Kant (stone city) to Transoxania. 

Another much less frequented route was the one via 
Kashghar over the Terek Pass into Farghanah. And a 
third still less used, though taken by Benedict Qtoes, and 
in former times bv some of the Khans of Turkistan, was by 
Yarkand, Yanghihissar, the Bam i Dunya (Roof of the 

^ Viz. not coTered with perpetual snow. 


world), into Badakh^an and the upper valley of the 

In the little compact kingdom of Farghanah, rich in fruits 
and grains, orchards and gardens, with a fertile soil and a 
temperate climate, shut in on three sides by snowcapped 
mountains, the flourishing cities are better known and would 
seem to have changed but little. Akghl, or Aksikat, was a 
mint town of the Samanis 919 (307 h.), of the Khalifs in 
1004 (397 H.), and in 1494 (900 h.), the second town of 
importance in the valley and the residence of OmarSheikh, 
B&ber's father. Andigan was B&ber's own capital. Uzgand, 
XJsh, and Marghilan are noticed as places of importance by 
many writers. Khujand, the modern Hodjent, is thought 
to correspond with Cyreschata or Cyropolis, the outmost city 
built by Cyrus ; a strong place taken by Alexander. It was 
a mint town of Ilik Nasr in 999 (390 h.), and was almost 
destroyed by Chengiz 1220 (617 h.). The fame of its fruit 
was described by Bdber ; the value of its trade was a constant 
apple of discord between Bukhara and Khokand, and it cost 
many Hussian lives to take it in 1866. From Khujand, all 
the way along the valley of the Sihun, or Jaxartes, the whole 
country is studded with the remains of what were probably 
once large and flourishing towns. There is an old legend to 
the eflect that the whole valley, from the source of the river to 
the Sea of Aral, was once so thickly settled, that a nightingale 
could fly from branch to branch of the fruit trees, and a cat 
walk from wall to wall and house-top to house-top. Many 
of the former cities are now represented by little beyond 
mounds, and of others known to history, the positions cannot 
be even approximated. To the Mughal s, from Chengiz 
downwards, must undoubtedly be credited not a little of the 
ruin ; and no part of Asia suffered so severely from the 
desert hordes as the countries bordering the Jaxartes and 
the Oxus. The accumulated wealth of a previous epoch of 
comparative civilization offered rich fields for plunder, which 
the inhabitants had become incapable of resisting. Of 
Buttara, Samrkand, and many others, the history is well 
known. ShaSbi the old name not only of the city, but at one 


time of a district and of part of the river Sihun itself, had 
heen a mint town of the Khalifa and of the Samanls. Yahya, 
the son of Asad Samani, held the territory about 815 (200 H.), 
when the inhabitants were said to be of the tribes Ghiizz and 
Khalj. The " Tche-shi" of Hiwen Thsang, it was Yarioualy 
spoken of by others as " Chq;\" " Tchaich," and " Jq;\*' and 
was as Tashkand captured by an army of Chengiz. So 
also was Banaket, a town not far distant, subsequently 
known as Shahrukhia. It is shown on Mr. Howorth's 
map in the position assigned to it by Mr. Xtavenstein,^ but 
B&ber, who visited his uncle Sultan Mahmiid Khan there, 
says it was on the river between Shash and Khujand, which 
is more probable.^ XJtrar, the Farab of the Arabs, a city 
and fortress of considerable note, which gave its name to a 
district famous in connection with the Khwarazm Shahs. 
It stood a five months' siege against an army under Qhagiiatai 
and Oktai in 1218-19 (615-6 h.). The story goes that ito 
gallant defender, Almal Juk, with 20,000 men, held out in 
the citadel for two months longer, and finally, in company 
with two survivors only, fought on from his own house-roof 
with bricks handed to him by his wife; the siege costing 
the lives of 100,000 men. The Mughals levelled the citadd 
to the dust, but the city long survived as a place of im- 
portance, and was one of the principal Chaghatai mint towns 
as late as the time of Buyan Kuli. 

The situation of towns like Sairan, Jand, and Sighnak, 
are all more doubtful. Both the latter were said to have 
been taken by Sanjar the Seljuk in 1152 (547 h.), and 
Jand was one of the strong cities taken by the Mughal army 
under Juji. Its most probable position is suggested by 
Schuyler as on the Sihun near what is now known as the 
Bussian Fort No. 2. The only others of the half-dozen 
Transoxanian mint towns of the successors of Chaghatai 
needing any notice, as far as the numismatic record is 
concerned, are well-known places. Tarmaz, which would 

* See map in Tloworth's Mongols. 

^ It may be that the '^Old Tushkciid" of the maps b the site. TTn two 
places are sometimes spoken uf as identicaL 


seem to have been one of importance, at any rate from 
the time of Burak Khan to the close of the dynasty, 
was a place of note in the time of the Ehwarazm Shahs. 
In 1220 (617 h.), Chengiz, after the capture of Samrkand, 
and a summer spent at Kash, moved through the *' Iron 
gate " in the Karatagh range, and captured it after a siege 
of nine days. While there he organized a hunt on a grand 
scale that lasted for four months, after which he sent an 
army into Badakhshan. On the coinage it is described as 
" Madinat ul rijal '* (the city of the people), Tarmaz ; and 
on modem maps appears on the north bank of the Oxus as 
Tirmid. Kash, the modern " Shehr-i-Sabz," or green town, 
on the river Koshka, is famous as the birthplace of Timur. 
It, or a fortress near, between Eash and Naksheb, was also 
associated with a character whom Moore has made almost 
more famous, or infamous, in Lalla Rookh— Al Mukanna, 
the veiled impostor of Khurasan, who finally shut himself up 
there in 780 (1(54 h.), and from whence, according to the 
poet, alone came out again the ill-fated Zulika, who perished 
by rushing on Azim's spear.^ It was taken by the Mughals 
under Chengiz himself, and was a mint town of his suc- 
cessors as late as Buyan Kuli. Bald-i Badakhshan was 
probably the capital of the province of the same name. Col. 
Yule pl6M5es it in the plain of Baharak, where the Vardoj 
and other branches join the Kokchar river. It was also 
termed Jauzgdn, and the site may probably not Have been 
far from the present capital of Faizabad, which, according to 
Manphul, was founded by Yarbak Mir of the present dynasty. 
Polo says the rulers in his time called themselves "Zulcarniany" 
the two-homed, and claimed descent from Alexander ; and 
B&ber, whose brother, Nasir Mirza, was in 1506 (912 h.) 
made king for a brief while, notices the same thing. The 
city must have passed out of Chaghatai hands not very many 
years after a coin of Kuzan in my possession was struck. 
Timur in his early years assisted Amir Hussain '' to chastise 
his rebellious vassals " in the province, and in 1369 (771 h.) 

^ Nanhaki's story is less romantic. He says the sarviying wife gaye up the 
citadel for 10,000 akuhi. 


Shah Sheik Muhammad, its prince, joined the standard of 
Timur himself against Hussain. In 1416 (819 h.) the 
prince submitted to Shah Rukh, who sent his son Suyurghat- 
mish with *' Yengui Shah," a deposed Badakhshan prince, to 
take possession.^ 

Chaghatai and His Successors. 

His great expeditions over, Chaghatai settled down and 
lived chiefly at Almallk, though he maintained a regular 
service of couriers between his court and Mawara-un-Nahr, 
to keep him informed of the affairs of that portion of his 
Khanate, and in spite of the drunken habits to which, he, in 
common with most of the descendants of Chengiz, was ad- 
dicted, he is said to have attended personally to all the details 
of administration, and, if strictly, to have ruled justly. He 
appointed Mughal governors, Buka Bosha at Bukhara, and 
Jongsan Taifu at Samrkand; but the government of the 
Transoxanian appanages as a whole was entrusted to a Muham- 
madan, Mas'fld Bak, who held the title of ^^Jumilat-ul-Mulk** 
Minister of State, and enjoyed the entire confidence of the 
Ehan. Under the minister, Bukhara rose, phoenix-like, 
from its ruins ; the people who had remained in hiding ever 
since the terrible times of the invasion by the hordes of 
Chengiz were gradually coaxed back to their former employ- 
ments ; new buildings began to replace those that had been 
destroyed, and colleges founded by Mas'ud Bak and others 
were filled with students. 

For many years the rigour of Chengiz continued to inspire 
the rule of his sons, and there appears every probability that 
under Chaghatai the western part of the Khanate enjoyed 
fairly good and decidedly strong government. The peace 
was only once temporarily interrupted by the outbreak of a 

^ The principal authorities for the aboye, in addition to those previonsly men- 
tioned, are : Cathay, and the Way 'I'hither, by Col. Yule, 2 toIs. London, 1866. 
Book of Ser Marco Polo, by Col. Tule, 2 vols. London, 1874. Erskine's Histoiy 
of India, 2 vols. London, 1864. Turkistan, by Eugene Schuyler, 2 vols. London, 
1876. Mongolia, by Prejevalsky (translated), London, 1876. The Roitiane in 
Central Asia, by Yalikhanof, etc. (translated), London, 1866. 


religious enthusiast, a sieve-maker named Mahmud Tarani, 
who in 123*2 (630 h.) appeared at an obscure village near 
Bukhara, proclaiming himself inspired by spirits and possess- 
ing supernatural attributes. He succeeded in getting together 
a considerable following, was received with honour by the 
people of the city, caused the public prayers to be read in his 
name, confiscated the property of the rich, and spent his time 
and his unlawful gains in orgies with the captured ladies 
with whom he filled his house. His supremacy in Bu^ara 
was short-lived, though it came near to again bringing ruin 
on the place, for he was killed in a fight between his 
fanatical followers and a force under Chaghatai's officers, 
who quickly disposed of the business, but were with difficulty 
restrained by Mas'ud from giving over the city to vengeance. 

Chaghatai died in 1241 (639 h.),^ but there are few 
particulars regarding his death, save that it occurred among 
his own people, and great mourning was made for him. He 
was reputed a man of great dignity, pomp, and magnificence, 
but open-hearted, brave, and hospitable, passionately fond of 
the chase, '' good was he deemed at trumpet sound, and 
good *' — especially so — " where wassail bowl passed freely 
round," the two pursuits taking up much of his time, while 
his chief counsellor and minister, Karachar, carried on the 
government. But whether personally or by deputy, his State 
was well administered. He instituted a code of laws, known 
as Yds8dy^ directed especially against lying, lust, and embezzle- 
ment. Communication to all parts of his Khanate became 
fairly safe, and it was a boast that neither guards nor escort 
were required on any route. He was not much inclined 
towards the faith of Islam, nor so tolerant as his brother 
Oktai. In fact, by some Muhammadan writers he is credited 
with the most sanguinary laws against the Faith, but this 
seems hardly borne out by history. 

His immediate successors continued to reside mainly in 
the eastern part of the Ehanate, their wild and wandering 
nature preferring the free life of the mountain and desert, to 

^ Some say in Z\ Ea*dah, 638 h. 

' Bather he adopted the Yasa or Code of Chenghiz.— £d. 


which they were enthusiastically attached, and which they 
considered as the only one worthy of free and generous men. 
But the discord so characteristic of Asiatic dynasties was not 
long in appearing. Wars succeeded to wars, and when not 
engaged with other and more distant tribes, the rival claimants 
to the throne fought among themselves. Altogether the 
dynasty lasted about 140 years, and within that time some 
thirty of the descendants or kinsmen of CShaghatai ruled over 
the whole or part of the Khanate, their entire history for this 
period being one of revolutions, depositions, murders, and 
usurpations, more frequent than usual even in Oriental story. 
Sometimes the seat of government was removed entirely to 
Bukhara on the west, sometimes the !^anate was divided 
for a while, to be reuuited by more fighting, and ultimately 
partitioned altogether into two, if not into three States. 
Within a century after Chaghatai's death the Khans had 
entirely forsaken the desert tribes, to visit and linger in the 
more luxuriant plains of Mawara-un-Nahr. It was, accord- 
ing to Ibn Batuta, one of the charges brought against 
Tamashirin, that he always remained there, and for four 
years had not visited Almalik, or the eastern dominions of 
his family. In the end the Khans became mere puppets in 
the hands of powerful Amirs, who set them up and deposed 
or murdered them at pleasure ; until finally came the famous 
Timur, who permitted them no actual authority whatever, 
save the use of their names at the head of state papers, or 
coupled with his own on the coinage of the realm. Over 
Khurasan and the territories beyond the Hazara range all 
influence may be said to have ceased with Chaghatai. 

Kara-Hulaku, Yassu, Organah, and Alohu, at 


Six months after Chaghatai's death his brother, the mighty 
Oktai, having caroused more deeply than usual, died at Kara- 
korum, the 11th December, 1241 (639 h.), and his death set 
almost the whole of the successors of Chengiz squabbling fop 
his throne, among the most violent as regards party spirit and 


warlike temper being some of the representatives of Cha^atai. 
For the time being it ended in Turaklnah, Oktai's widow, 
being appointed regent ; but there were set up lasting dis- 
putes among the rival claimants, and the seeds of much future 
mischief were sown. For long after, the disputes regarding 
the succession to the throne of the Great Kaan became in- 
extricably mixed with the affairs, more especially of the 
eastern part, of Chaghatai's Khanate, and it is impossible to 
give an intelligible account of the latter without occasional 
references to the former. 

Cha^atai left a numerous family, but as a successor he 
nominated, or Karachar, the minister, set up, a grandson 
and a minor — Kara Hulaku ; a widow of the late Khan, by 
name Ebuskun, assuming the regency. Her first step was 
to order the execution of Madjid-ud-din, the physician, and 
Hadjir, the favourite wazir, of her late husband, accusing 
them of having been concerned in his death ; the more 
probable reason being to get rid of possible obstacles in the 
way of her ambition.^ She, however, was only able to main- 
tain her position as long as the interregnum which followed 
Oktai's death lasted. Oktai's son, Kuyuk, was no sooner 
elected supreme Kaan, than he removed all his adversaries, 
including Ebuskun herself, nominated Yassu Mangah as 
chief in 1247 (645 h.), and spread disunion and disorder, 
not only in Almallk, but throughout the Khanate, even 
Mas'ud Bak having to fly from Bu^ara before him, and 
take refuge with Batu, the Khan of the Western Kipchak. 
Yassu was an exceptional drunkard and a debauchee, but, 
fortunately for his Muhammadan subjects, took for his Yazir 
and adviser a pious and learned man, Khwajah Baha-ud-din 
of Marghanian, who seems to have endeavoured, unfortu- 
nately ineffectually, to disarm his enemies by showing them 
every kindness. 

At the end of a three years' reign, Kuyuk by dying gave 
place to Mangu as supreme Kaan, and in 1252 (650 h.) 
Kara Hulaku, with Ebuskun, were reinstated in their former 

^ I have here followed in places almost literally the excellent narratiye of 
Yambery, which appears both succinct and accurate. 


dignities. Habesh Amid, a creature of Ebuskun's, was ap- 
pointed Wazir, whose first step was to imprison Baha-ud-dln, 
and, in spite of the eloquent verses addressed by the latter to 
the princess, he caused him to be sewn up in a felt bag and 
kicked and trampled to a shapeless mass. Yassii lost his 
throne for refusing to acknowledge Mangu's authority, and 
in restoring Kara Hulaku, one of the conditions was, that the 
latter should put his rival out of the way, which Hulaku no 
doubt would have done, but died himself before he could 
carry out the order. 

The government of the Khanate then fell into the hands 
of his widow, Organah Khdtun, who, in 1252 (650 h.), had 
Yassii promptly executed, and reigned happily in Almalik 
for ten years after. Organah was one of the three Mughal 
graces, of whom Yassaf says : '' Three such forms of beauty, 
loveliness, grace and dignity had never been produced by 
all the painters'* — at any rate the Mughal painters — "of 
creation, aided by the brushes of the liveliest imagination.'' 
They were the sisters, and at the same time the wives of the 
Mughal Princes of Ripchak, Persia, and the Chaghatai 
Khanate. If not a convert to Islam, Organah had a decided 
leaning in that direction, and showed much kindness to the 
Muhammadans on many occasions. She must, moreover, 
have had great tact as well as beauty, for not only as the 
wife of Hulaku, and then for ten years of independent rule, 
but subsequently as the wife of Alghu, she was one of the 
most influential persons in the state. 

So long as Mangu lived, this '' wise and energetic " lady 
was allowed to govern in peace ; but in 1259 (658 h.), he 
died, and a war of succession broke out between Irtukbiika,^ 
the third son of Tului,^ and his brother Kubilai, for the 
Imperial throne. The former nominated in supersession of 
Organah, Alghii, the son of Baider, and grandson of Chengiz ; 
and the latter, Apis-ga, the son of Burl, and great-grandson 
of Chengiz. Alghu, anticipating his rival, drove out 

* Really Arikbuka. — Ed. 
» Tului 


Manga Hulaku Irtu^buka ^ubilai, and six others leaa known 


Organah and established himself at Almalik in 1261 (659 h.). 
Apisga, with his brother Eadami, were meanwhile taken 
prisoners by Irtukbuka, who shortly after had both executed. 
Alghii repaid his patron with the blackest ingratitude, for no 
sooner did the latter, driven into a corner by Kubilai, invite 
his aid, than Alghu, who is said to have had at his disposal 
150,000 men, flatly refused it, arrested the commissioners 
sent by Irtukbuka to collect taxes, murdered them, and 
openly espoused the cause of Kubilai. Irtukbuka, furious at 
this treachery, at once faced about, and leaving his city of 
Karakorum at the mercy of Kubilai, who as promptly seized 
the opportunity to take it, advanced against Alghu, and after 
a considerable struggle occupied a large part of his dominions, 
Alghu having to fly from Almalik to Kashghar, thence to 
Khoten, and finally to Samrkand. Irtukbuka spent the 
winter of 1263 (662 h.) at Almalik, where he treated the 
followers of Alghu with extreme severity, and devastated the 
neighbourhood. To such an extent did he carry this, that a 
famine ensued, and many thousand people perished. 

His cruelties finally disgusted even his own soldiers, many 
of whom went over to Kubilai, and his troops and resources 
became so weakened, that he offered to submit to his brother, 
and make peace with Alghu, stipulating to retain for himself 
a portion of the eastern part of the Khanate. The Princess 
Organah and Mas'ud Bak were appointed negotiators. Alghu 
agreed, and to make matters smoother, married the dis- 
possessed and whilom beautiful Organah, residing apparently 
in Mawara-un-Nahr. Peace was now restored there, the 
administrative abilities of Mas'Od Bak were called in to fill 
the exhausted treasury, the industrious population of Bukhara 
and Samrkand as usual having to contribute the lion's share. 
Al^u had one more rival in Prince Kaidu,^ a grandson of 

1 Oktai 


Eyuk Eukan Eochu Karaehar KOsh 

Ehojah Oghol Sluramiin Eaidu 



Oktai, who was also a powerful rival of Kubllai's for the 
supreme Kaanate. This prince, with the assistance of Batu 
of the Western Kipchak, endeavoured to assert his claim to 
the northern part of Mawara-un-Nahr, known as the province 
of Turkistan, but unsuccessfully it would seem during Alghu's 
reign. Al^u died in 1263 (662 h.), a short time after his 
beloved wife, the *' protector of Muhammadans and the 
cherisher of Islam/' Irtukbuka had meanwhile prostrated 
himself at the door of Kubllai's tent, done homage, and been 
forgiven, but died himself shortly after. 

Fraahn describes in the Hecensio a dirhem of Kara 
Hulaku, son of Mutukan, and another of Alghu, son of 
Baider, but struck at BuUara, the former 651 h. (1253), 
and the latter in 660 h. (1261). 

1266 TO 1270. Mubarak Shah and Borak's four years 

OF War. 

Kubllai in the first instance nominated Mubarak Shah, 
the son of Kara Hulaku, whose name would seem to imply that 
he had adopted the creed patronized by his mother, Organah, 
and was a Musalman. He is represented as a gentle and just 
prince ; but the selection does not seem to have inspired the 
great Kaan with much confidence, for in the same year 1264 
(662 H.)^ he named secretly as his viceregent Prince 
Borak, another great-grandson of Chaghatai, whom he 
seems to have thought more capable of resisting his rival, 
Kaldu. If this was the reason, he mistook his man. Borak 
drove Mubarak Shah from the throne, but so far from taking 
active measures against Kaidu, proceeded soon afterwards to 
make terms with him, and the two not only exercised joint 
sovereignty, but divided the inhabitants of cities like Bukhara 

1 The date given in most tables is 664 h. (1266), but this seems to require 
modification, and may be read as 662 h., the year of AlghQ's death. According 
to Yule, the elder i^olo reached Bukhara before 1264, and Borak was then 
reip^ing there. ** After they had passed the desert (from the Caspian) they 
arrived at a great city called Boeara, the territory of which belonged to a kinir 
whose name was BaraeJ" They stayed three years, ultimately going forwara 
with the envoys, returning from jilau (viz. Hulaku), Lord of the Levant (vii. 
the Ilkhun of Persia), to the CTeat Kaan the Lord of all the Tartars (Kubllai) . 
Yule thinks this was 1265, which would make Borak as reigning in 1262 (661 k.). 


like sheep; sharing the cleverest armourers between them, 
so many being portioned out to each master. A short time 
after, however, war broke out between Kaldu and Mangu 
Timur, the fourth Ehan of the Blue Horde, when Borak, 
reluctant to lose so good an opportunity, at once took up 
arms and prepared to attack his friend in the rear. Ealdu, 
alive to the danger, equally promptly patched up a peace 
with the Blue Horde, and gave his faithless ally so thorough 
a beating that the latter had to abandon the Turkistaa 
province, and retire to BuUara and Samrkand.^ His troops, 
disappointed of promised loot, Borak, with the most heartless 
tyranny, proposed to deliberately sacrifice his own people, 
and ordered the inhabitants of these unfortunate cities to 
abandon their property and escape for their lives, as both 
must be given up to his troops for plunder. The tears and 
entreaties of the citizens saved them on this occasion, and 
the brutal order was modified into a heavv contribution, and 
an order for more armourers to work day and night 
preparing fresh armaments. In a short time Borak was 
again able to take the field, but at this stage Kaidu, who was 
anxious for peace with him, sent proposals though his cousin, 
Ehojah Ogul, who was also a friend of Borak's. The two 
princes met, and in the spring of 1269 (667 h.) held a grand 
f&te in the open country north of the Sihun. The festival 
lasted seven days ; peace was established, and confirmed by 
rinsing gold in the cup in which they pledged their mutual 
vows. In the Kuriltai of the tribes, it was decided that 
Borak should hold two-thirds of Mawara-un-Nahr, the 
remaining tbird^ to belong jointly to Kaidu and Mangii 
Timur. Borak was not satisfied with the arrangement, 
complaining that he had come worse off than any of the 
house of Chengiz, and as he insisted more particularly on the 
absence of pasture for his flocks, it was decided that he should 
recoup himself by invading Khurasan, and that meanwhile 

^ According to Howorth (toI. i. p. 174), K^dfi was first surprised in an ambus- 
cade and beaten, upon which MangQ Timur supplied him with a contingent of 
60,000 troops, the oattle was renewed and Boras beaten. 

' Some authoritities add, ** with Khujand and its neighbourhood as far as 
Samr^and,*' but this part of the treaty could not hare lastra long. 


all three princes should refrain from ravaging the ruined 
territories of Mawara-un-Nahr, impose no taxes on the 
impoverished inhabitants, and pasture their flocks at a 
distance from the cultivated ground, Mas'iid Bak being 
commissioned to persuade the terrified peasantry to return 
once more to their occupations. To Kaidu, however, the 
most important feature of the treaty was the implied 
recognition of him as the rightful Ehakan of the Mugbals, 
which from this time was extended by the Chag^atai Khans 
both to him and his son Chapar. 

In spite of the miserable state of things Borak was 
impatient to begin his attack on Abaka, the son of 
Hulaku, the second of the Ilkhans of Persia. A remon- 
strance on the part of the faithful Mas'ud was punished by 
seven lashes, an outburst of anger which the tyrannical 
Borak repented of, but it did not prevent him carrying out 
his intention. He began by sending Mas'ud to Abaka's 
court,^ then at Mazendran, with an ostensible excuse about 
money, the nature of which Abaka soon discovered, and 
Mas'ud barely escaped with his life. A second mission to 
gain over the Chaghatai prince Nighudar, then at the Persian 
court, equally failed, Abaka being too vigilant. Meanwhile, 
Borak's army, accompanied by several princes of the house 
of Oktai, had crossed the Oxus at Amiii, and encamped at 
Merv. The first attack was directed against Abaka's brother 
and general Tushln, who, associated with Abaka's son Arghun, 
commanded in Eastern Khiirasan at Hirat, but who retreated 
on ascertaining the superiority of his opponents. Borak 
pursued him, and subdued a large part of Ehurasan, but 
dissensions broke out in his army, he lost half his force by de- 
sertion, was finally drawn into a trap by an ingenious trick of 
Abaka's, and found himself marching in pursuit of an enemy he 
believed to be retreating, straight into an ambush by which he 
was surrounded, and his remaining army cut to pieces. Him- 
self much hurt by a bad fall from his horse, he had g^reat 
difficulty in escaping across the Oxus, and re-entered Bukhara 

^ Of this inyasion Mr. Howorth promises a full acconnt in hii forthcomiiig 


broken in mind and paralysed in body. Having turned Mu- 
hammadan, and taken the title of Sultan Ghias-ud-din, he 
spent the winter in useless efforts to revenge himself on an 
ally to whom he attributed all his misfortunes, and finally died 
in the spring of 1270 (669 h.), said by many to have been 

His reign had extended only to some four years, but they 
were years of misery and destruction to some of the fairest 
lands and most prosperous cities on the Zarafshan. His 
death delivered them from at least one cowardly tyrant 
and persecutor, though they still continued to suffer from 
the fratricidal wars that constantly raged between the rival 
chiefs of the lines of Oktai and Chaghatai, and the unhappy 
citizens had even more reason than Venice of old for in- 
voking " a plague on both their houses." 

KaTdu, Dua, and the Thirty Years' War with the 

Great Kaan. 


Borak's death left Kaidii sole master of the western por- 
tion of the Khanate. The dispossessed Mubarak Shah and 
other chiefs took the oath of allegiance to him, thus ren- 
dering him a still more dangerous rival of Kubilai. In 
1270 (668 h.), much to the indignation of the sons of Borak, 
he nominated Nikpai, a grandson of Chaghatai, chief of the 
tribe, but in less than two years Nikpai seems to have 
revolted, been killed, and succeeded by Tuka Timur, another 
scion of the house (circa 1271 or 670 h.), who in less than 
two years more was ousted by Dua, the son of Borak (circa 
1273, or 672 h.). Dua had made up his quarrel with 
Ealdu, his claims having been constantly urged by the 
latter *s son Cbapar. His reign was the longest ever enjoyed 
by a descendant of Chaghatai, and the Khanate might have 
hoped for some peace from an alliance between the rival 
houses, but unfortunately a third firebrand appeared on the 

VOL. XX — [new 8EUIEB.] 7 


scene. Abaka, the Ilkhan of Persia, who had always ac- 
knowledged Kubilai as the rightful Khakan in opposition 
to Eaidii, and who had never forgiven Borak's invasion of 
Khurasan, was only watching his opportunity, and his Vazir, 
Shams- ud-din Juwaini,^ had only to draw his attention to a 
favourable omen, to start him for Bukhara, which he entered 
about 1274 (672 h.), plundering, burning, and murdering right 
and left. He is credited with making 50,000 prisoners, and, 
among other acts of barbarism, with having laid the cele- 
brated college of Mas'udI in ashes. He was pursued by the 
Chaghatai generals, and some of the prisoners recovered ; but 
those generals themselves treated the unhappy country nearly 
as hardly, leaving a fresh desert for Mas'iid Bak to try his 
restoring hand upon once again. 

Dua's long reign was a succession of constant wars, which 
brought fresh calamities not only upon Mawara-un-Nahr, 
but more or less over the entire Khanate. His ambition 
carried him on at least one occasion to India, and for some 
years he commanded expeditions in the Punjab in person. 
Zia-ud-din Barni says he was defeated by the army of Ala- 
ud-din at Jalandhar in 1296 (696 h.), but he must have 
continued to ravage the Punjab for years, and we read of his 
returning from a raid on Lahore in 1301 (701 h.). His aon, 
Prince Katlagh Khwaja, at the head of a large army, ad- 
vanced as far as Delhi in 1297-8 (697-8 h.), and was only 
beaten off with great difficulty, by the famous general Zafar 
Khan. The head-quarters of the horde were for many years 
apparently at Ghaznl, and their continued raids are referred 
to by almost every native historian. The " infidel host " is 
usually described as " utterly routed " by the Muhammadan 
forces, but in Sind, Trans-Indus, and a good part of the 
northern Punjab, they raided almost unchecked ; Peshavnir, 
Lahore, and Multan, were periodically sacked, and even 
Delhi was the subject of constant attacks. At Ghaznf, 
and probably elsewhere, they issued money, of which two 

^ Brother of 'Ala-ud-din 'Ata Mulk Juwainl, the historian and author of 
Tarikh-i-Jahan Eusha, etc. 


examples are given in Thomas's Chronicles of the Pathan 
Kings. ^ 

Hostilities between Kaidu and Kubllai from first to last 
extended over a period of twenty years. Marco Polo devotes 
many chapters to an account of them. *' From year's end to 
year's end the great Kaan had to keep an army watching 
Caidu's frontier, lest he should make forays." His aggressions 
are described as unceasing, and he as able to take the field 
with 100,000 horse, "all stout soldiers and inured to war." 
"While with him were many ** famous Barons of the imperial 
lineage of Chengiz," who supported his claims against 
Kubllai, and in spite of the desert of forty days extent that 
divided the states, engagements between bodies of troops 
posted at intervals on either side were constant. Polo de- 
scribes some of the battles at length ; one as taking place 
about 1276 (675 h.),^ in which Kaldu and his cousin 
Yesudar assembled a force of 60,000 horse, and attacked 
two of the " barons," who held lands under the great Kaan, 
and who brought into the field a similar force. In the end 
the " barons " were beaten, but thanks to their good horses 
escaped, and Kaidu returned home, " swelling the more with 
pride," and for the next two years remained at peace. But 
at the end of this time or less he renewed the attack with a 
larger force, put at 100,000 horse, and more allies than ever. 
Kubllai's army was under the command of his son Nurmu- 
ghan, who had been appointed to command his north-west 
frontier, and somewhat defiantly assumed the title of Com- 

^ An account of Dua*8 invasion is given by d'Obsson, who goes on to say : 
**Quelques ann^es aprds, en 1303, Tourghai, prince tchagatayen, 8*aTan9a jusqu'^ 
Delhi, et apr^s avoir campd pendant deux mois devant cette ville, que etait 
d6f endue par Alai-ud-din, il jugea a propos de faire sa retraite. L'ann6e 
suivante, un autre prince tchinguizien, nomm^ Ali fit avec Khodjatasch une inva- 
sion dans rinde, a la tete de quarante mille chevaux. lis passerent au nord de 
Lahore, franchirent les monts Sioualik, et penetrerent sans opposition jusqu'^ 
Amroha, ou ils furent battus par Touglouc general d* Alai'-ud-din. Ali et Khod- 
jatasch faits prisonniers avec neuf mille hommes, furent en voycs au Sultan, qui les 
fit Jeter sans les pieds des 61^phant8. Pour venger leur morts, Guebek, general 
de Dona, entra dans Flnde en 705 u. (1306), rava^er le Moultan et s'avan(;a 

Cqu'& Sioualik.'* D*Ohsson iv. 561. Guebek, viz. Kabak, is said to have 
n also crushed under the feet of elephants, but in 709 h. he succeeded to the 
Khi'mate. D'Ohsson eoes on to speak of the invasion of India by Tamarshirfn, 
son of Dua, at the hem of a large army in 727 h. (1327). 

2 The text has 1266, but is corrected by Pauthier to 1276. :; : i 


mander-in-Chief of Almallk, the Chaghatai capital. The 
battle, which is graphically described at length by Polo, may 
serve as a specimen of Mughal tactics. Eaidu's army is 
called a vast force of horsemen, that had advanced very 
rapidly. The Prince's force amounted to 60,000 well- 
appointed cavalry, that "all undismayed made themselves 
ready for battle like valiant men. When they heard Caidu 
was so near, they went forth valiantly to meet him. When 
they got within some ten miles of him they pitched their 
tents and got ready for battle, and the enemy, who were 
about equal in numbers, did the same ; each side forming in 
six columns of 10,000 men with good captains. Both sides 
were well equipped with swords and maces and shields, with 
bows and arrows and other arms after their fashion. The 
practice of the Tartars going to battle is to take each a bow 
and sixty arrows. Of these thirty are light with small sharp 
points, for long shots and following up an enemy ; whilst the 
other thirty are heavy, with large broad heads, which tbey 
shoot at close quarters, and with which they inflict great 
gashes on face and arms, and cut the enemy's bowstrings, and 
commit great havoc. This every one is ordered to attend to, 
and when they have shot away their arrows, they take to their 
swords and maces and lances, which also they ply stoutly. 

** So when both sides were ready for action the Naccaras ^ 
(kettle-drums) began to sound loudly, one on either side. 
For it is their custom never to join battle till the Great 
Naccara is beaten. And when the Naccaras sounded, then 
the battle began in fierce and deadly style, and furiously the 
one host dashed to meet the other. So many fell on either 
side that in an evil hour for both the battle was begun! The 
earth was thickly strewn with the wounded and the slain, 
men and horses, whilst the uproar and din of battle was so 
loud you would not have heard God's thunder ! Truly £ing 
Caidu himself did many a deed of prowess that strengthened 
the hearts of his people. Nor less on the other side did the 
great Kaan's son and Prester John's grandson^ for well 

, ^ A great kettle-dnim formed like a brnzcn cauldron tapering to the bottom, 
covered with bu(fa>o hide ; often three or four feet in diameter. 


they proved their valour in the medley, and did astonishing 
feats of arms, leading their troops with right good judgment. 

*' The battle lasted so long that it was one of the hardest 
the Tartars ever fought. Either side strove hard to bring 
the matter to a point and rout the enemy, but to no avail. 
And so the battle went on till vespertide, and without victory 
on either side. Many a man fell there ; many a child was 
made an orphan there ; many a lady widowed ; and many 
another woman plunged in grief and tears for the rest of her 
days. I mean the mothers and the araines (haruns) of those 
who fell. 

" So when they had fought till the sun was low they left 
off, and retired each side to its tents. . • And when 
morning approached, King Gaidu, who had news from his 
scouts that the Great Kaan was sending a great army to 
reinforce his son, judged it was time to be off: so he called 
his host to saddle and mounted his horse at dawn, and away 
they set out on their return to their own country. And the 
Great Eaun's son let them go unpursued, for his forces were 
themselves sorely fatigued and needed rest." ^ This battle 
by several authorities is described as taking place near 
Almalik, the Great Kaan's army as being defeated, both 
generals taken prisoner by Eaidu, who advanced on Kara- 
korum ; the state of things ultimately becoming so threaten- 
ing, that Kubllai had to withdraw his most trusted general, 
Bayan, from China, by whom Kaldu was either defeated or 
fell back on Mawara-un-Nahr. 

Another ten years seem to have passed with no decisive 
action between the two great rivals, but Ealdii continued to 
grow in power, and became the head of a powerful league. 
Subsequently he defeated and captured another son of 
Kubllai, Eamala, who was only rescued by the exceptional 
bravery of a Eipchak general, and so great was Ealdu's ad- 
vantage, that the Great Eaan, in spite of his advanced age, 
took the field in person, and Eaidu again had to fall back. 
This could not have been very long before Eubllai's death, 

I Yule*8 Marco Polo, toI. ii. p. 458. 


which occurred in 1294 (693 h.), his grandson "Dljaitu 
succeeding as Great Kaan. 

Ealdu would seem to have found a staunch ally in Dua. 
In 1301 (701 H.) the latter had just returned from one of 
his Indian expeditions, and in conjunction with him, Eaidu 
resolved on carrying the war into the heart of the country of 
the Great Kaan. With forty princes belonging to the now 
united houses of Oktai and Chaghatai, the pair planned aa 
invasion of the North of China. They were met, however, by 
the Imperial army under a nephew of TJljaitu, betweea 
Karakorum and the river Timir, and, according to the 
Chinese account, were defeated. The defeat, as far as Eaidii 
is concerned, seems to have been final. He is credited with 
having during his career gained forty-one battles and was 
beaten in this the forty-second, shortly after which he 
sickened and died. He is also said to have had forty sons 
and at least one remarkable daughter, Aijaruk, " the Bright 
Moon," of whom Marco Polo tells a quaint story. She was 
very beautiful, and still more renowned for her powers of 
wrestling. " She was so strong and brave that in all her 
father's realm was no man who could outdo her in feats of 
strength." Her father, whom she accompanied in the fields 
had often spoken of marriage, but she would none of it, she 
would marry no man unless he could vanquish her in every 
trial. Somewhat of exceptional stature, tall and muscalar, 
but withal stout and shapely, she had distributed her 
challenges over all the kingdoms, inviting the youth to try 
a fall with her, the loser to pay forfeit of one hundred 
horses, the vanquisher to win her for wife. Many a youth 
had tried his strength and lost his horses, and she had won 
in this way more than ten thousand horses, and must, ia 
fact, have been more valuable to her father than some 
modern remount agencies. As Colonel Yule suggests, she 
recalls Brunhild in the Nibelungen Lied : 

** A royal maiden who reigned beyond the sea : 
From sunrise to the sundown no paragon had she. 
All boundless as her beauty was, her strength was peerless too, 
And evil plight hung o'er the knight who dared her love to woo." 


Polo goes on to describe how a prince in 1280 (679 h.) came 
from a distant land, where he was renowned for strength and 
skill, and brought with him 1000 horses to be forfeited if 
she should vanquish him. Young, handsome and strong, the 
son of a great king, both Ealdu and his wife tried to 
persuade their daughter to allow herself to be beaten, but 
she refused, saying she would only be his wife according to 
the terms of the wager, not otherwise. The match came off 
before the King and Queen and a great gathering, she in a 
jerkin of ** sammet " and the bachelor in one of " sendal," 
** a winsome sight to see." After a long struggle she threw 
him on his back on the palace pavement, and great was his 
shame and discomfiture to have thus been worsted by a girl. 
He lost his horses, and his wife, for she would not have him, 
much to the annoyance of Kaldu and his wife. After this 
she is said to have taken an active part in her father's 
campaigns, and according to some accounts to have been 
even ambitious enough to aspire to the succession after his 

It is not very clear what were the limits of Kaidu*8 
territory, and how much of the Chaghatai Khanate, in 
addition to his own appanage as originally constituted, 
acknowledged his sway. The joint sovereignty he at one 
time held with Borak in the cities of Bukhara and Samrkand 
has been referred to. His authority appears to have ex- 
tended over Kashghar, Yarkand, and all the cities bordering 
the south of the Thian Shan as far east as Karakhoja or the 
valley of the Talas River ; and the country north of the 
Thian Shan from Lake Balkash, eastwards to the Ghagan 
Nor, or practically the whole of the middle and eastern 
part of the Khanate.^ Khotan, Polo says, belonged to the 
Great Kaan, though Borak got possession of it at the begin- 
ning of his reign. 

Upon Kaidu's death, Dua did not forget the obligations he 
had once been under to his son Chapar. He urged upon the 
Princes the latter's claims to the succession, and it was 

* Yule Marco Polo, toI. i. p. 461. 

' Col. Yule would add the Upper Yenissei and the Irtish in the farther north. 


maialy by Dua's influence Chapar obtained it. As soon as 
the installation was over, they together agreed to put an end 
to the thirty years* struggle with the Great Eaan, and sent 
envoys to Uljaitu oflering submission, a submission possibly 
feigned on the part of Chapar. Before a year elapsed how- 
ever they fell out, Dua probably asserting his independence^ 
and in 1303 (703 h.) fought a battle between Samrkand and 
Khujand, in which Chapar was defeated. In a second 
struggle, with his brother Shah Ogul as general, the result 
was reversed, while a third engagement resulted once more 
in favour of Dua. Almost at the same time the army of the 
Ehakan Uljaitu, 100,000 strong, encamped on the river 
Irtish and the Arias mountains, came through the Altai to 
attack Chapar, who found himself deserted by the greater 
part of his army, and with nothing left to do but escape and 
make his submission to Dua. Dua cordially received him, 
seeing in his submission the possible fulfilment of his am- 
bition, and the reuniting of the Qiiaghatai provinces, but 
shortly after in 1306 (706 h.) he died. 

Notwithstanding his long reign, no coin of Dua's would 
appear to have been noticed, excepting one described by M. 
Tiesenhausen in the Stroganofl* collection, and this, struck at 
Eadukhs^an 694 h., bears no name. Of Eaidu, there does 
not so far seem to be any numismatic record. 

1306 TO 1320. Kabak and Issenbuka. 

The immediate successor of Dua was his son Kunjuk, who 
did not live long, and in 1308 (708 h.) was succeeded by 
Taliku, descended from Ghaghatai*s son Mutukan, said to 
have been the second Mu^al prince converted to Islam ; 
but within a year, possibly on the ground of his perversion, 
the officers of his court rose and murdered him at a banquet, 
putting up Eabak, another son of Dua, in his place. Kabak 
was hardly installed in 1309 (709 h.) when he was attacked 
by rhapar, with whom were several princes of the house of 
Oktiii. Chapar was beaten in several fights, and eventually 
fled beyond the Ili to the territory of the Great Kaan, now 


Kuluk, at whose court the Oktai princes did homage and 
finally abandoned their claims to the supreme Kaanship, 
their domains being appropriated by the house of Chaghatai, 
the clans partly becoming its subjects and partly joining the 
Kipchaks. With Chapar the house of Oktai disappears, 
though representatives came to the front for a brief period 
again in the persons of 'Ali, and of Danishmandjeh, while 
Timur, after displacing the family of Qhagbatai, selected his 
puppet khans from the Oktai stock. 

Kabak, for some reason which does not appear, and 
apparently by his own consent, was displaced the same year 
1309 (709 H.) in favour of an elder brother, who ascended the 
throne under the name of Essen- or Issen-buka ; ^ a prince, 
according to some histories,^ identical with Imil Khwaja. 
He is variously called by other authorities,^ and it may be 
worth considering if he be not the same as the Katlagjb 
(lucky P) Khwaja, who made the raid on Delhi in 1289 
(698 H.). As Issenbuka he disappears from the scene in 
1318 (721 H.), and it is in that year, Abul Ghazi says the 
people of Kashghar and Yarkand, or what had then become 
the eastern branch of the Khanate, "called to be their 
Khan Imil Khwaja, the son of Dua Khan." Khondamir, 
on the other hand, says Issenbuka reigned over the western 
branch till his death. Whichever may be correct, Issenbuka 
for the most part of his reign was engaged in hostilities with 
one or other. He began a quarrel with the VII I th Supreme 
Kaan, Buyantu, by whose general he was beaten in two 
engagements. He next undertook a war against the Vllth 
Ilkhan of Persia, Uljaitii, afterwards known as Khuddhandi, 
the ** servant of God,'* and to idemnify himself for losses in the 
east, attempted to annex Khurasan. Accompanied by several 
princes, he crossed the Oxus in 1315 (715 h.), defeated Amir 
Yasaul, the governor of Khurasan, at Murghab, and pursued 
him to the river of Herat. For four months the country 

* Vambery says Essen (strong, healthy) is a Turkish word. 

• Viz. Abul Ghazi. 

» " Ainubugha '* in the Tarikh Rashidi ; ** // or Ail Khwaja " in the Khulasat 
ul Akhbar ; '' Aimal** by Sherfuddin; and ** Imil Khwnja^ who reigned in 
ICawara'Un Nahr under the title of Itsanbu^a Khan '* by Abul Ghazi. 


experienced all the horrors of a Mughal occupation, which 
only terminated by the advance of the Great Eaan with a 
large army on the Issik-kul, necessitating Issenbuka's moving 
to the eastern part of the Khanate. As usual the penalty 
had to be paid by the luckless Trans-Oxus country, for no 
sooner had Issenbuka retired, than Uljaitu prepared for a 
counter-invasion of Mawara-un-Nahr. Yassaur, another 
brother of Issenbuka, who had turned Muhammadan and 
quarrelled with him, had sought and obtained refuge with 
the Persian court. He at once seized the opportunity, and 
having obtained from Uljaitu a large force, the two crossed 
the Oxus in 1316 (716 h.), and defeated Issenbuka, who took 
to flight. The Mughal ravages were returned with interest, 
and the inhabitants of Bukhara, Samrkand and Tarmaz were 
sent into exile in the depth of a very severe winter, thousands 
perishing by the way. 

This is the last that is known about Issenbuka so far as 
Mawara-un-Nahr is concerned; about 1318 (718 h.) Kabak 
resumed the throne from which he had retired, and is said 
to have chastised the quarrelsome Issenbuka. Kabak is 
shown on the lists of D*Ohsson, Howorth, and others, as 
having died in 1321 (721 h.), but this is contrary to the 
numismatic evidence. Among coins of his not hitherto 
described are those of Bukhara struck in h. 71ir, 722, 723, 
and 724, of Tarmaz in 71a;, and of Samrkand in 725, which 
may probably have been his last year, as there is a coin of 
Tarmashirln struck at Samrkand in 726 H. 

The Division of the Khanate. The Eastern Branch. 

About this time the star of the Chaghatais began rapidly 
to decline in power, and the Khanate broke up into at least 
two divisions, with rival or separate Khans, one of whom 
governed the eastern portion and Kashghar, the other ruling 
in Mawarii-un-Nahr. The former kingdom was the one 
known to the Persian historians of Timur and his successors 
as Mughalistan ; not to be confounded with Mongolia 
to the eastward again. Their winter capital was perhaps 


originally at Kashghar or Yarkand, and afterwards at Aksu ; 
their summer quarters in Zungaria north of the Thian Shan.^ 
As already noticed, the royal residence was called Ajrmul Guja, 
when Timur took it in 1389 (791 h.), and is represented by 
the present Chinese frontier town of Chuguchak or Tarbogatai 
on the Imll, a river flowing into the Aka Kul. It is difficult, 
as Col. Yule points out, to understand any disposition of the 
frontier between the two branches that could permit the 
capital of the one ruling over Kashghar and Uiguria to be 
as above indicated, whilst that ruling over Mawara-un-Nahr 
had its capital at Almallk. It is possible that Imil, or Aymul, 
did not become the head-quarters of the eastern branch till 
the western Chaghatais had lost their hold of the valley of 
the Hi, but it must also be remembered that the limits to all 
such divisions were tribal rather than territoriaL 

To first briefly notice the eastern branch known as the 
Ehans of Mughalistan and the Amirs of Kashghar. Kaldu 
died in 1301 (701 h.), and probably it was some time sub- 
sequent to 1310 (710 H.) that Chapar his son had been 
driven to seek shelter with the great Kaan, and is heard of 
no more. In 1321 (721 h.), according to the authorities 
quoted by Erskine,^ "The inhabitants of Kashghar, Yarkand, 
Alatash, and the Uighurs, found no one of the posterity of 
Chaghatai (? Oktai) who might fill the throne then vacant. 
They therefore called from Mawara-un-Nahr Issenbuka 
Khan,'* who seems to have reigned till about 1330 
(730 H.), though the chronology is somewhat uncertain. 
Issenbuka died as was supposed without issue, and none 
of the family appear to have been at the time available to 
succeed him in Mughalistan. The eastern tribes, however, 
declined to be subject to the titular Khans set up at the 
caprice of the Western Amirs, demanding a descendant of 
Chaghatai to themselves, and for a while anarchy prevailed. 

^ Yule's Cathay, vol. ii. p. 524. See also The Bnssians in Central Asia, p. 
69. " The Tchete Moguls are not to be confounded with the Mongols, as they 
were Mussalmans and spoke Turkish.'' 

' A sketch of this branch is nven in Erskine, taken from the Tarikh-i - Rashidi 
by Mirza Haider Doghlat, a descendant of the Amirs of Kashghar, and by the 
female line from the Khans of Mughalistan. A portion is the history of his own 
father and uncle. This work more than deseryes to be published. 


The hereditary " Ulus Begi "—or " Lord of the Tribe "—of 
Kiishghar was one Mir Yulaji Doghlat, who governed in his 
own right extensive dominions. The great influence which 
he enjoyed from the extent of his territory, extending 
from the Desert of Gobi to the border of Fargbanah, was 
increased by considerable energy of character. He re- 
solved that an heir to the vacant niasnad should be found, 
and in due time produced a youth whom he announced as 
the son of Issenbuka, and consequently a lineal descendant 
of Chaghatai. The story of the discovery of the son is given 
at length in Erskine, and is fairly illustrative of Mugbal 

Issenbuka's chief wife, S'atelmish Khatutiy had no children, 
but among his female slaves was a favourite named Manselik, 
who was discovered as about to be more happy. According 
to Mughal custom, the entire management of the household, 
and the disposal of the female slaves as part of it, rested 
with the chief wife. Discovering Manselik's condition, and 
envious of her good fortune, S'atelmish took the opportunity 
of her husband's absence on an expedition to get rid of the 
favourite, giving her in marriage to one Shirawal Dokhtui, 
conditionally on his taking her out of the country, an arrange- 
ment said to have greatly angered Issenbuka when he dis- 
covered it. When Issenbuka died, and the tribes fell into 
anarchy, Amir Yulaji remembered the incident, and de- 
spatched one of his most trusty adherents to seek out Shirawal 
and Manselik, and if the latter's child proved to be a boy, to 
steal him away. To his envoy the Amir he gave 300 goats 
that he might live on their milk, or kill for his support 
during his wanderings. The quest carried him a dreary 
pilgrimage all over Mughalistan, and he was reduced to his 
last goat, when he found, in a sequestered district, Shirawal's 
encampment. The Ehan's child had proved a boy, and 
Manselik had had another by her new husband. He contrived 
to steal away the former, who had now reached his eighteenth 
year, and after many adventures, much toil, and great danger, 
carried him to Aksu, where he delivered him to Yulaji. The 
'* Ulus Begi " lost no time in proclaiming the youth Slian, 


who in 1347 (748 h.) was joyfully acknowledged throughout 
Mughalistan as Tughlak Timur Khan. 

Some years after, or about 1353 (754 h.), Tughlak Timur 
became a convert to Islam, and succeeded in extending 
considerably the Musalman faith in his dominions. Twice, 
in 1360 (760 h.) and in 1362 (763 h.), he invaded and 
overran Mawara-un-Nahr, on the second occasion leaving his 
son Ilias Ehan as ruler there. On the death of Amir 
Yulaji, who as Uliis Begi had exercised much of the 
authority of government, Tughlak Timur, from gratitude or 
policy, bestowed the father's office on the son Amir Kho- 
daidad, then only seven years old, a nomination strongly 
protested against by Yulaji's younger brother, Kamr-ud-din, 
who, under Mughal usage, claimed the office, and though com- 
pelled for a while to conceal his indignation, bided his time 
for revenge. 

When Tughlak Timur died in 1364 (765 h.), his son Ilias 
Khwaja Ehan was in Mawara-un-Nahr, fighting against the 
combined forces of Amir Hussain and the still more formid- 
able Amir Timur. There, after varying successes,^ he was 
finally defeated and driven to take refuge in the more desert 
parts of his father's possessions,^ and after a short and nominal 
reign in Mughalistan of less than two years, he was assas- 
sinated by Kamr-ud-din in 1365 (766 h.), who in one day 
put to death eighteen males of the family of the Khan, 
resolved if possible to exterminate the race, and, though not 
himself a descendant of Chaghatai, usurped the title of Khan, 
and with it the government of the country. 

The Mughal Amirs, strong in their hereditary reverence 
for the family of the conqueror, viewed this conduct with 
horror. Many of the tribes refused to acknowledge the 
usurper, others even joined the standard of Amir Timur, 
who, having reduced Mawara-un-Nahr, made no less than six 
expeditions against Kamr-ud-dIn, overran both Mughalistan 
and Kashgbar to their farthest limits, and in the last cam- 
paign, Kamr-ud-din, his armies routed, and himself pursued 

^ Noticed subsequently. 
* <* Desht Jettah." 


like a beast of the forest, seems to have perished in a comer 
of the desert (1367 to 1393 or 768 to 794 h.). 

When Kamr-ud-dln put to death Ilias and the family of 
the Ehans, one other son of Tughlak Timur was still at the 
breast. Him the Amir Khodaidad, aided by his mother, 
concealed in Kashghar, and subsequently in the hill-country 
of Badakhshan for some twelve years ; thence, to elude 
Kamr-ud-dln's persistent endeavours to ascertain his where- 
abouts, the boy was conveyed to Khutan, Sarigh Uighur, and 
finally to Lob Kanik, in the far east, for some twelve years 
more ; his story resembling in many ways the adventurous 
wanderings of his father. As soon as Kamr-ud-din's power 
began to wane, the boy, now grown to man's estate, was in 
1389 (791 H.) brought back and raised to the Ehanate by 
Amir Khodaidad, under the title of Khizr Khwaja Ehan. 

The Kashgbar Amir Khodaidad, like the other king-maker 
Timur, while affecting to restore the ancient line of Khans, 
retained the real powers of government himself. He claimed 
under various grants to himself and ancestors privileges which 
transferred to him the entire direction of affairs. As here* 
ditary Ulus Begi he could nominate and dismiss Amirs, or 
commanders of 1000, without reference to the Khan. He 
was not to be liable to punishment till convicted of nine 
capital offences; and no order was to be valid without his 
seal under that of the Khan. The latter became therefore 
merely a cypher in the hands of a powerful minister, and 
Khodaidad boasted that in his long reign of ninety years he 
had made six Grand Khans. 

The history of the remainder of these Mugbalistan Kbans, 
and of the Amirs of Kashghar, with their dynastic changes, 
belongs to the period of Timur and his successors ; but in the 
annexed table the list is carried down to the time of B&ber. 

The Western Branch. TarmashirTn, etc. 

To return to the Western division of the empire. The 
Khans ruling in Mawara-un-Nahr, strangely enough, main- 
tained, and for some time occasionally resided at, their 


second capital, Almalik. As regards most of them, there 
is little information ; their reigns were so short, and their 
importance so rapidly declining, that but little history in con- 
nection with any particular one can be expected. The power 
was passing from the hands of the Ehans of the Imperial 
line to that of the more powerful Amirs, and what history 
has been preserved mainly concerns the latter. After Kabak's 
death, Ilchikdai is shown in most lists as succeeding, and he 
in the same year was followed by a second "Dua Timur," 
who is occasionally omitted altogether ; he again by Ala-ud- 
din Tarmashirln. All these were sons of Dua, but it may 
perhaps be doubted if there was a Dua the Second, and if 
Ilchikdai reigned even for one year; Tarmashirln probably 
succeeding in 1325 (726 h.). The chronicles of the latter's 
reign are very meagre. D'Ohsson says he crossed the Oxus 
and invaded Khurasan, advancing to Ghaznl, where he was 
beaten in the autumn of 1326 (727 h.) by the Amir Hussain, 
son of Choban of flirat, after which Hussain's army sacked 
Ghazni. According to Badami, he advanced in 1328 ^ (729 h.) 
with a large army to the province of Delhi, captured several 
forts, and committed ravages and massacres from Lahore, 
Samana, and Indri, to the confines of Badaun, when he 
was attacked and defeated by the army of Muhammad 
Tughlak, who pursued him as far as Ealanor. He is also 
said to have attacked the fort of Mirat in the North-west 
Provinces, with a vast force, but unsuccessfully. The 
Arabian traveller, Ibn Batuta, describes a visit to his 
court paid not many months before the former entered 
India, about the end of 1333 (early in 735 h.). From the 
court of the Elian of the Eipchaks, Muhammad XJsbak, Ibn 
Batuta proceeded across the desert to Khwarazm and Bukhara, 
and from the last-named city, passing through Nakhsheb to 
the camp, " Ordu,*^ of the Sultan, " King of Mawara-un- 
Nahr," by whom he was well received and royally treated. 
Here he seems to have spent some two months as a guest of 
Tarmashirln, whom he describes as a powerful prince, having 

1 D'Ohsson says 1327. 


at his command a large army, and remarkable for the justice 
of his laws. His territories occupying a middle station 
between the four great Kings of China, India, Irak (Persia), 
and the Eipchak Khan, all of whom sent presents to him, 
and greatly respected him. Tarmashirin succeeding his 
brother Jagatai (P presumably Ilchikdai), an infidel, who 
again succeeded the eldest brother Kabak, also an infidel, but 
nevertheless a just king, much attached to the Muhammadans, 
to whom he paid great respect. 

Tarmashirin was an extremely devout Muhammadan, and 
his religious zeal was so great that he allowed a Mullah^ 
13aon-ud-din al Maidani, to rebuke him in the strongest 
language in a public sermon, a sermon that moved the King 
to ** tears and humility and repentance." Ibn Batuta goes 
on to relate the end of Tarmashirin as follows. He had 
broken some of the statutes of Chengiz Khan, as laid down 
in a book called ** Al Yasik^" or ** the prohibition," which 
enacted that any one controverting them should be degraded. 
'' Now one of the statutes was this, that the descendants of 
Chengiz, the governors of the several districts, the nobles, 
and tlie general officers of the army, should assemble upon a 
certain day in the year which they call * Al Tatca,' or * the 
Feast,' and should the Emperor have altered any of these 
statutes, the nobles should stand up and say, 'Thou hast 
made alteration in the Statutes of ^/ Yasikj and therefore art 
deposed.' They should then take him by the hand, remove him 
from the throne, and place on it another of the descendants 
of Chengiz. Now Tarmashirin had entirely abolished the 
observance of this day, which gave great ofience. Some 
time, therefore, after he had left the country, the Tartars, 
together with the nobles, assembled and deposed him, and to 
such an extent was the matter pressed that TarmaS^irin took 
to flight and was put to death." ^ At the conclusion of his 
visit the King presented Ibn Batuta with 700 dinars, and 
the traveller resumed his journey vi& Nasaf, Tarmaz, and 
Balldi, on his way to India. 

^ Vambery says by order of his successor, Buzun, in the neighbourhood of 


The coins noticed as described by Tiesenhausen are 
struck at Tarmaz without date, at Samrkand in 726 h., 
and at Utrar in 733 and 734. Taking the date of Ibn 
Batuta's writing as towards the close of 734 h. (1334), 
this may very probably be the year of Tamarshirln's 

Of Sanjar, who is shown in Mr. Poole's list as possibly 
reigning jointly for a while, there would seem to be little 
beyond the evidence of the coin shown as No. 8, struck 
probably at Samrkand in 731 h., while TarmaSiirln was in 
India. Yambery says the latter sacrificed both his throne 
and his life for his Muhammadan faith, and that Buzun, by 
whose order he was murdered, succeeded him ; that the 
latter was only nominally a Musalman, and his tyranny 
weighed so heavily on the people of Mawara-un-Nahr that they 
applied to the neighbouring Muhammadan princes for help ; 
the result being the campaigns which commenced by the 
Tadjik Hussain Eert of Hirat attempting to wrest Khurasan 
from Arpa Khan, the tenth Ilkhan. Ibn Batuta subsequently 
relates the defeat of this Buzun bv Khalll, the son of 
Yassaver, who put him to death. Khalll is even said to 
have advanced as far as Almallk, and to have defeated 
the Mughal army at Taraz. After ascending the throne 
of Bu^ara, he rebelled against Sultan ^ Hussain Kert, 
who had assisted him in all his enterprises, but he was 
beaten and carried as prisoner to Herat, where the 
Arabian traveller met him at the end of the year 747 h. 

The Minor Khans. Ilchikdai to Kazan. 

The usual lists show Jinkshi as succeeding in 1333 
(734 h.) and Buzun Ogli in 1334 (735 h.), both grand- 
sons of Dua. I either possess or have examined coins 
of the former, dated Utrar 736, 737, and 739 h., and if 

' Usually called Amir. 

' Voyages d'lbn Batoutah, toI. iii. Paris, 1856. 

YOL. XX. — [nBW SB&IB8.] 8 


the latter reigned at all, it was probably later, even sub- 
sequently to 'Ali Sultan. Three of my coins of Yasun 
Tim Or are struck at Tarmaz, but unfortunately without 
dates ; the one of Samrkand is dated 740 h. Of 'Ali 
Sultan, none so far appear to be known. Nor, save a 
very doubtful one in Fraehn, are there any of Mu- 
hammad. And as most histories are entirely silent re- 
garding these Ehans, any list must at best be doubtful. 
I know of three coins of Khalil, Samrkand of 74a? and 
Bukhara 744 h. (1343), which would agree with Ibn 
Batata's account. On one of the latter he appears as 
Ehalil Timur. In connection with these Ehans from 
Ilchikdai to Eazan it may be interesting to note the 
letters of certain missionary Dominican and Franciscan 
Friars, from Cathay and India, written about 1292 to 1338 
(692 to 739 H.), and extracts from the reminiscences of John 
de MarignoUi between 1338 and 1353 (739 to 764 h.), 
collected and translated in Col. Yule's Cathay. Of these 
Friars, one Jordanus, a Dominican, speaks of Ilchikdai, or 
ElchigadayjdL^ the reigning sovereign of theTartar or Cbaghatai 
Empire, but he gives no certain date for him. He also 
refers to **i>/m," ** Cayda " (the Eaidu who so long disputed 
with Kubilai), and ** Capai " (Eabak). Another Friar, 
Pascal, a young Spanish Franciscan, writing 10th August, 
1338 (739 H.), from Almallk, tells of the Emperor himself 
having been recently slain by his natural brother, and 
of being himself detained on the road from Urghanj for fear 
of war and plunder. This may refer to the dethronement of 
Jinkshi by Yasiln Timur in 739 h. (1338). Up to the time 
of Pascal's letter the Friars seem to have been well, almost 
generously, treated both by the Great Eaans and the 
Chaghatais, and in a letter written in 1338 (739 h.) 
from Pope Benedict XII. to the Ehan of Chaghatai, 
whom he addresses as ** Ckaum',*' the Pope thanks him 
for his kindness to the Christians in his territory, and 
especially to Archbishop Nicholas, when on his way to 
" Cambakc" (Ehanbalik or Pekin). Colonel Yule inclines 
to identify " Chausi" with Jinkshi, and puts the date of 


NichoW visit to Almalik as probably 1335 or 1336 (736 
or 737 H.). 

Within a year, however, after Pascal's letter, he, with 
several of his brethren, had suffered martyrdom. There are 
several accounts of this, but the narrative is given most 
fully by one of the Franciscan hagiologists, Bartholomew of 
Pisa, who wrote later in the same century. His account 
runs as follows : " In the Vicariat of Cathay or Tartary, in 
the city of Armalec, in the middle Empire of Tartary, in the 
year 1340 (or 1339 (?), 740-41 h.), the following Minorites 
suffered for the faith, viz. Friar Richard the Bishop of 
Armalec, Friar Francis of Alessandria, Friar Pascal of Spain, 
Friar Raymond of Provence ; these four were priests : also 
Friar Lawrence of Alessandria and Friar Peter of Provence, 
both lay brethren, and Master John of India, a black man 
belonging to the third order of St. Francis, who had been 
converted by the Friars. All these had been very well 
treated in that empire by the Emperor on the throne. In- 
deed, he had been cured of a cancer by Friar Francis of 
Alessandria, more by prayer than by physic, and on this 
account the Emperor used to call Friar Francis his father and 
physician. And so it came to pass that he bestowed upon 
the brethren land and privileges, and full authority to 
preach, and even made over to them his own son, then seven 
years of age, to be baptised, and so he was accordingly by 
name of John." It may be incidentally noticed that accord- 
ing to the Friars nearly all the Eraperora were, at one time 
or other, converted to the Christian faith. The Chaghatai 
princes were eminently liberal, or indifferent in religious 
matters, and even after they became Muhammadans were 
rarely persecutors. Of the non-Muhammadans stories are 
told of most regarding their conversion to Christianity. 
Chengiz in the West was often spoken of as a Christian 
knight, as were Prester John, Chaghatai, Hulaku, Mangu and 
Kubilai, all probably falsely so. The Friar proceeds, " But 
by the permission of God the Emperor himself, on his way 
to a hunting match, was taken off by poison, and his four sons 
put to death. Then the empire was seized by a certain villain 


of a falconer, a Saracen of the blood royal, whose name was 
Alisolda. And as the brethren by their preaching had made 
many converts to the faith, this new emperor ordered that 
all the Christians should be made Saracens, and that who- 
soever should disobey the third order to this effect should be 
put to death. And so when the brethren aforesaid would 
not obey this order, they were bound and all tied to one rope, 
which was dragged along by the infuriated mob, who smote 
and spat upon them, cutting off their noses and ears, and 
otherwise mutilating them, till at length they fell by the 
sword, and made a blessed migration to the Lord. But the 
aforesaid emperor before long was himself slain, and his 
house destroyed by fire." ^ The aforesaid emperor. All 
Solda, may not improbably have been 'Ali Sultan, whose 
revolt and success may have taken place 1338 or 1339 (739- 
740 H.), and who may have been slain soon afterwards as the 
ecclesiastical story tells.^ 

The circumstances of the martyrdom are likewise briefly 
told by John de Marignolli, who was at Almalik the year 
after they occurred. He went by way of the Black and 
Caspian Seas, and the court of XJzbak,^ the Ehan of the 
Golden Horde, to whom and to Tinibak, his son, he took 
presents from the Pope, and the winter being over, and 
"having been well fed, clothed and lodged, with presents 
from Uzbak, proceeded to Armalec, the capital of the Middle 
Empire. There we built a church, bought a piece of ground, 
dug wells, sung masses, and baptized several: preaching 
freely and openly, notwithstanding the fact that only the 
year before the Bishop and six other Minor Friars had there 
undergone for Christ's sake a glorious martyrdom, illustrated 
by brilliant miracles." MarignoUi's visit would seem to 
have been about 1341 (742 h.), and the king who was in 
power when he was so well treated may have been Buzun 
or KhallL* 

1 Cathay and the Way Thither. 

* Is suggested hy Col. Yule. 

3 Uzbak, 712-741 h.; Tinibak, 741 h. 

* Col. Yule suggests Kazan. 


Kazan, the son of Yassaver/ according to the lists, and 
it may be added, to almost all the authorities, including 
D'Ohsson, Vambery, Erskine, etc., following Mirkhwand, 
succeeded in 1332 (733 h.), and reigned tiU 1347 (747 h.), 
or fourteen years. But such a date of accession, at least in 
Mawara-un-Nahr, appears impossible, inasmuch as Jinks^i's 
coinage extends to 739 h. It would seem that Yassiin Timur 
succeeded him, and there is a probability the next Khan 
was Buzun. Ibn Batuta says it was Buzun who persecuted 
Islam, and allowed Jews and Christians to rebuild their 
temples, all of which would agree with the favourable treat- 
ment reported by MarignoUi about 1341 (742 h.). Ibn 
Batuta also says Buzun was defeated and killed by Ehalil, 
the son of Yassaver, who succeeded him, and coins of the 
latter were struck at BuUara and Samrkand in 744 h. 
Kazan therefore could hardly have established his authority 
in these cities before 745 h., while several authorities unite 
to fix Danishmandjeh's accession in 747 h., which year is 
also the date of his coin in the British Museum, struck at 
Bukhara. It is, however, quite possible that Kazan may have 
exercised authority for some time in Khurasan. Mirkhwand 
says he was a bloodthirsty tyrant, so much so that his 
principal officers all made their wills before attending his 
" Kunltair 

The Puppet Khans. Danishmandjeh to Kabul Shah. 

More famous than Kazan the King was Kazaghan the 
Yazir, one of the most famous Amirs of the time, who 
rapidly became all-powerful in Transoxania, and was after- 
wards known as the "King-maker.** Kazan, by his tyranny 
and constant executions of the leading chiefs, had made 
himself so odious that the survivors entered into a confederacy 
and invited the Yazir to depose him. The confederate troops, 
who were joined by a part of Kazan's own forces, assembled 
at Sauliseram, a town on the Oxus, above Tarmaz, and 

1 Said to haye been Blain by Kabuk in 720 h. 


declared open rebellion. The first battle is described by 
Mirkbwand as taking place at Darrahzangni in 1345 (746 H.), 
in which Kazan was victorious, and Kazaghan lost an eye. 
The former was, on the other hand, unable to follow up bis 
advantage, and had to retire on KarSiii, where he spent the 
winter, which fell out a very severe one. The cold and ex- 
posure told fearfully on his horses and transport of every 
description. In the following spring Mir Kazaghan, at the 
head of the insurgent chiefs, hastened to take advantage of 
his distress, and in a second battle Kazan was completely 
defeated and killed. Amir Kazaghan is said to have used 
his victory with moderation, stayed his troops from plunder 
or unnecessary bloodshed, and treated Kazan's family with 
much consideration. He did not himself care to assume the 
government, preferring the pleasures of the chase, and there- 
fore set up Danishmandjeh, a descendant of the line of Oktai, 
presumably in the same year, 1346 (747 h.), only to make 
away with him some two years later, and put in his place 
Buyan Kuli, the son of Surgu Oghul, and grandson of Dua, 
of the Chaghatai line. After this the "King-maker" appears 
to have steadily applied himself with all his energies to 
secure for the country as good a government as the troublous 
times permitted, and to have shown to all classes bounty and 
liberality. He was nevertheless assassinated during a hunting 
party, by a brother-in-law named Kutlak Timur, who had 
for some time entertained a spirit of revenge against him. 
The assassin fled towards Kunduz in Tokharistan, but was 
immediately pursued, there overtaken, and hacked to pieces 
by Kazaghan's relatives.^ The Amir's son, Abdullah^ 
succeeded to his father's dignity, but not to his in- 
fluence, for he proved able neither to protect the nominal 
sovereign set up, nor to maintain his own position. He 
fixed his seat of government at Samrkand, and one of 
his first acts was to put to death in 1358 (760 H.) the 
unfortunate Buyan Kuli, for whose wife he had conceived 
an adulterous passion. 

^ See Eliondamir*s KhuB$atU'l-^ AUkbar, 


As regards the nominal sovereign, Buyan Kuli, he seems 
to have occupied much the same position to Kazaghan and 
the Amirs as the puppet Khans Suyurghatmish and Mahmud 
subsequently did to Timur. There is nothing to show how 
far his rule extended eastward, probably not beyond Mawara- 
un-Nahr. Between the Jaxartes and the Oxus his rule must 
have been pretty general. The six mints of those of his coins in 
my possession are so situated, viz. TJtrar, 752 h. ; Kash, 753 ; 
Samrkand, 754 and 755; Soghd, without date; Buttara, 
756. All are of a size and weight unusually large, and 
having an exceptional variety of design and inscription. 
Of some five-and-twenty compared hardly two are exactly 
alike, and the high-sounding titles which he affects are 
almost as various. ^^Sultanu-V-Azdm^^^ The greatest Sultan ; 
*'AV'Adii;' the just ; *'Al'Khdkdn," Chief of Khans ; ''Al- 
Ghazi" the hero ; " Nasir-ud-din/* the Defender of the 
Faith ; " Ahu-l-muzajfar,^* Father of Victory ; ** Almuzaffar 
Arada-ul'Rahmdfi," Victor over the enemies of the Merciful; 
'* Sultdn ul hahr-u-harr** Ruler of sea and land; ^^ Malik 
Ulrikdb'Ul'amdm,** Master of the necks of the nations; are 
among the superscriptions of this exceedingly local Caesar. 
Two coins appear to be struck in the name of a son, who 
does not seem to have been mentioned in any of the 

After Buyan Kuli's murder, Abdullah set up in 1359 
(760 H.) another puppet, Timur Shah, the son of YasQn Timur; 
but the Amirs, headed by Hadji Saif-ud-din Barlas and 
Bayan ^ Selduz, determined to subvert this double system of 
government. Both Abdullah and the pageant of his selection 
fell in battle with the confederate Amirs, the whole of 
Mawara-un-Nahr b^ing taken possession of by Bayan Selduz, 
who undertook the government, and signally failed. He is 
described as an Amir entirely devoted to pleasures of all 
kinds, more especially was it his pleasure to get drunk. As 
may be supposed, the country under him rapidly drifted into 
anarchy. Amir Barlas asserted his independence at Eash ; 

^ P Buuyan. See Note at end of paper. 


Bayazid Jalair at iKhujand ; Ouljal Bugha Selduz 
at Balkh ; Muhammad Ehwajah Apardi at Shibirkban ; 
and for a while, 'Adil Khan, the son of Muhammad 
Fulad, in Badakhshan ; while other Amirs, Khizr Yaaeauri, 
and Hussain, the grandson of EazaghSn, at the head of 
large bodies of followers, harassed the country in different 

It was about this time 1360 (761 h.) that TugUak Timur 
Eh an, the son of Imll, and grandson of Dua, who, as before 
mentioned, was reigning in the Eastern Division of the 
Ehanate, hurried from Almallk to Mawara-un-Nahr with 
a considerable army, and compelled the turbulent amirs to 
acknowledge his authority. This done, and outward tran- 
quillity restored, he returned eastward in triumph^ but had 
barely recrossed the Sihun, when the dissensions among the 
Amirs recommenced as violently as ever, the whole country 
becoming again a scene of anarchy. Two years afterwards, 
Tughlak returned with his armies, put to death the dis- 
sipated old Bayan SeldOz, Bayazid Jalair, with seyeral of 
the leading Amirs, and finally invested his own son, Ilyas 
Khwaja, with the sovereignty of the Province, giving 
him a chief named Bakchak with a division of the Mu- 
ghalistan army for his support. Among the most trusted 
adherents attached to his son's person and court was no less 
a man than the young Timur Bak, and Tughlak withdrew 
himself again to Almallk. 

Ilyas Ehwaja held a precarious government for a brief 
two years. He was in the first instance, 1363 (765 H.), 
attacked by Amir TI ussain, the grandson of Eazaghan, with 
whom was joined Timur Bak, who had soon tired of being 
tutor to a Mughal prince, and was now fast rising to power. 
After an obstinate and sanguinary battle on the left bank of 
the Oxus near Eunduz, Ilyas was completely defeated, his 
force driven over the river and scattered in all directions* 
The following spring he attempted with a fresh army to 
avenge this defeat, and obtained a victory over the combined 
forces of Hussain and Timur on the river Badaun, a tributary 
of the Sihun near Shash (Tashkend). But in spite of this 


success, he found himself prevented from entering either 
Sararkand or Bukhara, which were respectively held against 
him by leaders named Maulana Zadah and Maulana Kardak. 
To crown his misfortunes, a murrain broke out among his 
horses, he lost his transport, and was compelled to retrace his 
steps, the troops carrying their own baggage across the 
Sihun, and to make his way back to his father's dominions 
in Mughalistan. How meanwhile his father had died, and 
how he and his family were murdered there in 1366 (766 h.) 
by Kamr-ud-din, has already been related. 

Adil Sultan, the son of Muhammad Pulad, noticed as being 
for a while in Badakhshan, is then said to have been set up 
by Amir Hussain, but was drowned shortly after in the river 
Jaska, by order of the same chief, who replaced him by 
Kabul Shah, the grandson of Ilchikdai. The great Timur, 
however, was now becoming irresistible. Hussain, with 
whom he had quarrelled, had established himself at Balkh, 
Timur remaining at Kash, but the majority of the Chaghatai 
Amirs and their troops, disgusted with what they considered 
the sordid and intolerable disposition of the former, had 
forsaken him and joined the latter, an alliance promising to 
be so much more productive of present advantage and future 
hope. In 1369 (771 h.) Timur, determined to endure no 
second Richmond in the field, but to finally dispose of his 
rival Hussain, directed against that rival's capital his now 
formidable and ever-victorious army, destined eventually to 
crush out all 'resistance and all rivals. It was at this period 
that he found it expedient to nominate his first puppet Ehan. 
The fate of Kabul Shah is uncertain. Mirkhwand says he 
was put to death soon after Hussain was defeated at Baikh, 
and with him the line of the Chaghatai Ehans may be said 
to have come to an end; Timur selecting as his nominee 
Suyurghatmish of the line of Oktai, and who was permitted 
to retain the title after the former had been elevated by 
common consent to the reality of sovereign power. 

Any account of the puppet Khans, Suyurghatmish, his sou 
MahmOd, and the latter's son Tuman Kutlak Ughlan, 
belongs to the history of Timur, the world-famous conqueror 


who not only pulled down the degenerate successors of 
Chaghatai in Mawara-un-Nahr, and carried a successful war 
to Almalik and the heart of the eastern branch of the 
Khanate in their mountain fastnesses of Mughalistan, but 
destroyed the whole edifice of Mughal rule in Asia, to re- 
construct out of it an empire almost as extensive as that of 

^ In addition to the before-mentioned authorities, the following haye been used : 
Voyages d'lbn Batouta, 4 vols, (translation), Paris, 1855 ; Descnption des Hordes 
dcs Kirghiz Kaizaks, par Levchine, Paris, 1840 ; Kecensio Numorum Muham- 
niadanorum, Frucbn, Petropoli, 1826 ; Muhammadan l^istory, Muhammad to 
Akbar, 4 vols., Price, London, 1811; Muhammadan Historians of India, by 
Elliot, 8 Tols., Loudon, 1867 ; and the History of Bokhara, by Yambery, 
London, 1873, in many places largely quoted. 





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IsANBUOHA, called from Mawara-un- 
Nahr cir. 721, reigned till 730 h. 

An interregnum. 

TuoHLAK-TiMUR, SOU of Isanbugha, 
born 730, reigned circ. 748-764 h. 

Ilias Khwaja, son of Tughlak, mur- 
dered by KamruddTn 766 h. 

Kamkuddin, usurped 768-794. 

Expeditions of Amir Timur. 

Ehizak Ehwaja, son of Tughlak, 

Muhammad, son of Khizar. 

Shir Muhammad, son of Muhammad. 

Sultan "VVais, son of Shir Kuli, the 
brother of Shir Muhammad, killed 

On Sultan Wais* death there was a 
division, some tribes adhering to Yiinis 
the eldest, others to Isanbugba, the 
younger son. 

YuNiSjinWestem Isanbuoha, in 
Mughalistan, Eastern Mu- 

860 H. Ilostili- ghalistan, 832- 

ties between 866. 

Eastern and DostMuhammad, 
Western, till his son, 866- 

Kapak^s death. 873 h. 

his son, for a 
time about Ter- 

Tunis died 892 h. Ahmad, son of 
Mahmud, eldest Yunis, known 

son of Tunis. ^^ Iladir, or the 

** slaughtering 

Both defeated by Sbeibani Khan 908 h. 

AuiBs OF Kashghab. 

Amir Tuluk. TJlftsbegi, contemporary 
with Isanbugba. 

TuLAJi or BoLAJi, brother of Tnlak, 
raised Tughlak to the throne. 

Khodaidad, son of Tulaji, or. 748 
to Sxx, His reign was of great 
length, but probably broken by 
the usurpation of Eamnid<tin. 

MiRSYUD 'Ali, son of Amir Sjnd 
Ahmad, son of Khodaidad, 838- 

His sons divided and fought 

Saniz MIrza in 
Tarkand, and 
subsequently in 

Haidbr in 
Kashghar, for 
a short time. 

Muhammad Haider, in both 868, 
885, when he was expelled by his 

Abubakr MIrza, son of Sanii, a 
cruel and odious tyrant, 885 to 920. 

After the death of A^mad, the aon 
of TQnis, were many civil wan and 
much anarchy, numerous sons contend- 
ing with one another. The whole tribes 
of M ughalistun were never again nniied 
under one head, though many new Khfin- 
ships arose. The Kirghiz of the desert 
establishing one of their own, which, 
in process of time formed a sort of 
union with the Kaizak Uzbegs, a fede- 
ration that has in some degree lasted 
to the present time, under the title of 
the << Hordes of the Eirghix.*' 


Art. IV. — Sachau*8 AlbiHini} By Major-Gen. Sir F. J, 
GoLDSMiD, C.B., K.C.S.I., M.R.A.S. 

Ix the Notes of the Quarter for October last it was stated 
that, owing to the exceptional character of two recent pub- 
lications, a critical notice of them would be deferred to the 
January number of the Royal Asiatic Society's Journal. 
These were Dr. Sachau's edition of Al Beruni's India in the 
Arabic original, and the Introduction and second fasciculus, 
Part I. of Howell's Arabic Grammar. Neither issue could be 
dismissed with a hasty line of approval, however unqualified, 
nor were the names of the authors, however distinguished, 
and abstract of title-pages, sufficient — in respect of th6 
particular volumes under reference — to convey, to the world 
without, a clear notion of the long and continuous labour 
the result of which had been placed at the disposal of 
Orientalists in Europe. Further consideration led to the 
conclusion that a separate article might with propriety be 
devoted to the first of the two works named — ^both important 
additions to the library of Arabic scholars. 

As regards the first-named work, a word or two recalling 
the personality of the writer of the original text may not be 
inappropriate, even if it be superfluous for many readers. 
Abu Raihdn Muhammad bin Ahmadu'l Biruni — commonly 
named Al- Biruni — was a philosopher, astronomer, and writer 
of great repute in Central Asia and India, who flourished at 
the close of the tenth and in the first half of the eleventh 

^ Al Beruni*s India: An account of the Religion, Philosophy, Literature, 
Chronology, Astronomy, Customs, Laws and Astrology of India aoout a d. 1030 ; 
edited in the Arahic original by Dr. Edward Sachau, Professor in the Royal 
University of Berlin. Publishea under the patronage of H. M. Secretary of 
State for India in Council (London, Triibner and Co., 1887). 

VOL. XX. — [new asKiss.] 9 


century — about the period of the early French kings Hugh 
Capet and Robert the Wise, and before the Norman in- 
vasion of England. Born in a.d. 973 at Khw&rizm, the 
modern Khiva, or (if we are to accept his name as the Perso- 
Arabic " outsider ") ^ more strictly in the suburbs of that 
town, he is supposed to have passed his early years in his 
native land and on the southern shores of the Caspian, and 
in A.D. 1017, on the conquest of Khw&rizm by Mahmud 
of Ghazni, to have been carried off by the conqueror to 
Afghanistdn. He accompanied the Sult&ns Mahmud and 
Mas'ud on their Indian campaigns, and died at Ghazni in 
A.D. 1048, at the age of seventy-five, some twelve years after 
his contemporary, the famous Abu 'Ali Ibn Sina, better 
known as Avicenna. 

He was a most prolific writer, and the number of his works^ 
according to his own statement, exceeded a hundred. Few 
are unfortunately now to be traced. In the British Museum 
are the following only : 

I. A/dthdr Alhdkiya ^an-il-Rurdn Alkhdlit/a, the English 
version of which by Dr. Sachau was published for the 
Oriental Translation Fund in 1879, under the title of " The 
Chronology of Ancient Nations." It professes in the Pre- 
face to describe the '' religious institutes of various nations 
and sects, founded in more ancient times, and, more or less^ 
still practised or adhered to by the Oriental world about a.d. 
1000." The dedication of the book to E&bus bin Washm- 
gir Shams-alma'ali, Prince of Hyrcania, seems to cor- 
roborate the fact of its appearance at the latter date. Two 
copies will be found registered in the catalogue of Arabic 
MSS., both comparatively modern. 

II. Ki'tdb Altafhim VAicuil Altanjim^ a Persian treatise 
on Astronomy, of which a notice of two copies is given in 
the Catalogue of Persian 1[SS. Dr. Rieu writes : " The 
author, after remarking that, before entering upon the 

^ Dr. Sachau writes of the Persian biruu : ** The Yowel of the first syllable ii 
a j/ui-mfiJ/iiUf w)ii(.'h means that in more ancient times it was prononnctid berAn 
(or bfif/rooH)" lint in vol. ii. of Dr. Kicu's Cataloj^e of Persian MSS. at the 
British Museum, p. 4ol, tiie ({uotation from Sam^ani is ^\ ifmi .... KJ^J^ sJi/tA 
rv j!^ ^^> which rules the appUcation of the Jiatr, converting M inio M. 


investigation of astronomical problems, it was necessary 
to make one's self acquainted with the configuration of 
the heaven and earth, and the technical terms used by 
astronomers, states that he had written the present elemen- 
tary treatise at the request of Raih&nah, daughter of 
al-Hasn of Khw&rizm, and had set forth in it, by questions 
and answers, the principles of geometry and arithmetic, the 
figure of the world, and judicial astrology, z*^-^^ ^l^^." 
We learn from the same authority that the work contains many 
diagrams, astronomical tables and drawings of the constella- 
tions ; that its date of composition, 2dth Ramazan, a.h. 
420 (a.d. 1028-29), is fixed by a passage in the chrono- 
logical section ; that there are two copies of an Arabic 
edition of the "Tafhim** in the Bodleian Library, the 
contents of which quite agree with the Persian, though neither 
edition purports to be a translation from the other ; and that 
the title of the book above shown accords with that recorded 
by the author in the list of his own compositions, except that 
the word <i^Vi-tf is omitted in the former before |*-2^1.^ 

III. Al'Kdn&n Al Maa^udi, a work on Astronomy in 
Arabic, of which we are told that a fine copy reached the 
British Museum too late for insertion in the Catalogue of 
Arabic MSS. — the collection noted in vol. iii. of the 
Persian Catalogue referring to extracts only. From its 
dedication to the Sultan Mas'ud it must have appeared 
after the accession of that monarch in a.d. 1031. Dr. 
Sachau considers it as the ** greatest work " of Al-Biruni's 

Independently of these three legacies of a distinguished 
Muslim author, to be found, as already stated, in our own 
National collection. Dr. Sachau refers to a fragment from the 
same hand which has come down to us '^ as the last part of 
the great chronicle of the royal house of Mahmud, composed 
b}' Albaihaki." This is an Extract from " the Chronicle of 
Khw&rizm," in which the writer " had probably recorded all 

1 The reading woald therefore be " Book of Instruction in the Principles of 
Astrology/' instead of '*Book of Instruction in the Principles of the Science of 


the traditions relating to the antiquity of his native country, 
and more especially the history of those events of which he 
had himself been a witness." ^ 

But we have now more particularly to notice the Kitdb 
Abu Raihdn Muhammad bin AhmaduH Bifimi fi tahfnA ma 
HI Hind min makUlah makbiilah fiVakl vm marzidah — ^briefly, 
and literally, Al-Biruni's book certifying what, in Hindd 
teaching, is admissible according to reason, and what is to 
be rejected. The learned Editor has cleared all doubtful 
expressions from the title by rendering it as "an accurate 
description of all categories of Hindu thought, as well those 
which are admissible as those which must be rejected/' Of 
the history of this work the instructive Preface supplies us 
with much interesting information. Referring to Prince 
Baldassare Boncompagni's treatise on the subject, published 
in 1869, for fuller details, it sets forth that the Paris MS. 
was received in the Bibliotheque Rationale in 1816, but for 
more than 20 years failed to attract the attention of scholars. 
In 1839 it fell under the observation of M. Bainaud, who 
made use of it a few years later in his contributions to the 
Journal Asiaiiqne, and, notably in 1845-46, in papers read 
before the Imtiiut, and subsequently published. The Kbamos 
of Alexander Von Humboldt noticed it in 1847; and in 1863 
M. Woepcke gave to the world a ilimoire 8ur la propagation 
des Chijfres Indie ns — being the first results of an examination 
of the book, undertaken in accordance with an appeal on its 
behalf by M. Jules Mohl to the Sociite Asiatique : but the 
said Orientalist died in the following year. M. Munk, too, 
who, so far back as 1843, had expressed his intention to edit 
and translate the whole of this particular work of Al Biruni, 
had become blind, and died in 1867. The task was then left 
in tlie hands of M. MacGuckin de Slane, who, eventually, 
recognising the special fitness of the present editor, and 
believing himself " too old to complete " it, proposed its 
transfer to Dr. Sachau. I'he proposal was formally put to 

^ Sco Preface to the translation of the Chronologr of Ancient Natioiu (Allen. 


the Society Asiatique by Mohl, and carried on the 12th July, 
1872. But the ipsissima verba of the Preface to the volume 
before us should here be quoted : 

" Mohl sent me the materials left by Woepcke, and at the 
same time M. Schefer entrusted to me his manuscript, a 
treasure quite unique in its way. Thus it has come to pass 
that the confidence and the kindness of M. G. de Slane, 
Jules Mohl and Ch. Schefer have laid on my shoulders a 
burden the whole weight of which I did not realize when 
I charged myself with it. And certainly if the work has 
been brought to a successful end, the learned world is before 
all indebted to the exceptional liberality of M. Chretien 
Schefer . . . My edition is little more than a reproduction 
of his manuscript, and it would have been quite impossible 
for me to prepare it, if he had not, by leaving it entirely in 
my hands up to the present time, enabled me to refer to it 
over and over again in the long course of my labours." 

What, it may be asked, were the uses made of the manu- 
script which had been in the Paris Bibliotheque since 1816? 
It appears that, in calling the attention of scholars to the 
existence of the Indica, it had accomplished its objects : for 
a choicer prize came into possession of M. Schefer in the 
shape of a manuscript professing to be, and practically ac- 
cepted as a copy "from a copy in the handwriting of the 
author." This it is to which allusion is made in the above 
extract ; a transcript also of certain portions having been 
found among Woepcke s "materials." On the other hand, 
the Paris MS. (as well as one other in the Library of the 
" Mehemet Kopriilii Medrese in Stambul ") is shown to have 
been copied from that of M. Schefer, " agreeing with it in 
every the most minute detail, but in many cases corrupted 
by the mistakes of the copyists who did not understand what 
they wrote." Dr. Sachau adds that he had written to various 
parts of India inquiring for other manuscripts, but had in- 
variably received the answer, that the book was not known 
to exist there. He gives expression to the hope that it will 
one day "turn up in the libraries of Kdbul, Kandahdr or 
Her&t ; " but these institutions, if they merit the name 


accorded them, are insufficiently known to the outside world 
to warrant an opinion on the nature of their literature, save 
that it most probably includes a Kur&n and such poets as 
Hdfiz, Jaldlu'd-din and S'adi. 

Apart from analysis of the manuscript itself, the Preface 
to the Indica treats of the date and place of composition ; the 
author's knowledge of Sanskrit; his acquaintance with Indian 
(and cognate) subjects; his mode of transliterating native 
words ; and of the general style and character of the book now 
reproduced in print. The outcome of this interesting retro- 
spect may be summarised as follows : 

Albiriini must have composed his Indica immediately after 
the death of Sult&n Mahmud, and during the brief, disturbed 
reign of his son Muhammad — or between the 30th April and 
30th September, 1030 ; a supposition which does not pre- 
clude the use of parts and passages already written, and the 
assistance of a skilful amanuensis. He was then 58 years of 
age, and had lived for thirteen consecutive years under the 
immediate protection of the son of Sabaktagin, a witness of 
his remarkable career. His autograph copy appears to have 
been completed in Ghazni, where possibly the whole task was 
accomplished step by step. 

His linguistic powers are carefully tested by his Editor, 
who comes to the conclusion that he spent much time in the 
study of the Indian language, knew the phonetic system 
both of the classical and vernacular dialects, and was in 
some degree acquainted with the general features of the 
structure of Sanskrit ; that he was, in short, '^ able to trans- 
late lists of proper names of the Purands into Arabic by 
himself alone, though not without blunders. As a rule, 
however, he seems to have read Indian books with the aid 
of Pandits and to have written his translation simply from 
their dictation." But the inference is that, while unable to 
read or translate, unaided, the ordinary Sanskrit text, he 
became competent, by dint of intelligent and persevering 
research, to check the sometimes erroneous interpretations of 
his Hindu teachers, and to detect proofs of negligence on the 
part of copyists. Well may Dr. Sachau comment upon the 


facts adduced as exceptional. '' Muhammadans, for instance 
born Turks," he justly remarks, "will learn, besides their 
mother-tongue, also Arabic and Persian, but that a Muslim 
should take up the study of a foreign language outside the 
range of Islam, simply for scientific purposes, seems next 
to incredible. I do not know of any Arab who learned 
literary Greek for the purpose of studying Greek literature, 
and it is perfectly certain that Averroes and Avicenna were 
totally ignorant of the language of Aristotle and Galenus. 
Although they made the most extensive use of Greek learn- 
ing, they never thought of drawing from the fountain-head, 
but contented themselves with mediocre Arabic translations 
of Syriac translations of the Greek originals. In this respect 
Alberuni is phenomenal in the history of Eastern civilisation. 
In a spirit akin to that of modern times he tries to pull down 
the barrier-wall, which in the shape of the diflference of 
language has been erected between different nations, he 
endeavours to learn Sanskrit, and the difficulty of his enter- 
prise will be appreciated by all those who undertake the 
same task in our time." It is related that the learned 
Abu'l Fadhl, minister of Akbar — who lived more than five 
centuries later than our author — was called " a Hindu " by 
his opponents; but this appellation was rather due to his 
Sufiism and free-thinking than to the many pages of the 
Aiyin-i-Akbari devoted by him to Hindustan and its in- 
habitants, or to any knowledge he may have possessed of a 
Non-Muhammadan tongue. 

Albiruni not only sought to render Sanskrit lore intel- 
ligible to Arabs, but also to promote Arabic learning among 
Hindus. The S4mkhya by Kapila ; the book of Patanjali ; 
Paulisasiddhlinta; BrahmasiddhsLnta ; Laghuj^takam; — these 
and many other works he translated, wholly or in part, into 
Arabic for his own countrymen and co-religionists ; and at 
the same time he wrote treatises in Arabic and translations 
in the vernacular, for the instruction of natives of India. 
His Kitdh-alta/him he edited both in Persian and Arabic : 
he had, besides, ''an admirable knowledge of the Jewish 
Kalendar ; " and he is mentioned as '' the first of all the 


scholars we know who has compiled a soientific system of 
the Jewish Chronology." 

His method of transliteration, in respect of (the so-ex- 
pressed) '^ Sanskrit and vernacular'' forms of Indian words, 
is reviewed in detail, and numerous illustrations are sup- 
plied; but it is remarked that he calls the language of India 
" Hindi," and nowhere uses the terms Sanskrit and Pr&krit. 
We may fairly infer that his main object was that of the 
more practical colloquial Orientalists of the present hour, 
i.e. to set forth the foreign tongue under his consideration, 
as heard from the lips of native Pandits, in as nearly as 
possible equivalent Arabic letters. Discrepancy in spelling 
and confusion of classical and vernacular terms are ac- 
counted for by discrepancy in pronunciation and in the mode 
of imparting information, caused by employment of teachers 
of different nationalities and capabilities : nor is it to be 
doubted that in many cases the learned learner found indepen- 
dent reference to books his safest guide. Much the same thing 
is daily exemplified among ourselves. Each transliterates 
according to his own tastes or fancies: the more skilled on 
a principle they are quite prepared to defend: the more 
ignorant from dislike to unintelligible reform. Thus it is 
that Singapur is written Singa^or^ or poor ; Mathura, 
Muttra ; Lakhnau, Lucknow ; Kanhpur, Cawnpore ; Fazl, 
Fuzzle — and so forth. Government lays down a rule; but 
does not enforce it with universal strictness. As to the 
hand fide vernacular words of the Indica, the Editor does 
not know any Indian dialect which completely agrees with 
them. " They probably belong," he writes, " to a dialect 
current about 1000 a.d. in the Kabul valley and the con- 
terminous parts of India, a dialect of which we have, as 
I am aware, neither epigraphic nor literary remains." He 
believes the vernacular of Albiruni to be more nearly related 
to the Sindhi than to any other of the Neo- Aryan languages 
of Hindustan. 

A few words remain to be said on the style and 
character of the publication reviewed. Those who would 
learn Dr. Sachau's opinion on his author's general mode of 


writing, as well as the number and nature of his works, and 
details of his personal history, should read the introduction 
(Vorwort) to his edition of the Chronologie Orimtalischer 
Volker, Zweite Hdlfte (Leipzig, 1878), referred to in the 
briefer preface to the English version. This last, be it said, 
en passant f is a monument of the Berlin Professor's industry 
and ability. Like his hero, he himself writes his two 
languages with equal ease and freedom of expression : the 
Arabic and Persian of Albiruni are the German and English 
of Sachau. Unfortunately, it is only the very few for 
whom the volume bears special interest, who have studied 
and appreciated the " Chronology of Ancient Nations " in 
its English dress. Yet if it does not belong to the popular 
literature of the day, it has a value to scholars and theo- 
logical or historical writers and students which is quite apart 
from the ordinary book of reference. 

As to the Arabic used by Albiruni in his Indica, Dr. 
Sachau writes : " All his sentences are very precise and most 
of them very short, the connection of the sentences with 
each other is very strict and bears a close relation to the 
method of geometry, as each sentence is so constructed as to 
fit closely on to the preceding one. The nature of his style 
seems to betray the mathematician by profession .... His 
language is so condensed and at the same time so artistically 
constructed that you could scarcely anywhere take away 
a single word without destroying the whole sentence.*' He 
goes on to explain the nature of the difficulties arising to the 
ready comprehension of the text, so that the student will 
be prepared to meet and overcome them. Among these may 
be noted the close dependence of one sentence on another ; 
the frequent use of personal pronouns, intelligible only 
where strict attention has been given to antecedents; various 
grammatical liberties ; peculiarity in the construction of 
numbers ; and certain deviations from classical nicety which 
are characterised as ''classical language en n4glig4 used by 
most mediaeval authors who did not pique themselves upon 
being very precise in matters of grammar." For these last 
the Editor admits the responsibility of Al Birimi himself as 


well as of the manuscript he has chosen for guidance. The 
following two paragraphs must be quoted in extenso : 

^^WheiL Al Birunf used the Arabic language to depict Indian 
civilisation, he put it to such a test as no Arabian author has ever 
done before or after. He had, like Colebrooke, Wilson and Lassen, 
to grapple with the difficulty of rendering all the subtleties of 
Hindu thought by corresponding terms of another language, and 
I venture to say that he has done so with complete success. Eyery 
one who takes the trouble of following his train of thought, will 
find that throughout the whole book there reigns a classical per- 
spicuity which proves that he handled not only the subject, but 
also the language with a perfect mastery. In order to express 
new notions foreign to the Arabian mind, he either boirows Indian 
words using them in their original or in an Arabized form, or 
secondly he translates them into Arabic, or in the third place, if 
he cannot find an appropriate Arabic translation, he uses Arabic 
words, but in new significations which he assigns to them. In this 
task ho was greatly assisted by the enormous wealth of forms of 
Arabic inflexion and their capability of expressing the very finest 
and most intricate nuances of thought, by the inexhaustible treasures 
of the Arabic dictionary and the wonderful elasticity of Arabic 
syntax. Al Birunf directed the language into a new channel, 
where it might have undergone a new and peculiar development of 
its own, but this development has not taken place. The impulses 
given by Al Birunf, who rises like a solitary rock in the ocean of 
Arabic literature, have not been taken up by subsequent genera- 
tions, and the result was that his work soon became unintelligible 
to Muslim readers and was utterly neglected. He was too far in 
advance of his countrymen, and they have never tried to follow in 
his wake. 

The perusal of the Indica requires a certain familiarity with 
Arabic terminology as it occurs in books on theology, philosophy, 
mathematics, astronomy, and astrology. On considering the ques- 
tion whether a glossary of rare and unknown words was to be 
added to this edition, I came to the conclusion that it would be 
preferable to explain all the wonls which need an explanation, in 
the notes to my translation, as they are not sufficiently numerous 
to justify a special glossary being made of them." 

The character of the book is in every respect satis- 
factory, and its instructive tendency may be said to have 


a direct bearing upon the not insignificant question which 
has lately occupied the attention of thinking men — that is, 
the moral influence on barbaric and idolatrous people of 
the religion of Islam. It is practically the vindication of 
Muhammadanism, in the person of the author, from the 
charge of illiberality and hostility to intellectual progress : 
it is a proof that the Muslim can rise above the prejudices of 
training and tradition to make mankind at large the subject 
of impartial study ; it is a demonstration of what benefits 
might have been conferred on India by Islam so far back as 
the eleventh century, had the conqueror of that vast territory 
been guided by the counsels of one who lived under his 
shadow — "not engaged," as the Editor observes, "in fighting 
the Hindus, but in trying to learn from them, to study 
Sanskrit and Sanskrit literature, and to translate Sanskrit 
books into Arabic." That it happened otherwise, and that 
Albiruni was but one of a million of his age and creed who 
could attain such exceptional eminence, and of many millions 
who ever did attain it — are facts which if they do not greatly 
strengthen the position of Muhammadanism as a civilising 
Power apart from the example of one individual, yet serve to 
establish, in the instance of that individual, the proposition 
that a high-minded and intellectual Muhammadan was not 
a mere fallacy of expression.' But were this an occasion of 
seeking other exceptions, it might be shown that Albiruni's 
age was not the only period in which they were to be found : 
nay more, that he did not himself supply quite the sole 
illustration to this efiect in his own particular age. 

Within two or three months from the issue of the present 
number of the Royal Asiatic Society's Journal, the English 
translation of Dr. Sachau's Arabic text of Albiruni may be 
expected to appear. The work will then be subject to the 

1 A distinguished Italian critic holds that each sentiments as those expressed 
in Albirtini's " Indica,** coming from a Musalman of Khiva in the eleventh century 
of our era, may, as a matter of wonder, be compared to the discovery of lions' 
and elephants' tones in the Northern regions of the earth. ** A vedere spuntar 
cosi fatti pensieri, verso i principii dell' Al. secolo dell* era vol^are, nella mente 
di un Musalmano di quello che oggido chiamano il khanato di Khiva, si sente 
xnaraviglia non minore che alio scoprir ossa di leoni e d'elefanti nolle regioni 
settentrionali della Terra." [M. AmarL] 


criticism of a larger number of readers than at present ; for, 
unfortunately, the "serious" study of this grand Oriental 
tongue does not command the attention which its importance 
justifies. In the meanwhile, a word may be said on its 
particular contents, the table of which will be found in 
English as well as Arabic in the volume now before us. 

Besides the Introduction the work is divided into eighty 
chapters varying in length, but averaging nearly four pages 
each. About half the number treat of Religion and Belief, 
Customs, Literature, and Laws; and half of Astronomy, 
Geography, and General Science. An example has already 
been given of the Editor's analysis of Albirdni's style : bat 
this will scarcely be needed by those- who have become 
familiar with the "Chronology of Ancient Nations'* — a book 
which, whatever merit may be accorded to it in the original, 
is in the translation a marvellous record of industry and 
scholarship. Something of presumption might perhaps be 
attributed to a reviewer of the original text, were he to 
anticipate its Editor's promised translation and put forward 
a specimen by quotation in an English dress; but the charge 
could hardly be held to apply to the three or four opening 
lines of a chapter selected at random, which will suffice to 
show the train of the author's ideas and spirit in which he 
writes, and further, the tone in which a Muslim who lived some 
nine hundred years ago could adopt in reference to Christianity : 

u ^\ u:j ^ >iJ^ Jif, jj^\ jx c^ \^\i z^j^\ 

Jk^l ^ 3^1 ^ ^j^^ ^ ^LAJa!! c^^^i^U (^JifL ^1,0^1 ^^j^ 

which may be thus interpreted : — " Chapter 71, On Puniah- 
" ments and Expiations. 


"Their state (i.e. doctrinal position of the Indians) resembles 
" that of Christianity ; for it is based upon (the principle 
" of) doing good and abstaining from evil ; as (for instance) 
" absolutely refraining from the infliction of death, throwing 
** one's tunic to the snatcher of one's cloak/ turning the one 
" cheek to the smiter of the other, and praying for and bless- 
** ing one's enemies. Such, by my life, is a noble rule of 
" conduct ! But worldly people are not all philosophers, and, 
" indeed, the greater part are ignorant and transgressors. 
'' The sword and scourge can alone restrain them, and since 
" the conversion of the Conqueror^ Constantino, these (two 
''agencies) are in constant operation; for without them the 
'' regulation of society (administration of justice) cannot be 
" accomplished. Thus it is with India . . ." 

It need hardly be pointed out that Albiruni, in writing 
this, must have had in mind the verses in St. Matthew v., 
wherein are the words, " Whosoever shall smite thee on thy 
right cheek, turn to him the other also," — and *' If any man 
will . . . take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also." 
How little the existence of an Oriental author of this stamp has 
been taken into account by Western teachers until compara- 
tively recent years, may be readily understood by reference to 
pamphlets and periodicals embodying the conceptions of the 
day, which have appeared at any time since the institution of 
printing up to the dawn of the nineteenth century. But an age 
has been reached, one of the main characteristics of which is 
a search after truth; and it is not impossible that among 

^ One meaning of many to be found in dictionaries. I had originally written 
*' scarf.'* The word used is j^UlL tdilasdn^ evidently borrowed from the Persian 
i^^UiU or 42;U\; taUhdn or taisdn < * a kind of coif wrapped round the head, with 
a lappet or sash hanging down'* (Johnson). Mr. H. C. Ka^, who has kindly 
revised the whole translation of the above extract, calls attention to the fact that 
De Sacy renders it by manteau, the same interpretation given by Baron de Slane; 

and I find the following in Freytag: *' ■f.UJl.'b et ^ .UJ^ pL L:±LL 

{plurimi ex Fersieo ^U et 42;VD\7, aiii ex 4£;U tje or turn etse dicunt voeem). Amicu- 

lum, fere ex pilis caprinis vel camelinis contextum, quod humero iniectum dependet 
de dorso, vet etiam capiti impositum deorsum promittitur: quale philosophi et 
religiosi, imprimis apud Persas, usurpare velut pro iusigni solent. Inde Arabes 
convicii causa dicunt j^Uut ^\ \ii.e. Persa et Barbare ! ** 

^ I have translated ^a^ muzaffar literally : it may simply imply an Arabic 
equivalent for the common designation of ** the Great. ' 


its salient features will be a re-action in favonr of Mu« 
hammadanism generally. In such case the danger, at the 
outset, would seem to lie in the investment of the new cause 
with a robe of honour to which it has no just claim. When 
worthy Muslim thinkers do appear, we should be thankful 
that there arise Sachaus in after centuries to recall their 
appearances, lest indeed — to use the magnificent images 
of the Apocrypha — they pass away "like a shadow, and 
as a post that hasted by ; " or as a ship whereof " the path- 
way of the keel in the waves " cannot be found ; or " as 
when an arrow is shot at a mark, it parteth the air which 
immediately cometh together again, so that a man cannot 
know where it went through." ^ But it must be remembered 
that Albirunis are few and far between. 

* Wisdom, chap. t. 9. 10. 12. 



1. The Bibuogbaphx of Afbica. 

December 5thj 1887. 

Sir, — In the last issue of the Journal, I announced the forth- 
coming publication, by the Roman Catholic Missionaries of Sene- 
gambia, of a Dictionary of the Susu language. I was then unaware 
of the fact that this book had already been published two years 
ago, and I have only just found it out from a German Catalogue of 
second-hand books. The Dictionnaire frangaia-aoao et soso-frangais, 
to which are prefixed a grammatical sketch and a collection of 
common phrases, will prove a very valuable Handbook of this 
language, which is spoken along the coast between the Kio-Nuiiez 
and Sierra-Leone. The author is the Rev. P. Rajmbault, and the 
work, though printed in Paris, has been issued by the Mission du 
Rio-Pongo, Vicariat apostolique de Sierra-Leone^ 1885. 

What the said Missionaries were going to publish was really 
a practical Grammar of the Bambara language, which has now 
been issued {Elhnents de la Grammaire Bambara, etc. 1 vol. 16mo. 
vii. and 218 pp., Saint-Joseph de Ngasobilj 1887). It contains 
numerous exercises with lists of words, and it is followed by some 
texts with a Bambara-French Dictionary: this is the most complete 
and elaborate work ever published on that interesting language. 

I must also quote here a little work, issued by the same Mission- 
aries in 1880, which is not noticed in Cust's Modem Languages of 
Africa, and which would prove very useful to Englishmen, because 
it contains an English translation of all words and sentences ; its 
title is (in French and in English) as follows : Guide of the Con- 


versation in four languages^ English-Wolof-Feewch-Sabab, 1 voL 
32mo. 329 pp., Saint-Joseph de Ngasohil, 1880. 

Capt. T. G. de Guieaudoh. 

The Secretary of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 

2. Notes on Afeican Philology. 

December 20th, 1887. 

SiE, — Amongst the Notes contributed by the Hon. Sec. to the 
last issue of the Journal, I read as follows : 

" Vocabularies of the Uadendoa and Bent Amir. — .... The 
Hadendoa is a Dialect of the Bishari language, of the Hamitic 
group (see page 126 of Gust's Modem Languages of AMca, 1883). 
The Bani Amir are wrongly entered as a Dialect of the same 
language, but the Vocabulary shows that the language is Semitic, 
and akin to the Tigr6 of Abyssinia." 

So, if I understand rightly, we are told by Dr. Oust himself that 
he has been wrong in entering the Beni Amfr as a Dialect of the 
Bishari language : we shall sec hereafter that this statement should 
really be understood in a way quite different from that suggested 
by the phrase quoted above. 

I must observe, in the first place, that Bani Am\rj or, more 
correctly, Beni Ainer, is a plural ethnic tribal name (Hebrew 
Amrim), moaning *' Sons of Amer," and I fail to understand how 
the ** Sons of Amer *' could be styled a Dialect. "We could not say 
that the Dutchmen are a Dialect. "With regard to these Beni 
Amer, as the Vocabulary alluded to has not yet been published, I 
must postpone my opinion on the question whether the language is 
Hamitic or Semitic. But both suppositions are possible : for some 
of the Beni Amer, who are of Tigrean descent, have preserved 
their original Semitic dialect, while the rest of them now speak a 
Hamitic dialect (see W. Munzingcr's Ostafrikanische Studien and 
Vocabulaire de la langue Tigre). Therefore, if Dr. Oust confessea 
himself wrong in entering the Beni Amer as a dialect of the 
Bishari language, he would have rightly corrected himself by 
entering their name as that of a tribe speaking partly a dialect of 


the Tigre language (Semitic) and partly a dialect of the Bedawye 
language (Hamitic). In other words, his entry is right, though 
incomplete, as to the name of the tribe, but it is quite wrong as to 
the names of dialects and languages. 

I come now to the so-called Hadendoa dialect of the so-called 
Bishdri language. 

The language, which these people who speak it call W Bedawye^ 
i.e. the Bedawye (see Munzinger, Reinisch and Almqvist), and to 
which we have, therefore, no ground at all for applying any other 
name, is spoken, according to the best authorities, by the Baden- 
doas, the Bisharis, the Halengas, the Amarars, the Ababdehs and a 
fraction of the Beni Amer. To call this language by the name of any of 
these tribes, is exactly as if we were to call the French language the 
Auvergnat, and we should only aggravate such a mistake by speak- 
ing further of the Britton or Picard dialects of the Auvergnat 
language. We can only speak of the dialect of the Bedawye 
language, as spoken by the Hadendoas or the Bisharis. 

Both Hadendoa and Bishari are but the names of tribes speaking, 
together with the others mentioned above, one and the same lan- 
guage, and none of these appellatives can be applied to the common 
language, the right name of which we know perfectly well, as 
already stated. That all these tribes speak a common language 
with some dialectal differences (which, after all, are mostly mere 
differences of pronunciation), this fact is beyond any doubt. But 
that is the only difference we can trace. We cannot speak of 
dialects in the true sense of the word among uncultured tribes. 
Very often the language becomes modified from place to place. It 
is very difficult, not to say quite impossible, to state where a so- 
called dialect begins and where it ends, and we can only say where 
a language, in one or other of its dialectal forms, begins and where 
it ends. Therefore, when an author tries to separate such dialects 
one from the other, he runs the risk of becoming quite unintel- 
ligible and of heaping mistakes on mistakes. A few more quota- 
tions will more fully illustrate what I mean to say. 

In his above mentioned work (p. 159-160), after having stated, 
though without any ground, that there are five — I could as well say 
fifteen or seventy — dialects of the Fulah language, Dr. Cust goes on 
quoting : ** Faidherbe admits that his Grammar is of the dialect of 
the Toucouleur, or Futa Toro, .... It presents several differ- 
ences from pure Fulah, ..." and further: "Baikie observes 
that the language was spoken in its purest form in Futa Toro . . . ." 

VOL. XX. — [new bbbies.] 10 


It seems to me that all this is so illogical and Belf-contradictoiy, 
that though it reads like statements of facts, it really conveys no 
meaning at all. 

How can one speak of the purest form of a language which has 
no literaiy standard, the only available one : I mean no true 
indigenous literary standard, as I cannot consider the translationB 
of the Bible made by some missionaries otherwise than as an 
artiticial literary standard. But, if this language is spoken in its 
purest form in Futa-Toro, how can this purest form present 
several differences from pure Fulah ? And in what part of Futa- 
Toro is this purest form to be found out ? During more than 
three years I spoke myself exclusively the Pul language at 
many different places of Senegalian-Futa (Futa-Toro, Central- 
Futii and Futa-Damga), and everywhere I found some dialectal 
changes : but I have no term of comparison to say whether the 
purest form was spoken at Gourik (Futa-Damga) or at Podor 
(Futa Toro) ; I can only say that the dialectal forms spoken by the 
Bosseyabos and other tribes of Central Futa are perhaps less mixed 
with foreign words than the others. In fact, there are two great 
dialectal forms of the Pul language, which are spoken in two 
separate countries, Senegalian-Futa and Futa-Dyallo : elsewhere, 
the Fulbo being more or less scattered amongst foreign populations, 
their language has become mixed and altered in various ways, and 
it is quite impoSvsiblc to speak of any dialectal classification. 

Rctturning eastwards overland, I come to what Dr. Cuat calls 
** Nile sub-group,'* and here I find in his Bibliography : 

J^o. Languages, Dialects. 

4. Bari. 1. Bari. 

2. Mom. 

13. Nyangbara. 

which I would restore as follows : 

4. Bari. „ 

13. Nyangbara. 1. Nyangbdra. 

2. Moru. 

For the so-called !Moru dialect of the Bari language, as illustrated 
by Col. E. Long, is not at all a dialect of the Bari language, with 
which it has not even two words in common. On the other hand, 
the Moru dialect looks so very much the same as the Nyangbdra 
language, as illustrated by Morlang, that it may be asserted with 


all certainty that both Nyangbara and Mom are but dialectal forms 
of one and the same language. 

I would not myself venture to give any new complete classifica- 
tion of African dialects and languages, as I consider it to be 
impossible for the present, and, in making the few preceding 
remarks, I had only in view to point out the difficulty of the subject 
in the present state of our knowledge. 

Capt. T. G. de Guiraxtdon. 

Ths Secretary of the Boyal Asiatic Society, 

Note to the above hy the Hon, Secretary, — All contributions to our 
knowledge of these imperfectly studied African languages, made by 
specialists, who, like our correspondent, have actual personal 
acquaintance with the subject, are of extreme value, and we thank 
Capt. de Guiraudon for his interesting communications, and we 
hope to hear from him again. 

3. The Migration of Buddhist Stories. 

Monsieur, — Dans son important article sur la Siinhasanadvatrimsik& 
(Ind. Stud. XV.), Mr. Weber ne croyait pouvoir rattacher de pr^s les 
fragments d'une recension Mongole, connue sous le nom " Histoire 
d'Ardshi-Bordshi Khan/* aux textes des recensions Samskrtes. 
line traduction Persane, faite pour la premiere fois du temps 
d'Akbar sur un texte Indien et remaniee plusieurs fois apres, nous 
foumit des donn6es precieuses pour le rapprochement des textes en 
question. II existe de cette version Persane une traduction fran- 
9aise du baron Lescallier (Le trone enchante, New York, 1817, 2 
vols. 8vo.), aussi infidele, que rare (ni Benfey, ni Weber n'ont vus 
cette traduction). L' Introduction nous donne et Thistoire du p^re 
de Vikramaditya-Gandharva-sena, transforme en ane par une male- 
diction d'Indra, et Phistoire du cadavre flottant. Le recit de la 
7 me statue presente certaines analogies avec I'histoire du chasseur 
et des perroquets, pour laquelle nous trouvons une parall^le tr^s 
rapprochee dans la litterature orale Indienne. Le r6cit de la lOme 
statue nous donne une version de Thistoire de Naran Da Kinl. 

Cette petite notice a pour but de signaler Tetroite affinite entre 
la recension Buddhiste Mongole et une des recensions Indicnnes. 
Je compte, sous pen, donner une analyse detaillee de la version 
Persane d' apres plusieurs MSS. de Londres et de Paris. 

Serge d'Oldenburg. 


4. KIlidIsa. usf Cetlon, 522. 

Sm, — Whether a bee was ever enclosed in the petals of the 
lotus, into which it had entered in pursuit of honey, is very 
doubtful. But Mr. Grierson has quoted in the Indian Antiquary 
(xvi. 284) a very pretty couplet, in which the first line states 
that a bee was so caught, and the second that his wife, the female 
bee, * adored the lord of day ' to save him. For, as is well known, 
the lotus at dawn opens its petals. 

It would be very interesting to know to whom this poetical idea 
first occurred, and whether the verse has any history on the 
continent of India. For in the island of Ceylon a similar one is 
connected with a very interesting story. 

It is this. In 522 a.d. there was reigning in Ceylon an 
accomplished prince and poet, named Eumara Dasa, the author of 
a Sanskrit poem still extant in its Sanna, called the Janakl- 
harana. He invited Kalidasa to his court. Both king and guest 
were enamoured of a certain lady, and one day on the wall of her 
chamber the kmg wrote the following riddle, with a promise of 
great reward to him who should solve it : — 

Wana tambara mala no tala ronata wani 
Mala dedera pana galawa giya sewanl. 

That is : ' The forest bee got to the honey without hurting the 
fiower, but (being caught in the fiower as it closed) he got away 
with his life to the cool shades of the jungle only when (in the 
morning) the lily unfolded its petals.' 

The poet coming soon after, being on a like love's errand bent, 
felt at once the allusion, and inscribed underneath the solution, 
which ran : — 

Siyat ambara siya tambara siya sewenl 
Siya sa puiu nidi no laba un sewenl. 

That is : * The relation of the sun (the king, of the solar race) 
seeking the society of the lotus-eyed (beauty) enjoyed indeed her 
company, but sleepless was caught in her toils.' 

When the king saw that his riddle had been solved, he enquired 
for the anonymous author of the solution. But the covetous 
beauty concealed his name, and on his next visit had him murdered 
by her attendants, and claimed both solution and reward as her 
own. Something, however, aroused the king's suspicion. He had 
her premises searched, and the murdered body was diacovered 


beneath the floor. The king ordered a pyre to be made as for the 
cremation of a king, and on the appointed day attended with all 
his court, and scarcely had the flames reached the body, when the 
king, overwhelmed with grief at the loss of his friend, to which 
he felt he had himself contributed, rushed into the burning mass, 
and was himself also first suffocated and then consumed. 

As the story is only found in two very rare books (Alwis's 
Sidat Sangarawa, p. cli, and Knighton's History of Ceylon, p. 106), 
I have given an abstract of the whole of it. I^either of these 
authors gives the name or date of the book in which they found the 
legend. But it is referred to in the Poerakum Ba Sirit (Parakrama 
Bahu Caritra), a work of the fourteenth century, as being then 
well known ; and this at least is certain, that when it was flrst told, 
the common belief among Ceylon scholars was that Kalidasa 
belonged to the beginning of the sixth century of our era. 

T. W. Rhys Davids. 



, October. XovanlMr.) 

I. Ee?obt4 of Mxexu^s of the Bijtal XsulXsc Socxsxt. Swaaov 


rtnf Jfe^tin^, 21 »t Xoremh^, 1887.— Sir Thoxas Wade, K.C.B., 
Pr^;^'lfnt. in the Chair. 

There were eleote«i as Resident Members : Macar David, Esq., 
M<ylan Gopal, £nq.. Franois Hewitt, £»:(., Sadder-addin Khan, 
Itmg Lai, E.^. ; and as Xon-Resident Members: the Very Ber. 
iKan Batcher, D.D., Syed AM Bilgrami, E. G. W. Senathi Baja, 
Henry Cousins, £s^|., Ernest A. Floyer, Esq., Spencer Piatt, Esq., 
I'hilip K. Valladares, Esq. 

The Secretary, in the absence of the author, read an abstract of 
a papcT by Dr. Edkins on '* Foreign Elements in Early Japanese 
Mythology" in which it was argued that there were distinct traces 
of fire-worship and other Persian ideas in ancient Chinese history, 
;ind that the Japanese in borrowing from China had also adopted 
Persian ideas. Quotations were given from the legend of Izanagi 
:ind Izanami, and other myths, and the conclusion drawn that the 
Persian elements in Japanese religion were: 1. That the dnal 
principle is made the basis of the universe ; 2. That many powerful 
-pirits were formed before the physical universe ; 3. That things 
were created in the same order ; 4. That the Japanese goddess Ama- 
tf-rasu is a form of the Persian Mith-ras ; 5. That the great angels 
ruling the wind, fire, earth, water, wood, etc., resemble the Persian; 
f'i. The purification ceremonies ; 7. The dedication of white horses 
in their sun-temples. 

Mr. Satow said : I do not think any one who has carefally 
studied the early literature of Shintoism will deny that it contains 


foreign elements, especially since the publication of Mr. Chamber- 
lain's translation of the Kojiki in the tenth vol. of the Transactions 
of the Asiatic Society of Japan. He has pointed out the influence 
which Chinese ideas had in the composition of that book, and the 
Nihon Shoki, to which Dr. Edkins refers more than once, contains 
a much larger portion borrowed evidently from China. Since it is 
undoubted that the Japanese had no written language before the 
introduction of Chinese learning, it seems very natural that in 
committing to writing their legends, which to them were a part 
of history, they should, either wilfully or unconsciously, have 
copied their masters. Native Shintoists of the last two centuries 
have looked on the Nihon Shoki as corrupt, and they base their 
accounts of the primitive religion mainly upon the Kojiki and the 
rituals contained in the Engiahiki. The last are almost entirely 
pure Japanese in style, and are probably among the oldest com- 
positions in the language. They were used in religious services, 
but there seems to me to be no evidence that the myths of the 
Kojiki were ever chantod by priests as Dr. Edkins conjectures. 
In saying that the rituals are among the oldest specimens of the 
language, I must, however, add that the poems embedded in the 
text of the Kojiki, and some of those contained in the collection 
entitled Manyo Shu, are of equally great antiquity. Later on 
Shinto was greatly influenced by Buddhism and probably Tauism, 
but this is beside the present question. What Dr. Edkins has 
tried to do is to get at the earliest form of Shinto, and trace in it 
Persian elements. It is unfortunate, therefore, that he should 
have relied so much on the Nihon Shoki, which, as said before, is 
not so much Japanese as Chinese in tone. 

One personal explanation I think myself entitled to make. Dr. 
Edkins asserts that I say the mirror is not found in Shinto temples 
unless they have been under the influence of Buddhism. He has 
slightly misunderstood me. What I did say was that the mirror 
hanging in front of Shinto temples was Buddhist, and it is evident, 
from my account of the emblem of the sun-goddess, that I never 
meant to assert that the mirror was Buddhist. As far as one can 
see, with the old Japanese the sword was the commonest emblem 
of the male sex, as the mirror was that of the female. 

The identification of seven elements in the Persian religion and 
in that of the early Japanese is certainly ingenious ; but I think it 
is erroneous to state that white horses are dedicated to the sun- 
goddess. They are or were to be found at the temples of many 


other deities, e.g. at the temple of Hachiman at Kamakura. I 
think it would not be difficult to point out as many fortuitonB 
resemblances between Shinto and Judaism. 

I have elsewhere given reasons for thinking that the origin of 
Shinto was ancestor-worship, and that the worship of fire, wind, 
and other powers of nature dates from after the introduction of 
Euddhism. I would not however be understood to mean that these 
poitions of the Shinto practice are borrowed from Buddhism. 

Every tiling goes to show that the Japanese islands were peopled 
long befure the neighbouring state of Corea became civilized; 
whether they be a homogeneous people descended from a section of 
the race to which the Coreans belong, or whether they come from 
an amalgamation of settlers from Corea with a later immigration of 
Malays or Polynesians, is an open question. But whatever they 
knew they brought with them from their home on the Continent, 
and probably developed during a long period of isolation into the 
civilization they possessed at the time of the introduction of Chinese 
letters. No date earlier than about 300 or 400 a.d. can be regarded 
as authentic, and to assume, as Dr. Edkins does, that the Japanese 
chronology is to be implicitly accepted when they make Jimmn 
ascend the throne in 660 b c. seems to me somewhat extraordinary, 
seeing that a mere perusal of the tables of Japanese history from 
Jimmu downwards for about 1000 years, shows that the whole is 
incredible. That a person afterwards canonized as the Divine 
Warrior (Jimmu) did lay the foundations of the Japanese monarchy 
one can hardly doubt, since ever}'thing must have a beginning. 
But if anything is to be assumed, on the basis of the early history 
of the Japanese, it is that Jimmu reigned about the Ist centur}' a.d. 
I will not say that it is much more trustworthy than the history of 
Britain bifore the Roman Conquest, but even if you accept the 
orthodox succession of sovereigns, at any rate you cannot swallow 
the chronology. 

Mr. Dickius thought with Mr. Satow that the early history of 
Japan was quite unworthy of trust. The mythology, as we have 
it, was so mixed up with Buddhism and Taouism, that it was 
extremely difficult to eliminate the autochthonous elements from 
the mass, for even these had almost always been preserved with a 
foreign colouring. It struck him that the method lately applied 
by Mr. Chamberlain to the investigation of place-names might 
with profit be applied to that of tlie myth-names of primitiTe 
Japan. As on instance, simply by way of illustration, the case of 


Nikko was cited, a Sinico-Japanese place-name, now written with 
two characters, signifying the glory of the sun, but anciently with 
characters of somewhat similar sound signifying in Japanese futa 
ara, two storms, from a myth that two storms yearly issued from a 
cave in Nantai. Futa ara might be a Japanese pronunciation of an 
Aino name, hence the last- mentioned myth, while the ceasing of 
the storms, when K5bo changed ni kd {futa ara) into nikko, sun's 
glory, was involved in the latter name. In Dr. Edkins's hypothesis 
Mr. Dickins could see no force whatever. 

The discussion was continued by Mr. Bouverie-Pusey and Mr. 
Freeland, and was closed by the President. 

II. Peoceedings of Asiatic or Oriental Societies. 
Asiatic Society op Bengal. 

Ist June, 1887. — Five copper and one forged silver coin for- 
warded by the Deputy Commissioner of Rawal Pindi were sub- 
mitted with a report by Mr. Rodgers. 

In was announced that Mr. Smith's Index to General Cun- 
ningham's Archaeological Report was nearly ready, and would be 
issued as vol. xxiv. of the series. 

Papers by Dr. Fiihrer on three grants of Govinda Chandra Deva 
(twelfth century), and by C. J. Rodgers, Esq., on the coinage of 
the kings of Ghazni, were read. They will be published in the 

6th July, 1887. — Dr. Rajendralala Mitra exhibited a copper 
plate received from Mr. Metcalfe, the Commissioner of Orissa. 

Mr. Rodgers wrote concerning coins he had purchased and archaeo- 
logical discoveries he had made. Of the latter one was a group of 
rock-cut temples near Kangra, hitherto unknown. 

Dr. Rajendralala Mitra and the Babu Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E., 
read papers on Ekofihhdvay on which a discussion followed. The 
Babu's paper is the same as appeared in the Academy of December 
the 3rd, with remarks by Professor Max Miiller and Professor Rhys 

Mr. Oliver read a paper on the Saf wi dynasty of Persia and their 


Mr. Smith read a paper on sixteen gold coins of Chandra Gupta 
II. and Kumara Gupta Mahendra found in Gorakhpor. 

Srd Aujust, 1887. — Mr, Bruce Foote, of the G^logical Smrey, 
read a paper on prehistoric remains in South India. 

Mr. Beveridge, C.S., read a paper on the era of Lakshmana 

Babu Sarat Chandra Das, G.I.E., read a paper on the sacred and 
ornamental characters of Tibet. 

Pandit Mahesachandra Nyayaratna read a paper on the authorship 
of the Mricchakatika. 


24th June, 1887. — ^M. J. Darmesteter read a paper in which he 
argued that the legend as to the renunciation and ascension of 
Yudishthira in the 16th Book of the Mahabharata was a re- 
production of tho Persian legend in the Shah Namah of the renuu- 
ciation and ascension of Kai Xhosru ; and that it was brought to 
India by tho Magi at an uncertain date, probably in the second or 
third centuries of our era. 

III. Contents of Foreign Oriental Journals. 

1. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandisohen Gesellschaft. 

Vol. xli. pt. 2. 1. Georg Ebers. On Gustav Seyffarth, the 

2. Caii Lang. Mu*tadid as Prince and Regent (continuation). 

3. F. Spiegel. On the Oiigin and Date of the AvesfA (2nd 

4. J. H. Mordtmann. The Topography of Northern Syria, firom 
Greek inscriptions. 

5. H. Hiibschmann. On the Formation of Nouns in Ossetian. 

6. 7. Felix Licbrecht. On a Madagascar sentiment, and on the 
Jus primoD noctes. 

lloviews of Schwarzcose's * Waffen der Alton Araher ' and Payne 
Smith's ' Thesaurus Syriacus ' (Fasc. vii.). 

Vol. xli. pt. 3. 1. Karl VoUers. On Arabic as now spoken in 

2. M. Klamroth. On the Extracts from Greek Writers found in 
al-Ja'qubi (continuation). 


3. Heinricli v. Wlislocki. Four Polk-lore Tales from Transyl- 
vania derived from the Buddhist Siddhi Kiir. 

4. K. Himly. Notes on Chess and allied Games. (Chiefly from 
the Chinese.) 

5. Th. Aufrecht. Notes on Sanskrit Poets (Hevaka, Namaka, 
EajanighantUy Kamagitagovinda, etc. 

6. F. Bolleman. Contributions to the Criticism of the Veda. 

7. H. Oldenberg. On the Arrangement of the Rig Veda (the 

8. 0. Bohtlingk. On iti and ca in the sense of adi. 

Review of Ascherson and Schweinf urth's * Illustration de la flore 

2. Journal Asiatique. 

Huiti^me Serie, tome x. No. 1. 

1. Proceedings, etc. 

2. J. Darmesteter. On Points of Contact between the Maha- 
bharata £ind the Shah Namah (see above, p. 154). 

3. Victor Loret. On the Kyphi, a sacred perfume used in ancient 

4. Clement Huart. Note on three books of the Babi sect. 

5. de Rochemonteix. On the Situation of Busin and Phanizoit. 

6. Nouvelles et Melanges. 

3. Vienna Ohiental Journal. 

(The first No. has also a German title, Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die 
Kunde des Morgenlandes, herausgegeben und redigirt von G. 
Biihler, J. Karabacek, D. H. Miiller, F. Miiller, L. Reinisch, leitem 
des Orientalischen Instituts der TJniversitat.) 

I. pp. 1-82. G. Biihler. Gleanings from Yadavapraka^a's 

J. Kielhom. The Maurya Passage in the Mahabh^shya. 
G. Biihler. A Disputed Meaning of the particles itt and eha. 
D. H. Miiller. Arabisch-aramaische Glossen. 
J. Karabacek, F. Miiller. Beitrage zur Erklarung der altper- 
sischen Keilinschriften. 
Reviews. (3 books reviewed.) 
Miscellaneous Notes. (3 by J. HaDusz, 1 by F. Miiller.) 

II. 83-164. D. H. Miiller. Geographisches und epigraphisches. 


W. Cartellieri. Subandhu and Bana. 

F. ^Miiller. Beitragc zur Erklarung der altpersischen Keilin- 

E. Hnltszcli. jN^otes on Indian Inscriptions (No. 1). 

Beviews (4 books). 

Miscellaneous Notes (3). 

III. 165-250. G. Biihler. On the Authenticity of the Jaina 

Dr. Johann Hsmusz. Boitrago zur armenischen Dialectologie. 

P. Jensen. Noch einmal der Kakkabmisri. 

D. II. Miiller. Eine alte hebriiischc Grabinschrift aua Biva (mit 
einer Lichtdrucktafel). 

D. H. Miiller. Drei neue Inschriften von Van. 

r. Miiller. Beitriige zur Erklarung der altpersischen Keil- 

Dr. Ign. Goldzibcr. Das Princip des istis^ab in der Muhamme- 
danischen Gesetzwissenschaft. 

Ke views (2 books). 

Miscellaneous Notes (4). 


HoNOKARY Secretary. 

General Philology. — Dr. Frederick Miiller of Vienna has pub- 
lished an appendix to his "Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft,*' con- 
taining materials which have come to hand betwixt the years 1877 
and 1887 after his copy was made up for the Press. It comprises 
Grammatical Notes on twelve African languages, ten American 
languages, and five on Languages in Asia and Oceania. 

/w(?m.— The lie v. Mr. "Wade has published at the S.P.C.K. a 
Grammar of the Kashmiri language, the result of his own studies 
during a long residence in the Valley in daily contact with the 
pco[>le. He has also published Texts: nothing of the kind lias 
previously existed. 

Africa. — Antonio Cecchi, an Italian traveller, has published at 
Home, at the expense of the Italian Geographical Society, Gramma« 
tical Xotes and Vocabularies of six languages spoken in the fiegion 
South of Abyssinia, and collecti'd by him in his Journey of ex- 
])loration from Zeila on the Indian Ocean to Kaffa in the nearly 
unknown Regions of the Inteiior : their names are Gkdla, Kaffa, 


Shangalla, Janger, Adiya, Gurague, and Afar or Danakil. This 
book is a valuable addition to existing knowledge. 

**Keview of African Philology." Dr. Biittner, the Director of 
the newly- established German Missions in East Africa, and well 
known as a Scholar of South African Languages, has published the 
first part of his new Review, which will appear quarterly in the 
German language at Berlin : it promises exceedingly well, and 
contains contributions on the Swahili, Suto and Ashanti languages 
of importance, and a notice of all books published on the subject 
within the period. 

Nig&i' Languages. — Two Printing Presses are in full work in this 
Region, one at Bonny on the Lower Niger, a second at Lokoja on 
the Upper Niger : they advertise to dispose of every kind of secular 
work, advertisements, printed catalogues and visiting cards, but 
their serious work is to turn off Educational works in the lan- 
guages of the Region. "We have before us four little works in the 
Brass Dialect of the Idyo language ; and four in that of the Ibo, in 
excellent style, written and printed by Negroes. Both languages 
belong to the Negro Group. 

Bantu Family of African Languages. — The S.P.C.K. continues 
to put forth volumes of an Educational character for use of African 
Schools, and we have on our table two volumes in the Xosa or 
Kafir Language in South Africa, one volume in Swahili in 
East Equatorial Africa, and one in the Ganda language of Victoria 
Nyanza, printed in London ; but there is a press in full work at 
Rabaga, the capital of King Mwanga. 

Oceania, — Melanesia, — The S.P.C.K. has published a careful 
translation of the Acts of the Apostles in the language of Florida 
Island in the Solomon Group, prepared on the spot. 


Aeabic. — HowelVs Grammar^ to which allusion was made in the 
October Notes, is really fasciculus 2, part i^ of the work entitled A 
Grammar of the Classical Arabic Language^ translated and compiled 
from the most approved Native or Naturalized Authorities. The fact 
of its publication, at Allahabad in 1886, under sanction of the 
Government of the North-West Provinces, calls forth from a writer 
in the Saturday Review (March 26) a comment on the liberality of 
the Indian Government in promoting the cause of Asiatic research, 
contrasted with the little aid so afforded by grants from the Imperial 
Treasury. An appreciative notice of this volume, with illustrative 


quotations, is given by the same competent critic, who explains 
that it **i8 based upon the grammar of Az Zamakhshari, known by 
the name of Al Mufassal fin NahWy an excellent edition of which 
was published some years ago by Professor J. P. Brock, of Chri*- 
tiania." He goes on to show that the said grammarian " divided 
his work into four books, of which the first three deal respectively 
with the noun, the verb, and the particle, the fourth chiefly with 
rules of pronunciation. Each is subdivided into chapters, and each 
chapter into distinct paragraphs or sections, in all 759 in number. 
These sections, fusAlj doubtless suggested the title of the work, Al 
Mufassal fin Nahw, which may be interpreted either as the book 
divided into sections, or the detailed exposition of the rules of 
grammar." We are told, moreover, that the arrangement here 
stated is strictly followed by Mr. Howell, whose work ** might 
almost, though not with perfect accuracy, be described as a transla- 
tion of the Mufassal J interwoven with large accretions and illus- 
trations derived from the writings of numerous other authors." 
The writer adds: '* Mr. Howell has endeavoured, in the words of 
his preface, to include every opinion of importance, and to exclude 
useless or irrelevant controversy. How difficult he has found it, 
even under these conditions, to confine his work to a moderate 
bulk, and how great and varied are his additions to the MufaBsal^ 
may be judged of by the liict that the matter which in Zamakh- 
shari's Gnimmar is comprised in 124 pages, has in Mr. Howell's 
hands expanded to upwards of 1600 pages.** 

The number and variety of Arabic Grammars published in Europe 
may be readily accounted for by the exceptional importance of the 
language, both in respect of mathematical construction and fecundity 
of root. J^ut the nature of the subject necessarily restricts the 
area of such literature to the precincts of certain colleges, or the 
studies and Societies of a few Orientalists; and it is perhaps as 
much by the literaiy skill displayed in exposition, as by real depth 
of scholarship, that world-wide reputations have been achieved by 
workers in this particular field. 

De Sacy, in the Preface to the First Edition of his celebrated 
Grammaire Arabey published in 1810, after going back for three 
and a half cen tunes to d'Alcala and Post el, divides the elementary 
works which had been more or less in use for the study of Arabic 
in subsequent years into two chisses, viz. those prepared in con- 
formity with the system of Arab Grammarians ; and those of a less 
complex and more European character. In the former category 
are the names of Gabriel Sionita, Martellotto, Pierre Metoscita, 
Guadanogli, and Agapit; as also llaymond, Obicinus, and Erpenios, 
in their capacity of translators, editors, or commentators ; while in 
the latter Erpenius again appears in the light of a Western gram- 
marian, and with him is bracketed the comparatively modem If. 
J. Jahn, author of a German Arabic Grammar published in 1796.' 

* "Writings of moat if not all of the Orientalists here mentioned by De Sacy 
are still avuilabie for reference. Some, it need scarcely be said, are of £iiropeaii 


De Sacy himself divided his grammar into four books, the first 
relating to the elements of speech and writing ; the second to 
etymology ; the third and fourth to syntax, taught both after his 
own method and that of the Arab writers. In England we have, 
among others, the grammars of Richardson, Lumsden, Stewart and, 
more recently. Palmer, all useful in their way, but open to criticism 
from those who, abandoning science, seek simplicity in rudiments, 
and colloquial as well as general book knowledge in results. 
Volumes, pretending to impart practical instruction, such as this, 
take rather the form of a conventional vade mecum or vocabulary — 
mostly local in its use of idiomatic and vulgar expressions — than of 
a scientific publication. 

Less brilliant and original than De Sacy's, yet more intelligible 
than Lumsden' s (on the lines of which it is to a great extent 
written), and more complex — perhaps profounder — than that of 
other English Arabists, is the Grammar of Mr. Mortimer Howell. 
It is a performance eminently creditable to his assiduity and 
scholarship ; and though it may fail to attract any but critical 
scholars, it will remain a notable feather in the cap of the Bengal 
Civilian of the present day. In the words of the just conclusion 
pronounced by the Saturday Review ^ Mr. Howell has ** brought to 
his task a mind thoroughly imbued with his subject. The work is 
obviously a labour of love. It combines, therefore, the conditions 
that could best insure the high degree of merit that unquestionably 
belongs to it." If instances were needed, the opening paragraph 
(187) of the section on **the Verbal Nouns and Ejaculations,'* and 

the remarks on ^V ^— j>*Jil aiid other adverbs of time in para. 206 

(section *'Uninflected Adverbs*'), furnish a good example of the 
care bestowed upon the subject in its details. But these are mere 
drops in the sea of definitions contained in the remarkable contribu- 

repute. During the first half of the sixteenth century Pedro de Alcala published 
his Voeabulisla Aravigo en letra Castellana in Granada, and Guillaume rostel his 
Orammalica Arabica in Paris. There are no less than 86 entries under the latter 
name in the Catalogue of the British Museum. A wild visionary as well as 
notable scholar, his **tr^ merveilleuses victoires des Femmes du Nouveau Monde, 
et comment elles doivent k tout le monde par raison commander, et mesme k ceulx, 
qui hauront la monarchie du monde viel," published in 1553, was held worthy of 
reproduction in 1864, when one hundred copies were printed. The learned 
Maronite, Gabriel Sionit»i, is known for the assistance rendered to Le Jay in the 
Polyglott Bible, and his "Geographia Nubiensis." [See Preface to Biblia 
Polyglottaoi Brianus Waltonus, a.d. 1657. | Martellotto in 1620, Metoscita in 
1624, and Guadanogli in 1642, each published, at Rome, ^'Institutiones Linguae 
Arabicse " ; but the last is perhaps better known for his Arabic and Latin Biole, 
and the '* Apologia pro Christiana Religione qua . . . respondetur ad objectiones 
Ahmed filii Zin Alatedin, Persae Asphahensis, contentas in Libro inscripto Politor 
Speculi " : one edition printed at Rome in 1637 bears the Arabic inscription : 

J,\tJi\ ^JJ^\ ^^\A\ ^j ^ ^^\ s^\ J\ ^^y\j\f er-M M-^V ^^.^\ h\Mr\ 

Agapitus, Professor of Arabic in the University of Padua, published in 1687, 
Flores Grammaticales Arabieiidiomatis; and the Orammatica Arabica {Agrumiya), 
and Thetaurm Arabieut {JSyrO'Latinwt)^ are both works of Obicinus. 


tion to Oriental book-lore of which the earlier diWsioiis have now 
been placed before the public. 

Persian. — The Bahdristdn of Jami, literally rendered into English 
from the Persian, has been printed at Benares by the Kama Shastra 
Society for private subscribers only ; and were it not for the 
appearance of a story, here and there, which would in ordinary 
course have been expurgated by translators, might be recommended 
as a fitting book for all classes of civilized readers. Its eight 
divisions, or Gardens, are shown to be novelties in an English dress, 
with the exception of the sixth, published by Mr. C. E. Wilson, 
fl})out five years ago, under the title of "Persian Wit and Hnmonr." 
This genth^man had contemplated a translation of the whole work, 
sliould the specimen then given '' prove of sufficient interest" ; and 
his version of Ganlen VII., ** Biographical Notices of the Persian 
Poets, with selections from their works "^-entitled in the present 
literal rendering, " Account of the rhyming birds of rhetorical 
nightingales and parrots of the sugar plantation of poetry " — has 
long since been completed in MS. 

India. — The Imperial Indian Peerage and Almanaehy 1887, Jubilee 
Year, printed at the ** Pioneer'* Press, Allahabad, is a very notable 
sign of the times. At foot of the outer cover are the words 
tazkirah-i-ruHui Hindustan wa jantri, which fairly represent the 
English title, the Sanskrit jantri (almanack) being doubly appro- 
priate from its similarity in sound to the Anglo-Norman gentry, a 
social class now first formally acknowledged in India. The Preface, 
bearing the Political Agent's signature, sets forth the purport of 
the work, which is to appear annually at the commencement of 
the Sambat Bikramajit (March-April). It contains, besides an 
Almanack, a Diary, and a Peerage, Tables of Wages, Exchange, 
and Interest, Weights and Measures, Post Office and Telegraphic 
Information, with Tables and Lists of the Royal Family, the 
Ministry, the Indian Government, Foreign Sovereigns, the British 
Colonies, and many other matters of interest, including an account 
of the British Constitution. "The Indian Peerage and County 
Family reference" includes, we learn, **all hereditary and persontd 
title-holders recognized by the Government, and is prepared by the 
Editor from materials furnished by the Government, though (Govern- 
ment is not responsible for its contents, and is brought down to the 
latest date." It will, moreover, ** enable the public in England to 
aHcertain the families to which the Indian aristocracy visiting 
Europe belong." Salute Chiefs — that is, Chiefs entitled to a salate 
of guns from 9 to 21 — of whom there are no less than 105, are 
mentioned by name. Those receiving the honour of 11 guns and 
upwards are called *' Highness." Then follows a list of 27 chiefs 
entitled to ** Personal Salutes." An ** Introduction to the Indian 
Peera«;e " carries back the reader to the early ages when caste was 
unknown to the Indo-Aryans north of Kabul, and afterwards along 
the banks of the Indus ; but the subject admits of much expansion, 
and would be invested with new interest if brought to bear npon 


particular families at the present time. In other respects the 
following extract from a brief notice in the Athm<idum may be 
added in conclusion : '' What would the old ofi&cial of the first 
quarter, nay, first half, of the present century have thought of a 
' county family reference ' for the numerous noblemen and gentle- 
men ... to be found in every town and ZiVa throughout India 
(we quote the Preface to the book), when the allusion was to those 
whose caste, habits, and prejudices rendered them bugbears to him ! 
But now such a work presents no astonishing features, and the in- 
formation which it imparts on the hereditary and personal title- 
holders in 210 British districts is really of value to Anglo-Indians 
generally, and indispensable to the In(Han political agent." 

The AtheniBum states that the Society known as the Lokananda 
Somaj, recently formed at Triplicane, Madras, wiU publish a monthly 
Sanskrit journal, under the title of Lokananda^ with an English 
translation. The journal will deal with such subjects as are set 
forth in the ancient Sanskrit works of literary importance, *^ the 
science of medicine, the science of heavenly bodies, architecture, 
mathematics, music, dancing, morality, etc.. Moreover, lectures 
comparing the customs and manners of the ancients with those of 
the modems in India and elsewhere will be within the scope of the 
Journal. (Date 17th December.) 

Professor Kielhom, of Gottingen, sends an important communi- 
cation to the Academy of the 10th December, 1887, on the initial 
point of the Chedi or Kulachuri Era. General Cunningham, in 
his Indian Eras, had fixed it at 250 a.b. By a comparison of the 
days of the week in all the published inscriptions fully dated in 
this era, Professor Kielhom shows that the initial date is 248 a.b. 

"We may here call attention to a paper by H. H. Howorth, M.P., 
in the Manchester Quarterly for July, 1887, in which the remark- 
able coincidences between ideas ascribed to the Pythagoreans and 
ideas previously current in India are pointed out. 

M. Emile Senart, of the Institute of France, the well-known 
authority on Buddhist Sanskrit, and one of the Council of the Pali 
Text Society, is on a visit to India. 

The Eoyal Geographical Society are about to publish a work on 
Tibet, in which the results of the journeys lately made by native 
scholars will be summarised in a form accessible to the public. And 
Lieut. Younghusband, of the 1st Dragoon Guards, has successfully 
accomplished an overland journey from China to Kashmir across 

The following extract from the Ceylon Examiner of the 12th 
October will interest those who have heard of the late accident to 
to the Maha Sri Jaya Bodin Wahanse, * His Excellency the great 
auspicious and illustrious Bo Tree ' : — 

** The Sacred Bo-Tree at Anuradhapura. — In view of the accounts 
that have been published already anent the prostration of the 
biggest branch of the Sacred Bo, it will be enough to supply only 
what hsis been omitted. On the morning of the 4th, the very day 

VOL. XX. — [new 8ERIEB.] 












Art. V. — The D&gabas of Amtrdd/iapura. By John Capper. 

In 1875 my son, the late George Capper, a Ceylon 
official surveyor, was employed during nearly two years 
in making measurements and drawings of the principal 
ruins at Anuradhapura. The results of his labours were 
shown in upwards of thirty large sheets of tracings, which 
have since been copied and forwarded to the Colonial Office 
in London. 

During the spare hours of his residence amongst the ruins, 
my son made a considerable number of notes regarding the 
architectural objects on the site of the ancient city. These 
he did not live to complete, having met his death at the 
hands of a Kandyan whilst on Survey work in a remote 
district. From the rough memoranda found amongst his 
papers, I have edited those relating to relic shrines, in the 
hope that they may possess sufficient interest for perusal. 

The oldest d&gaba at Anur&dhapura is the Thup&r&ma built 
by King Devd^nam Piya Tissa, B.C. 307, supposed to have 
enshrined the left collar-bone of the Buddha. As it was 
invariably the practice to place all such relics in gold caskets 
studded with jewels of value, before they were deposited in 
the edifices erected for their reception, it is more than prob- 
able that no portion of this reputed relic now remains, as all 

TOL. XX.— [new 8KBIB8.] 12 

A _ _ . . A 


d&gabas were pillaged by Malabar inyaders during the fourth 
and fifth centuries. 

This d^gaba is said to have been partially restored during 
the early portion of the British period, when the " Tee " and 
spire surmounting the bell of the structure were renewed. 
The ornamental moulded base, the diameter of which is 59 
feet, is of fine white sandstone, and forms a portion of the 
original structure, though much defaced by carelessly executed 

The diameter of the bell is 33 feet, and the richly orna- 
mented spire is tipped with a large crystal of a delicate pink 
hue, carved with a broad base terminating in a point. The 
crystal is about a foot in length and eight inches in diameter 
at its base. It was usually the practice in Ceylon in those 
early days to surmount lofty buildings with a spire termi- 
nating in a pointed crystal, which was believed to protect the 
structure from injury by lightning. 

The Thuparama Dagaba, 62^ feet in height, stands on a 
circular platform, the brick walls supporting which being of 
great thickness, and on the outside embellished with fine 
mouldings and pilasters of similar materials, though there 
can be no doubt that the entire exterior, including the parapet 
which once encircled it, was originally covered with plaster 
and possibly decorated with paintings. This platform is 
paved with slabs of granite, but these were evidently taken 
from some other building, a number of them being morticed 
to receive door-posts, and variously carved for other purposes. 
On this platform are four concentric rows of graceful 
octagonal columns. The first of these are situated close to 
the base of the d&gaba, the second row about two feet from 
the first, the third about five feet from the second, and the 
fourth row, the columns and capitals of which were carved 
from a single stone, were arranged round the margin of the 
platform. The capitals of the first two rows of pillars are 
ornamented along their upper edges with grotesque squatting 
figures, with arms upraised as though supporting a weight 
resting on tlieir heads. The third row are ornamented with 
the figures of eagles having outstretched wings, and the 


fourth and outer row bear carvings of fringes and tassels 
of very graceful design. The height of the inner row of 
columns is twenty-four feet, of the second twenty-two feet, 
and of the outer rows fourteen feet. Between the third and 
fourth rows of columns there was evidently a wall, no longer 
in existence, but of which the stone foundations, slightly 
raised above the pavement, may very easily be traced. These 
columns were ranged round the dd^gaba in quadrants, forming 
a rather broad passage to each of the cardinal points of the 
structure, where there was probably an altar-like slab (called 
a Malasana, or flower-stand) close to the base, where those 
who came to mark their faith in Buddhism laid their offer- 
ings of flowers. No remains of these flower altars are now 
to be seen, except a bold moulding of stone above the level 
of the pavement, which no doubt received the frame of the 
altar; that such did originally exist is the more probable 
from the fact that the remains, more or less ruinous, of 
similar altars exist at the Lankarama D^gaba, which, 
though smaller, was evidently built after the model of the 

At the east and west ends of the building are flights of 
stone stairs reaching to the platform, fourteen feet above the 
surrounding ground, the steps having been ornamented with 
richly-carved stone wing-walls, now prostrate on the ground, 
but once surmounted by flat stone slabs elaborately carved 
with human figures, bearing vessels containing the sacred 
lotus-flower. Opposite the landing of these steps, and in a 
line with the foundation of the wall which once surrounded 
the d^gaba, may be seen a double step carved out of a single 
block of granite, morticed above to receive the stone door 
frame which once formed the entrance. The object of these 
beautifully-carved pillars and wall was beyond a doubt to 
sustain a magnificent conical roof, which would have covered 
the whole of the d&gaba. Columns, wall both inside and 
out, altars, and in short every portion of the building, were 
no doubt originally painted in rich and glowing colours. 
That it was so is proved by recent excavations very care- 
fully made ; thin coatings of very fine plaster being found 

A _A 


covering the stone and brickwork with traces of bright 

On the platform to the south-west may be seen the reraains 
of a chapel, near which are three finely-ornamented stone 
doorways, evidently removed from the wall which once sur- 
rounded the d&gaba. At some distance to the east are the 
ruined walls of a keep or guard-house, such as are attached 
to all Buddhist edifices of any importance. Within the 
enclosure of this building, and near the north wall, are the 
remains of a tomb, originally constructed in the form of a 
d4gaba, standing on a square platform reached by four stone 
steps ornamented with carved stone wing-walls. All that is 
now to be seen of this structure are the stone steps, the 
wing-walls out of position, and a shapeless heap of bricks. 
This tomb is said to be that of the Queen Anulft, but some 
assert that it contained the remains of Sanghamitt&, a nun, 
and sister of Mahinda, who introduced Buddhism into 

Next in point of antiquity is the Miris-wattiya D&gaba, 
built by King Dutu (ja3munu in the year 157 B.C., to com- 
memorate the recovery of his kingdom from the Tamil 
usurper Elala. Very little was known of this structure until 
about ten years ago, when some extensive excavations on its 
western side brought to light what may be considered the 
most beautiful specimen of ancient architecture in Anurftdha* 
pura. This consisted of one of the ' wings ' of the d&gaba, 
tliat is of an elaborately-carved stone structure standing 
slightly in advance of the main building, and having three 
distinct faces, that in the centre projecting beyond those on 
the two sides, but united to them by continuity of carved 
ornamental work, as on the other faces. The wing is united 
to the d^gaba by a backing of brickwork running into the 
stonework of the lower rim of the structure or 'pfts&da,' a 
raised processional path along which Buddhist devotees pro- 
ceeded during the performance of religious ceremonies. This 
d&gaba has two p&sadas or terraces, one above the other, of 
which only the upper one could have been used for pro- 
cessional purposes, as the backs of the wings extended into 


the lower p&s&da, blocking any passage through it at each of 
the cardinal points where the four wings are placed. In the 
other large dagabas there are three p§ls4da3 in each, all of 
which could be used for processional purposes, as the wings 
ran only partially into the lower one. The ornamentation of 
these wings having been cleared from the debris of the 
superstructure, are found to be more perfect than in other 
d&gabas, showing the stonework to its full height, and 
sufficient of the brickwork to explain the method of its con- 
struction and the object of the building. 

The base of the wing is a moulding consisting of a plain 
square surmounted by a quadrant of a circle, above which 
there is a fine moulded string, from which rises the plinth or 
plain face of the structure two feet in height, terminating 
with a finely-carved capping. On this is a row of elephants, 
remarkably well executed : the central elephant and those at 
the outer and inner angle of the projecting front have their 
trunks raised over their heads, the others have their trunks 
coiled on one side away from the centre. Between each pair 
of elephants on the recessed back-ground is a disc carved 
so as to represent a front view of an opening lotus-flower. 
Above the elephants and a few inches from the face of the 
recess is a bold moulding, then a plain band receding slightly 
from the front, about ten inches in width, surmounted by a 
projecting moulded beading, another plain band of the same 
width, a moulded beading above diSering in pattern from the 
one below. Next comes a bracket line of heads of some 
nondescript animal, from the jaws of which protrude an 
upturned tongue reaching slightly above the level of the 
head. The breadth of this row of heads is the same as that 
of the elephants — eleven inches, and between each pair 
similar lotus-bud discs are to be seen. Another beaded 
string is found above this, then two more plain bands with 
strings above them, then a carved frieze, more quaint than 
beautiful, representing a procession of animals headed by 
men marching from left to right. This frieze is rather more 
than twelve inches broad, and the height of the animals 
varies from eight to eleven inches : amongst them may be 


recognised the elephant, lion, tiger, horse and ball. A 
projected moulding caps the frieze, and on the face of the 
upper portion of this, four inches and a half in breadth, is 
carved a Buddha rail of horizontal bands crossed at intervals 
Tvith vertical bars. Above this is a plain stone band, four 
inches broad, and placed eight inches back from the rail, 
which terminates the carved stonework of the wing. From 
this rises a structure in brick, forming three recesses or 
chambers open in front ; but the upper portion of this brick- 
work being in ruins, it is impossible to determine the precise 
form of the roof. The front ends of the stonework, rising 
seventeen feet nine inches above the pavement, are finished 
off with square stone pillars similarly carved, and grooved on 
the inner sides, which fit with exactitude the bands and lines 
of beading : their outer faces and backs are without carving. 
These pillars are monoliths terminating in an oblong cap 
with a Buddhist rail round the upper edge, whilst on the 
caps are lions carved in the Greek style, having their faces 
to the front and seated on their hind quarters. The devices 
carved on the pillars represent on the upper portion the 
sacred umbrella, the horse-tail fans and the sacred wheels 
all Buddhist emblems ; whilst below may be seen figures of 
animals in pairs facing each other, having their front legs 
raised and leaning on a central stem with a protruding 
waving leaf, whilst between each pair of animals is an 
ornamented vase, supported on a plain tray by a squatting 

No portion of the upper part of the structure now remains, 
and until it was freed from dense jungle-growth and ex- 
cavated to some extent, it was regarded as a mere heap of 
ruins ; but it promises, if these excavations are carried on, to 
yield more important information than has been gathered 
from the examination of other dagabas. The dome of this 
structure springs from a cylinder twenty-two feet higher 
than the upper p&s&da, and the total height now remaining 
is 82^ feet above the raised pavement. The diameter of this 
d&gaba at the base is 1G4 feet, and of the cylinder above the 
upper pas&da about 128 feet. The platform on which it 


stands is reached by four flights of steps, one opposite each 
of the wings, the wing- walls and janitors being without 
ornament. The wall supporting the platform and the 
parapet with its coping, are composed of large blocks of 
stone tennoned and morticed together in a most workmanlike 

The approach to this d&gaba was from the east, and an 
avenue may still be traced for some distance, flanked on 
either side by ruins of stone walls. At the further end of 
this avenue may be seen in good condition a strangely 
carved stone pillar, which was supposed to have had the 
property of restoring the insane to reason. 

The Ruanweli D&gaba was built by King Dutu Goemunu, 
and was his greatest work, though he did not live to see 
the structure entirely completed. It was begun B.C. 158, 
and finished B.C. 137, a few years after the death of 
Dutu Ooemunu, who had, however, so far completed the 
building as to have deposited the golden casket contain- 
ing the relics in the upper chamber of the bell, which 
he placed there with his own hands amidst many imposing 

The spot on which the deLgaba was built was considered 
by the Buddhists to be one of very great sanctity, and the 
Chinese traveller Fah Hian, who visited the city in about 
60 A.D., says in his description of the place : " On Buddha's 
third visit to Ceylon he planted one foot to the north of the 
royal city and one on the top of a mountain, the distance 
between the two being fifteen yojanas " (the mountain refers 
to Adam's Peak, and the spot to the north of the city where 
the foot rested, the site of the present dagaba). We find in 
the Mahdwansa that a stone pillar of very great magnitude 
stood on this spot, with an inscription on it commemorating 
this event, and that before commencing the building of the 
dagaba King Dutu Goemunu had it carefully removed and 
put up a short distance to the north of the building, where 
it may now be seen, though much mutilated and without the 
slightest trace of an inscription. 

The dsLgaba is described in the Mah&wansa as having been 

172 THE dIgabas of anueIdhapuri. 

120 cubits in height. The superstructure above the crown 
of the bell has long disappeared, though a part of the original 
tee may still be seen. Above the ruined dome a piece of 
new masonry now supports a large copper ornament 18J feet 
high, and to the top of this, from the paved platform upon 
which the dagaba stands, is a little more than 198 feet. 
The diameter of the base of this d&gaba is 294 feet, and that 
of the bell 258 feet. This dftgaba, like the Miris-wattiya, 
has four wings, but on a smaller scale in proportion to the size 
of the dagaba ; they have all been cleared from the debris of 
the superstructure, as well as the chapels, altars, and a large 
number of interesting objects which surround its base. The 
base of the wings here have only the bold moulding at the 
bottom, a square and quadrant of the circle from which the 
plinth rises direct, and the capping to which is plainer than 
in the former case. The elephants are larger and more in 
number, but the discs are not so elaborately carved, the orna- 
mental carvings of all the mouldings are much finer, the 
designs on some of the upper ones being very beautiful. In 
the wings of this dagaba nothing above the first band and 
its beaded string beyond the bracket course can be traced, 
though a large quantity of mouldings and pieces of frieze lie 
scattered about. The carvings on the pillars at the ends of 
these wings have not been treated in the same way as those 
of the Miris-wattiya, and, being much broken and worn, are 
not of so much interest to the visitor. The carving of a 
seven-headed cobra on a smaller and outer pillar to the west 
wing is well treated, but the carvings on similar pillars of 
the three other \vings, which represent different subjects, are 
not so interesting. The remains of paintings on these wings 
in bright colours, are very quaint, where human beings, 
monsters, and demons are treated, and the designs of floral 
work, especially on the plinths, where the lotus-flower and 
stems are conspicuous, are very pretty. Pictures of imaginary 
birds are only remarkable for their gorgeous colours, and the 
ornamental part of these wings were covered with brilliant 
paintings, and it is not improbable that all carved work 
about these religious buildings was more or less coloured. 


especially the statues, of which there are now a few interest- 
ing examples. 

The objects of interest on the platform of this d&gaba, 
independent of the building itself, are very numerous, 
abounding with carvings of various descriptions. 

The building facing the steps to the east side of the 
platform is comparatively new, but the carved stonework 
round its base and the smaller steps to the doorways are 
very old : three figures of Buddha within are of stone, 
patched and painted. Passing onwards northerly, the remains 
of an ancient structure may be seen, which is well worthy 
of notice on account of its curious and elaborately carved 
pillars, one of which has fallen down. Closely adjoining the 
west wing is a very ancient altar having a projected front, 
evidently intended as a base for three sedent figures of 
Buddha. Some lion panels on the front of this altar are 
boldly carved, but being formed of soft sandstone, the 
entire work is much worn by time and defaced by bad 

The next d&gaba to be described is the structure known as 
the Abhayagiri, which was erected by King Walagam Bahu 
about B.C. 89, in commemoration of his victories over the 
Malabars, who had during a number of years overrun the 
country. This dcLgaba is described in the Mahawansa as 
having been 180 cubits high. The present ruin measures 
231 feet above the level of the platform : it is quite possible 
that this dagaba, when its spire was complete, was at the 
very least 300 feet in height. To the king who constructed 
this dagaba is ascribed the chief formation of those cele- 
brated rock-temples at Dambulla, which are visited by every 
traveller on his way to the chief of all the ancient cities 
in Ceylon. Till within a very recent period the Jetawan 
Aram a Dagaba was considered to be the largest, but recent 
investigations have proved this not to be the case, as the 
Abhayagiri is found to have a larger diameter at the lower 
part of the hill of fifteen feet and at its base of twelve feet. 
The height of the dome and tee of the Abhayagiri are also 
greater than those of the Jetawan ArcLma, but as a far 


greater portion of the spire of the latter remains standing, its 
total height at present is fourteen feet more than the Abha- 
yagiri. The tee of this d&gaba as well as the spire is very 
carefully built with ornamental brickwork, the tee having 
indented bands round it at intervals, and the spire moulded 
at top and displaying the Buddhist . rail on its four sides, 
giving the appearance at a little distance of Venetian blinds. 
The wings of this dd,gaba, four in number, are pretty nearly 
the same as in the two d&gabas previously described ; the 
bases of this, however, have the same extra moulding as in 
Miris-wattiya, and though now out of position, it is known 
that it had elephants at the angles above the plinth as in 
that delgaba, while they were wanting in the Ruwanweli and 
Jetawan Ardma, the comers of which finish off with the half 
disc. A great peculiarity in the construction of the stone- 
work in the wings of this ddgaba is the arrangement of the 
large slabs of stones forming the plinth and in the plain 
bands above the elephants. Their faces, instead of being 
built of large brick-shaped blocks, and laid one over the 
other, are arranged alternately, presenting one end of a slab 
to the front and the next its broad surface, and are fitted 
closely together, and kept in position with mortices and 
tenons. The arrangement of the different courses is mnoh 
the same as in the wings of the other d&gabas, the designs of 
the strings and the frieze being somewhat different : the 
carvings on the end pillars, which are divided into panels, 
are very beautiful, representing full-length figures display- 
ing rich drapery studded with jewelled ornaments. Facing 
the west wing of the d^gaba, on the lowest panel on the 
right-hand pillar will be found a well-executed carving in 
high relief, representing a female figure holding a fruit not 
unlike an apple in the right hand, whilst over her left 
shoulder appears the head and part of the body of a large 
serpent, as though conversing with her ; the whole being 
very suggestive of the temptation in Eden. 

The platform of this dagaba is supported by plain brick 
walls, and it had a brick parapet on all sides, with an opening 
in the centre of each opposite the wings, where a fine broad 

A _ A __ . _ A 


flight of stone steps leads down to the procession path below. 
Opposite the stone steps on each side are the ruins of the 
four guard houses, all of which were built alike, and display 
a great amount of very fine carving in stone, the mouldings 
of the sides of the pavilion and the pedestal-like finish at 
the top of the steps being very perfect in design. All these 
guard houses are more or less in a very ruinous condition, 
but the one on the east is perhaps in the best state of preser- 
vation. The janitor stones on either side of the steps leading 
up to the platform of the d&gaba are very large, but quite 

In point of age the next dcLgaba is the Lankllrdma, built 
on the same plan as the Th{lp4r&ma, but on a considerably 
smaller scale. The main point of difierence may be summed 
up in a few words. The d&gaba having been built some 
hundreds of years subsequent to its prototype, is in a far 
greater state of preservation, and we have the half of the 
original d4gaba facing the east in a very perfect state as far 
as the top of the tee ; the stone foundation of the wall with 
a finely chiselled base ; all the doorsteps fronting the altars, 
with mortices for their landings, for the stone door frames, all 
in their proper positions, only two rows of monolithic columns 
(in this case caps included) within the wall, but the same 
arrangement of octagonal columns outside, making three in 
all, instead of four as in the Thfipftrdma. A further depar- 
ture from the plan of the older d^gaba may be seen in the 
wall supporting the stone paved platform, which, as in the 
Thiip&r&ma, is circular. Here we have a very plain wall 
unadorned with any attempt at moulded decoration, but the 
presence of stone spouts proves that a parapet wall round it 
was an original part of the construction, and this possibly 
may have been more ornamental, though no trace of it at 
present exists. One of the stone spouts, now lying on the 
ground near the steps to the platform facing the east, is a 
very faithful copy of one already described as being now in 
position in the wall of the Th&pllrcLma Dagaba ; but as the 
carving is of more recent date, it is as may be expected in 
a far better state of preservation, and is altogether a very 

A _ . . A 


curious work of art. The caps of the two inner rows of 
columns are alike, but the figures round their upper edge are, 
in this case, lions squatting on their hind legs being distended, 
and the fore legs firmly planted close together in front. The 
caps of the columns outside the wall are very much like 
those in a similar position in the Thftp&r&ma. The bell of 
the delgaba has no peLs&da, but the mouldings, now plastered 
up in many places by way of repairs, must have been very 
good, and the square altars at the cardinal points of the 
ddgaba in place of the wings are well designed, and having 
been carved from good granite, are in a very tolerable state 
of preservation. Close round the d&gaba, and between the 
altars, are some smaller ones as well as the bases of statues, 
that once adorned the interior of the building which enshrined 
it. The steps leading from the platform, of which there is 
one opposite each of the altars in this d^gaba, as well as a 
doorway, while the thilp^r^ma has only two, are of stone, 
but the wing- walls were built of moulded brick. The 
landings to these steps must have been originally beautified 
with pedestals, but as no traces of them remain, they may 
have been constructed like the parapet and wing-walls of 
brick. That they did exist is proved from the fact of a pair 
of round vases, from the top of which issues the opening 
flower of the lotus and four buds depending from it, lying 
at the bottom of each. Instead of janitor stones on either 
side of the bottom of the steps, at three of them may be 
seen octagonal columns of difierent heights, exactly like 
those belonging to the outer row, but as many of these are 
wanting, it is more than probable that they have been placed 
there at a very recent period, and that they once belonged to 
the outer row of columns. The wall surrounding this d&goba 
cannot be fully traced, though there are evident signs of its 
having existed, as well as a guard house, though of not very 
great pretensions, but the ruins of several buildings, of which 
the stone pillars, steps, and janitor stones, within what was 
evidently an enclosure, are still to be seen, point to the fact of 
a largo monastery having been planted there, and at one time 
the place, from a Buddhistical point of view, was one of very 


great importance. Amongst these ruins are to be found four 
or five seated stone figures of Buddha, all headless, and the 
projecting arm, as well as one standing figure with the head 
broken off. The remains of statues and carved stones 
scattered around point to this place having once been of 
some importance, and to having been profusely adorned by 
art. The diameter of this d^gaba is 44 feet, the height from 
the platform is 33 feet, and the height of the platform above 
the surrounding ground nearly 14 feet. 

The next delgaba to be described is the Jetawan Ar&ma, 
commenced by King Mahd, Sew about a.d. 394, and com- 
pleted by his son Kirti Sri Meghawarnna about eight years 
afterwards. The height of this dagaba is 245 feet, its 
diameter above the three pascLdas is 310 feet, and the 
diameter of the base is about 355 feet. The spire, of which 
a very large portion still remains, was evidently a striking 
feature of the whole building, as also is the tee, though it is 
not apparent to the casual observer. A pair of binoculars or a 
small telescope will reveal a great deal which it is impossible 
to discern with the naked eye, and much that will interest 
the visitor. The upper part of the steeple is very much 
worn by time, but it can clearly be seen by the aid of a glass 
that there was an architectural design about it that would 
have made it very imposing, and the lower part still clearly 
shows three very bold projecting mouldings, under which are 
arches and large ornamented pilasters alternately. This, 
which was once a very grand steeple, rises from a tee with a 
somewhat sloping top, having on its upper edge an over- 
sloping cap, and a broad base below, the corners of the sides 
representing large plain pillars, between which, and filling 
up the whole of each side, is the Buddhist rail with the 
emblem of the sun. The whole of this was plastered, as 
traces are clearly visible everywhere, and it is not im- 
probable that it was also painted, as all these ancient Budd- 
histical structures appear to have been. Tradition says that the 
large disc on each side of the tee was covered over with rich 
sparkling gems, so that when the light of the sun struck it, 
it was impossible to look upon the dazzling object. Of the 

A _ _ . A 


bell of the d&gaba very little can be seen on account of the 
thick foliage of the jungle which now covers it ; but it is 
quite apparent that, like the Abhayagiri, it was in the form 
of a semicircle springing from the base, and not as the 
Ruwanwelle and Miris-wattiya, a dome rising from a slightly 
bevelled cylinder. 

This dagaba has its three pds&das or procession terraces 
rising one above the other, and its four wings at the cardinal 
points. The wings are here larger in proportion to the 
dagaba than the others built on the same principle as this, 
whilst the mouldings appear to have been copied from those 
of the Ruwanweli D^lgaba from the base to the bracket course, 
above which nothing remains, though it may fairly be sup- 
posed that the remaining portions were identical with the 
others. In most instances the pillars at each termination of 
the wings have not been cleared from debris, or are in such 
a ruinous state as to render it difficult to examine them 
closely : those, however, which have been cleared and ex- 
posed to view show some beautiful carvings in various de* 
signs, some representing the human figure in rich drapery, 
others depicting birds amidst rich foliage, the whole very 
accurately treated. There are scattered about the platform 
of this structure several altars noticeable rather for their 
great size than from any peculiarity of construction. Lead- 
ing up from this platform are a number of steps forty-two 
feet in width, reaching a procession-path nearly a hundred 
feet wide, and surrounded by a stone wall with a massive 
coping. This wall is built up of huge blocks of stone of 
almost every conceivable shape and size, yet all made to 
unite in one compact mass with the utmost precision, show- 
ing the existence of a considerable amount of skill in the 
workmen employed. Some of these blocks of stone measure 
ten to fourteen feet in length and from one and a half to 
four feet in width. 

This d&gaba has but two guard houses, one on the west 
side, the other on the south, but both are splendid examples 
of ancient architecture. That on the south side is the most 
perfect, and presents a terraced pavilion with projecting 


pedestals at its angles, and on either side of the fine flight of 
steps, ascending to it from the road, and from thence across 
the guard house, descending again to the procession -path, 
enclosed by the curiously constructed walls alluded to above, 
the pedestals were each surmounted by a fine vase, from the 
mouth of which issued a full-blown lotus-flower and four 
buds. The wing- walls to the steps, though carved, were 
somewhat plain ; the janitor stones to the steps from the 
platform delgaba and those of the guard-houses faciug the 
dagaba were dwakas, with the three-headed cobra. The 
janitor stones in front of the steps leading from the road of 
the south guard house are very curious, and different from 
any others to be seen in the place. They are not dwaka 
stones, but represent a grotesque figure of a man, difierent in 
each case, in a very peculiar posture, holding the stem of the 
lotus-plant in one hand while the other rests on his hip ; 
these carvings, in very high relief, are quaint iji their 
conception, and should be examined to be appreciated, as 
no description would convey a fair idea of them. That a 
similar pair of janitor stones existed in front of the west 
guard-house is quite possible, but nothing of them now 

The next d&gaba, and the last to be described, is the Sela 
Ghaitiya, but it is so small, and is in so ruinous a condition, 
that very little can be said about it. The base of the dagaba 
was a square pavilion-like structure, of beautifully moulded 
stone, most of which is now thrown down and covered with 
the debris of the structure. The small portion of the 
moulded stone now to be seen shows a plinth some three feet 
in height, and a bold elegant base moulding, with a very fine 
cap finishing off flat at the top, being slightly above the 
pavement, which is reached by flights of stone steps on the 
east and south sides. These steps, though not large, are 
interesting, having the usual wing- walls of stone, the top of 
which are surmounted by the curious nondescript animals 
previously described, a plain moonstone being at the foot of 
the steps, with two dwdraka stones or janitors very richly 
carved. The platform was originally six feet square, and 



the base of the d&gaba thirty feet, but the latter is now so 
much destroyed that only a heap of bricks and rubbish 
remain. It is not known by whom or at what date this 
d&gaba was built, but it is probably older than the Lank&rftma, 
which Sir E. Tennant ascribed to the year 276 a.d. Accord- 
ing to tradition in the neighbourhood, it was constructed to 
enshrine some bones of two monks, disciples of Buddha, who 
travelled as missionaries in Ceylon for a number of years 
after his death. 


Height of riat- 

Ileight (from 

Diameter of 


form from 

platform) of 
existing rain. 



1. Thdprirama ... 

307 B.C. 

18 feet 

62 feet 



2. MirisWnttiya... 

157 «.c. 

4 flights of steps 




3. Kiiwftn Woeli ... 

158 B.C. 




4. Abhava (iiri ... 

89 B.C. 

3 terraces 

231 » 



6. Lankarania 

276 A.D. 

14 feet 




6. Jetawan Ardraa 

394 A. D. 




7. Sela Chaitya ... 



1 Dtl-gaba is the Sinhalese contraction of the PSli Dh&tn-gabbha 'Relic- 
canket ; * but it is used exclusively of these solid bell -shaped domes. 

'■* Original height from the ground to the top of spire, 406 feet (Tenneni, 
yol. ii. p. 621), that is to say, about ten feet higher than the topmost point of 
St. Paulas ; the latter being only 396 feet high. 


Art. VI. — Andamaneae Musky with Notes on Oriental Music 
and Musical Instruments. By M. V. Portman, Esq., 

The subject of Oriental Music is one which offers a large 
field for research, in which very little work has, as yet, been 

The music of Arabia waa very thoroughly investigated by 
Villoteau. Short papers have been written on the music of 
Persia. Eichhorn has written on the music of Afghanistan. 
Willard, and later Sir Sourindro Mohun Tagore, have 
described the music of Hindostan at some length. Javanese 
music has had some attention paid to it ; and P^re Amiot, 
and later, Tradescant Lay, and Van Aalst, have described 
the musical system of China. Many small notes have been 
made on the music of most Eastern countries ; but these, 
even when they are really accurate, are generally mixed 
with a mass of extraneous matter in some book of travel, 
scientific paper, or report, so that they are not easily procurable. 
In order to investigate Oriental Music, it is necessary that 
the inquirer should be a musician, somewhat above the 
ordinary amateur grade, and should also be acquainted with 
the language and customs of the people amongst whom he is 
inquiring. "What is really wanted in England is a complete 
and exhaustive collection of all the musical instruments used 
throughout the world by Oriental and Extra- European 
nations, and this collection should be accompanied by such 
a mass of information, that the facts regarding the music of 
these nations may be laid before the student in a complete 
and intelligible form. The Questions drawn up by the late 
Mr. Carl Engel, for "The British Association for the 
Advancement of Science," and published in " Anthropo- 

TOL. XX. — [new 8BKIB8] 13 


logical Notes and Queries," will greatly assist the investi- 
gator. Full scores of Oriental orchestral music we are 
entirely without, and these should be accompanied^ where 
possible, by the words of the songs, or plays, etc. 

The Sacred music of Oriental nations would be a most 
interesting field for research, and a collection should be made 
of the treatises which the more civilised Asiatic nations 
possess on music. 

In making these researches the greatest care is of course 
necessary. Engel's admirable work, "Study of National 
Music," might be consulted with advantage, and I should 
myself be glad to assist any inquirer. 

The music of Asia may be divided into distinct branches, 
which have little or no connection with each other. 

1. The music of pure aboriginal, and savage tribes. 

2. The music of the Chinese. 

3. The music of Siam, Burma, the Malay Peninsula, 
and Java. 

4. The music of Hindostan, which differs greatly in different 
parts, and of which the ancient classical music, about which 
much has been written, and many fanciful theories have 
been evolved, differs almost entirely from the music per- 
formed in the present day. 

5. The music of Persia and Arabia. 

6. The music of Thibet and Nepaul. 

Without going over ground which has been already 
traversed by others, I will give what little information I 
have been able to collect regarding these systems of music 

With regard to the first class, I have made considerable 
researches into the music of the Andamanese, a race of 
whom I have been for some years in official charge. 

The Andamanese are decidedly fond of their own mnaicy 
but do not care much for that of other nations. Even 
among themselves the songs of more distant tribes, which 
differ in rhythm and intonation, are not much appreciated. 
Foreign music merely attracts their attention as a noTelty. 
Their ear is not acute for discerning small musical intervalSi 


Experiments were made by me with several European and 
Oriental musical instruments of different " timbre." They 
have not good musical ears. The " Ong^s " appear to have 
more highly developed musical capabilities than the other 
tribes. Those who are considered, amongst themselves, to 
be the best singers, can generally nearly hit any note given 
to them on a European instrument, but the majority of the 
Andamanese, on whom I experimented, were about a semitone 
out. They are very slow at picking any European, or 
Asiatic tune, which may be sung or played to them, though 
quick enough at learning the choruses of each other's songs. 
The reason of this probably is that the rhythm is different 
from that to which they are accustomed, and the tunes are not 
in their ordinary song-compass ; nor are the notes in their 
accustomed sequence. 

The voices of the men are of medium loudness, rather 
rough, and steady, growing deeper and fuller in tone with 
age, up to about 35 years. After this it becomes very 
rough, husky, and tuneless. [The Andamanese age very 
quickly.] The boys' voices are clear and not unpleasant. 
The women's voices are clear but of bad intonation. 
" Falsetto " is common among both sexes, though their 
general ** timbre " is not as nasal as that of more civilised 
Oriental races. The notes of the " Onge " tribes are quite 
smooth and round, and entirely free from nasal intonation. 
The usual compass of the voice in both sexes is about an 
octave. The man's is generally from C-c, though I have 
met men who can sing from B^-e, "Women generally sing 
from G-g. The prevailing male voice is barytone. The 
prevailing female voice is contralto. All the notes of the 
women are distinctly head and not chest notes. 

With the exception of the "Pukuta Yemnga," about to 
be described, the Andamanese have no instrumental music ; 
their music consisting only of songs in solo and chorus, 
which chorus is invariably sung by both sexes if available 
and is accompanied by a dance. They have no professional 
singers. The following appears to be their system of song. 
The men sing in anison ; some women, with the children in 


falsetto, an octave above ; the remainder of the women sing 
in what I believe is intended for a perfect fifth, but what is 
occasionally a minor sixth above the men. Difference of 
pitch in the voices introduces other notes, which can only 
be called " out of tune." Their singing is in regular duple 
time. This is more particularly marked in the chomseSy 
when you have the rhythmical accompaniment. The con- 
tinuance of one note, or of a sequence of notes, a little 
distance apart, which is an attribute of Oriental musio, often 
leads persons who do not know the meaning of the word to 
call Andamanese solos " recitative," which term, as meaning 
" musical declamation," does not in the least apply. They 
have only one species of song, which may treat of all 
subjects. They have no religious, nursery, or love songs. 
The principal subjects on which songs are composed are 
pig-hunting, fish-shooting, turtle and dug^ng spearing, 
fighting, making boats, bows, etc. The music, rhythm, 
accent, and intonation is no clue to the sense of the song, 
and a person not knowing the language would be ignorant 
as to whether a fight, hunt, or the making of a boat, was 
being described. Every one composes songs. A man or 
woman would be thought very little of, who could not do 
so. Even the small children compose their own songs. 
Each person composes his own, and it is a great breach of 
etiquette to sing another person's song, particularly if the 
composer be dead. 

The only notes in use in their songs are the following, 
and in this order : 

The leading note, i#. The Tonic. The Tonic, i|. 

The whole range of notes is therefore not equal to a 
superfluous second. 

The general sequence, or progression of notes, used by the 
South Andaman tribes, is 

Tonic. Tonic, Jf . Leading note, Jf . 

I of course presume the Andamanese leading note to be a 
semi-tone below the tonic. 

Of the northern tribes we have more to leam^ but I doubt 


^^ • • 

if any great difference will appear. The " Ong^ " tribes 
appear to have our diatonic intervals, but we know little of 
them. The songs conclude on what I assume to be the 
tonic, but which is in reality the second note of the scale. 

In their solos, " Ritardando " and "Accellerando '* are 
freely used, the chorus only being in strict time, which is 
invariably duple. 

They have no traditions regarding music, except that the 
" Chaoga-t&banga " or "aDcestors" (a great people, like the 
Greek Heroes, or Demi-gods), by their account, used to sing, 
and, as it is not etiquette to sing the song of a dead person, 
these are soon forgotten. As to their manner of composition, 
any person, wishing to compose a song for the evening's 
entertainment, i.e. dance, makes up the song to his satis- 
faction by continually trying it over, while engaged in any- 
thing which does not excite, or distract him. 

I append some Andamanese songs, in score, which will 
illustrate my meaning. 

As the Andamanese alter and clip at will the ordinary 
words of their language, to suit the rhythm of their songs, 
they may almost be said to possess a poetic dialect. This 
being the case, I have in the following instances translated 
the song into the vulgar tongue, and from that into English. 

(The numbers refer to the songs in score.) 

Song No. 1. — Composed by an Andamanese man named 
"Bulubulla," of the "Aka-Balawa" tribe, resident in "Aila 
Juru." It relates how, when he was on a cruise in the local 
steamer, he sang a song, and another man learnt it. 


6uma Nyunga-1& dia ch^l lalot r&mit loto ^no dia ch^l 
l&lot r&mit-l&. Nyunga d^ra to oro boi 14, Nyunga 
d^ra oro, boi la. 


Nyunga d^ra oro boi 1&. 

In the ordinary Aka-6ia-da language, 

Wai Guma Nyunga-la dia 6t-^nir^, birma ch^lewa-len 
6t rdmit lot wai ddik eb dkan podir^, & idat oore. 


In English. 

Master Nyunga-la sang with me on the steamer, and he 
learnt my song. 


Nyunga-la learnt my song. 

This will he repeated many times, and perhaps one or 
more verses made up. 

Song No. 2. — A song by the same composer, describing 
how, when out with me in a small steamer, we passed up the 
coast of the North Andaman at night. 


Bir-a lot erema ogar \k ebng^ra ch&l ^do k£ dok, 
ebng^ra chdl \k. Hi choke w&p 16m, dakar 
t&rai lot t4. 


Be choke w&p 16m, dakar t&rai 16t ta. 

In Aka-Bia-da. 

AVai bira lot ^rema 6gar \k ch&let k&gre, eb &rach&l 
dokre. Choke iji d&kar t&r 16tire. 

In English. 

From the country of the Yerewas the moon rose, it came 
near. It was very cold, I sat down. 


It was very cold, I sat down. 

Song No. 3. — Composed by an Andamanese man, named 
"Riala," of the "Aka Jawa" tribe, resident at "Y^retil." 
It relates how, while on a cruise in the local steamer, he 
sang to the North Andamanese, saying he was coming 
to meet them. 


Do ngol dka-teggi leb, dakar j&d &1 ngfika y&bngo^ 
d'ot ogar lera loto chali beo. 


D'ot Ogar l^ra loto ch&li beo. 


In Aka-Bia-da. 

Do Dgol &ka-teggi leb, d&ka j&dia k&gk^, aka yabnga 
lat. D'ot 6gar Idr 16tir^. 

In English. 

I am coming to see you, the moon has gone down. 


The moon has gone down. 

Song No. 4. — By the same composer, saying that it was 
his fate, although one born in the interior jungle, to be 
al^Yays travelling about in the steamer. 


B&dinga y&ba ch&na ur ch&l yd leb d&betir^, dra ch^Iia 
lat gone tet lot gutoi d&b ch&ti tong lot t&r, lodo 
ch&r beria oba ngika. 


Xt lodo ch&r b^ria oba ngikd. 

In Aka Bia-da. 

B&dinga y&bada, ch&na d'&b^tire &ra ch^lia l&t d&b 
gono tet lot gutor^, d&b ch&ti tong 14, don ik &r 

In English. 

I did not see, but I know I was bom from my mother, 
for the work of the steamer, I was born in the jungle, 
where the Gono ^ and Ch&ti ^ are, but I go often 
in the steamer. 

Song No. 6. — Composed by *" Woichela," an Andamanese 
man of the " Aka Jawai " tribe. It relates how he was 
cutting a bow, and did it all himself. 


fkngat k6pa loko tetan, oit&n, uchobd d'6n kichal 
uchubd da k6 didd, oh ! oh ! oh ! 


Uchuba d&, k6 dida, oh I oh ! oh I 

1 Edible roots. 


In Aka 6ia-da. 

B& ngoda porngata, ikng&t k6pa 16ka t^t&n, uchuba 
d'on kichal d6, d61a uchuba^ d61a d^dallr6, oh! 

oh ! oh ! 

In English. 


You did not make this, I made it, I, I, I, made it. 


I, I, I, made it. 

Song No. 6. — Composed by " BulubuUa/* an Andamanese 
man of the "Bojigi&b" tribe, resident at "Pich l&ka 
ch&kan/' in *' Baratan." It relates how M&ia Pdro saw a 
big turtle in the water, from the composer's boat, and 
laughed at it. 


Mdia Poro beringa \& dia yadi ch&uma leb ngiji d&l 16 
p&al l&ka en ngiji d&Ia-da, Poro r6t y^ngo bia II d&. 


Poro Tot y^ngo bia li dd. 

In A'ka Bia-da. 

M&ia Poro beringa dia y&di ch&uma lik ngiji 6dal lot 
piLreka obada. Poro 6t y^ngik^ b'^dal-da. 

In English. 


Mdia Poro from my boat saw a big turtle in the water, 
and hit him in the eye. Poro laughed when he 
hit him in the eye. 


Poro laughed when he hit him in the eye. 

Song No. 7. — Composed by "Bia Mulwa," an Andamanese 
man of the " Xka, K61 " tribe, resident at Long Island. It 
relates how at the close of the day they were retnming 
through the jungle slowly, when they heard the noise of a 
canoe being cut. [Other verses describing the cutting of it. 


would probably be added to this song.] The music of this 
song is not given. 


Bodo da l&ta d& teggi 16 tid I&ra ddka ke dba id&b ch& 


K6 dbd idab ch& 16nir6. 

In Aka Bia-da. 

B6do dd Idt do oyo did Idradak^ 6 teggi k6 ydbada 
m6cho dt Idrdak^. 

In English. 


At the end of the day we were going slowly, and heard 
the noise of a canoe being cut. 


We were going slowly. 

Song No. 8. — Composed by "Ghana Lucia," an Anda- 
manese woman of the ** Aka Balawa " tribe, married to a 
man of the "Aka K^d^" tribe. She relates how putting 
the steering oar straight, she took the canoe out to sea, and 
then brought it back. 


D6 ngen dr geu ddngali ddt kopa lera golobdka, idat 
kopa l^ra do ngen 6 d^ra ^lojro. 


D6 ngen 6 d^ra, elojr6. 

In Aka Bia-da. 

Tun ikngdt kopa l^ra Idt gora wai doi ngen 6yo 
d'drlomk^ jurulen. 

In English. 


I straightened the helm, and took the boat out into the 
sea, and then brought it back. 


I then brought it back. 


Song No. 9. — Composed by "Bia Boi/' an Andamanese 
man of the " Bojigiab " tribe, resident at " Durat&n." It 
relates how he was cutting a canoe. 


Pa8-6 loringd 16 dud^ pol^, pus-^ loring 6 1& ; mi&t^ ba 

loringd la. 


Mi&t^ ba loringd 14. 

In Aka Bia-da. 

B&j^ loringa 16 dud^pol. B&j6 16ringa-da M^tat 

In English. 


I am cutting the under part of a canoe's prow, I am 
cutting a canoe. 


I am cutting a canoe. 

Song No. 10. — Composed by "K&la/' an Andamanese 
man of the " Aka Bia-da " tribe, resident at " Gop-l&ka- 
bang." It relates how, when standing at the bows of a 
canoe, he saw some fish. 


K&pr6, kapr6 dekan^ k&pro d, Bar leko, tla &-bada« 


B&r leko, tia &-ba-da. 

In Aka Bla-da. 

D61 &ba k&pi, k'ol bedig, dol dekan k&pik^, d61 k&pi. 
W41ak-lek 6t yat, dia y4ba-da. 

In English. 


I was standing, yes I was standing up. I was standing. 
In front of me are fish, but they are not mine. 


In front of me are fish, but they are not mine. 


The two following songs composed by " Tok^," an An- 
damanese of the " Kka Jawai " tribe, resident at " Pewiltaur," 
are given to show a two-line chorus of peculiar rhythm, used 
chiefly in the northern part of the Middle Andaman. 


Juruwin l& dik ^ratd pucha la beat 
Eoko 16 dig, ko tia la 
Bang abgddi, g& daii bid. 



Eokolo dig II ko t\& \& 
B^ng -abgddi. II g4 diii bid. 


Ebn w61 loko pail-i diji, boi d^dat k6po lot yubro, 
K41a don wolo b^. 
Nura loij, r&t kopa 16t, 
Yubro kala, don wolo b^. 


Nuraloij II rat kopa lot 
Yubro kala, || d6n wolo b^. 

The following song composed by " I'll," an Andamanese 
man of the "A'ka Ch&ri&r" tribe, resident at "Pait-ter- 
buliu," North Andaman, will serve to show the rhythm and 
style of song in use among the tribes in the North Andaman. 



U U u — 


« « - 


— u u — 


— - — 


-. - -. 

K.^ rebels 

— u u — 


u u — — 


Rai ebet^ 

— u u 

Eyo keto 
il T& bel& 

— — 

— — 

D41a ro^ 

— u — 


— — 


- - 

Obe tdrd 

u u u 

— — 

Rai ebet^ 



- - 


— u — 


Eai ebet^ 



- - 



The following song, composed by myself whilst on an 
expedition against the ^* J&rawa '^ tribes^ shows how a song 
may have two choruses. 


J&rawd la tinga odo, p&li4t &r& tinga 6m&, Iebat^r&, 
ting erak i6m4 leb. 


Ting er&k I6m& leb. 


J&raw& la tinga odot, pdliat 6t&, tinga 6m& leb-at-ise. 


J&raw4 boimd leb-at-ise. 

I have not thought it necessary to copy out more songs 
because the above fully illustrate the music of the Anda- 
manese and their poetry ; and, as explained, none of the 
songs have the value of antiquity. The "Ong^" songs 


I have as yet been unable to procure. The next point for 
notice in the singing of the Andamanese is a peculiar 
" finale/' as follows : 


6U date &r 6i. 


Oba^ b6yub6 dat^, 
answered by 


Ti &r6 iv6 L 

all of which has absolutely no meaning. 

This solo with the North, and North of the Middle 
Andaman tribes is 


Hf &bi kv&, 6 khe tkrL 

answered as before. 

This finale closes the song, and a pause ensues, in which 
the only sound heard is the rhythmical time beat, which has 
a very weird efiect, and which ends in the time being 
suddenly broken, when a confused rapid rattle of beats is 
heard, the time changing from J ^ J^ 11 J ^ J^ continu- 
ally repeated to J^ J^ J^ J^ || S'J^J^'J^ which after a few 
bars ceases entirely. 

I will now describe the " Pukuta Yemnga," the only 
musical, or rather rhythmical instrument of the Andamanese. 
It is an instrument of percussion, and is a shield-shaped 
piece of wood, which is placed with the narrow end in the 
ground, and struck with the foot. Any man can make one. 
It is almost invariably made of " Gh&langa " wood [Ptero- 
carpus dalbergioides, "Padouk"], and is ornamented on the 
concave side with patterns in coloured earth put on generally 
by the women. 

Holes, called " Aka-tob-l&nga-da," are cut in the broad end 
for a rope to be fastened to, which rope the performer holds 
in his hand. He has also, as a rule, an arrow in his hand, 
the pointed end of which he sticks into the instrument near 


the holes. It is used as a rest, and, with the rope, may be 
shifted to either hand. Ornaments of tassels are also 
occasionally tied on to these holes, and hang down under- 
neath. No acoustic reason is given for the holes, and many 
"Pukutas" are found without them. The "Wolo" or 
Adze, is the only tool used in making the " Pukuta," which 
is not smoothed or finished in any way. The convex side of 
it follows the shape of the tree from which it has been cut ; 
this side being generally the outer edge of the tree, with the 
bark removed, and the knots cut off. A big "Pukuta" takes 
a man (and it is usually made by one person) about a week 
to make. 

When in use, the convex side of the " Pukuta " is upper- 
most, the pointed end is stuck in the ground, and kept in 
position with one foot. A stone is then placed under it, to 
keep it steady, and give it support. 

Though the Andamanese sing when engag^ in any 
employment, yet the dance is their only real musical per- 
formance. This may take place on the meeting of friends, 
after a successful day's sport, during the various initiatory 
ceremonies, in short, any event is made the pretext for a 
dance, which constitutes one of the greatest enjoyments in 
Andamanese life. It is also performed with certain ob- 
servances of etiquette at a ceremony about 70 days after 
the funeral of a man, when his bones are distributed amongst 
his relatives. 

The dances of the Andamanese are ''the ordinary dance, or 
Koinga," "the Yddi-Gumul dance," which is only used 
at that ceremony, and " the Reg-jiri-gumul dance," which 
is peculiar to that ceremony. There also occur minor 
differences in these dances among the different tribes, which 
merely consist, on the men's part, of a different mode of 
swinging the hands, and on the women's part, of a greater or 
less accentuation of the curtesy. The principal dance of the 
Andamanese, which with a few variations prevails through- 
out all the tribes in the Great Andaman, is as follows, and 
though seen at its best when a large party meet together 
who have not seen each other for some time, and therefore 


vie with each other in the energy of their steps, or the 
newness of their songs, yet may be observed in most encamp- 
ments of any size every evening. Although men, or rather 
boys, do take the women's part in the " Orchestra," yet a 
dance is not considered to be correct in the absence of 

The '* Pukuta Yemnga " having been placed at one end of 
the dancing ground (called " bulum "), which has been swept 
clean, the leader takes his stand at it, facing the ground. A 
number of women sit in a row on his left, and a cluster 
of men are behind him and on his right. The men who are 
going to dance sit or stand about at the edge of the ground. 

The leader then commences a Solo, and, arriving at the 
Chorus, the women and men take it up and repeat it many 
times. The former sit upright with their legs straight 
before them, crossed a little above the ancle, and slap the 
hollow between their thighs with one open hand which 
is held at the wrist by the other. The men who are not 
dancing clap their hands, all in exact time. The leader 
strikes the " Pukuta'* with the inner part of one foot, 
principally with the heel. 

After about one bar of the chorus has been sung, the 
dancers commence with great vehemence. They do not 
form any figure, but go where they choose, and stop when 
they are tired. 

The step of the men's dance is. Strike the ground with 
the right heel, the toes not being raised off the ground ; 
then with the left heel, the whole foot being raised off the 
ground, and then again with the right heel. ^ J ^J\ This 
completes one step, and is repeated for some time till the 
right foot is tired, when they commence with the left foot. 
All this time the body is bent slightly forward from the 
hips, the back curved well inwards ; and the arms being out- 
stretched, the first fingers and thumbs of both hands are 
interlaced. [There are many ways, however, of holding the 
fingers, this being purely a matter for the dancer's taste.] 
As the leader becomes tired, he is relieved at the " Pukuta " 
by another, and joins in the dance. The leader continues to 


sing for some time, and when tired is succeeded by the man 
who relieved him. This obtains always. 

The step of the women's dance is, " Swinging their arms 
backwards and forwards, and alternately raising their heels 
from the ground. Then raising their hands they will cross 
their wrists, then go back, after a little while, to the first 
position." They also every minute or so advance a few steps. 

The men when tired, but not wishing to cease dancing, 
have a step called, "D^naok6," which is performed thus: 
*^ they simply stand and raise their heels alternately, keeping 
their toes on the ground." A great feature in this dance is 
that occasionally several men ceasing from their steps will 
cross the floor with a trotting motion, shouting the while. The 
time in all their motions is perfect, and very interesting to 
watch. As the Andaman ese are always stark naked, with 
the exception of a leaf worn by the women, and their 
ornaments, the sight is a curious one. 

The dances take place in the evening and at night in the 
dense jungle, often with no light but that of the flickering 
fires, and the effect is very weird. Sometimes they light a 
torch or throw a blazing mass of resin on the ground. 
They quite lose themselves in the excitement of the dance. 

Special ornaments are worn by some, viz. a circular band 
of leaf round the head, with bunches of fibre stuck in it, and 
bunches of the same fibre are stuck in their waistbelt behind. 
The young men often dress and paint extensively for the 
dance, and are proud of their dancing. 

A peculiar effect is produced when occasionally the music, 
i.e. the song, ceases, and nothing is heard but the rhythmical 
beat. Women occasionally relieve men at the " Pukuta," 
but do not often sing. A few differences may be noticed 
from the above, as, for instance, the Aka Y^ri and Aka 
Chdriar tribes, when dancing, swing their hands from the 
hip to the chin in time with the dance. From what I have 
seen of the J&rawa and Unge dance, it would seem to be in 
imitation of the act of coition. 

In the ceremonies of " Yadi-gumul-1^," or eating tattle, 
and "Reg-jiri-gumul-le," or eating the breast of the pig. 


under certain circumstances and conditions, a dance peculiar 
to each ceremony obtains. For a description of the 
ceremonies I must refer you to Mr. E. H. Man's work 
** On the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands.'' 
The " Y&di-gumul-l^ " dance is as follows : " Men, and 
occasionally women, taking bunches of leaves in both 
hands, jump in the air with both feet together, bending 
down, and striking the ground with the branches as they 
return to the earth, and then rising erect for a second 

The " Ileg-jiri-gumul-16 " dance is similar, but one foot, 
the left, is kept permanently on the ground, while the right 
is alternately in the air, or beating the ground. The 
bunches of leaves are used in the same way. 

No song or " Pukuta " is used in these two dances, and 
they are performed to merely the rhythmical clapping of 
hands and slapping of thighs. Only those who have gone 
through the ceremonies may assist the initiate at these 

The Nicobarese possess two musical instruments, one a 
seven-holed flageolet, which is evidently that of the Burmese, 
and the other a stringed instrument, called '* Danang." It 
is made of the large bamboo, is about three feet long, and 
has three frets and one string of cane. Two holes are made 
in the bamboo for sound-holes. This instrument is laid across 
the knees when played, and produces a very good and power- 
ful tone. It is in my opinion borrowed from the Indian 
" Sitdr." The Nicobarese have many dances and songs, 
which have not yet been collected. 

For information on the second class of music, I must refer 
you to the works of " Amiot," " Tradescant Lay " and " Van 

With regard to the third class, the music of Burma, Siam, 
and Java is more pleasing to European ears than that of any 
other Asiatic country. The instruments are of excellent 
quality of *' timbre," and the scale is not so offensive to 
European ears. 

▼OL. XX. — [new series.] 14 


The foUowiDg remarks on Burmese music may be of 
interest ; but in giving them I wish it to be understood that 
much more work remains to be done in this subject, and 
hereafter errors may be detected in what I now write. 

The Burmese appear to be fond of music, but chiefly when 
in combination with dancing and acting. Their ear is good, 
and they can be taught European music. They have pro- 
fessional musicians, who attain considerable proficiency in 
their own music, which is taught entirely by ear. The 
quality of their voices is soft, but nasal in intonation, and 
not particularly pleasing. The compass is about one octave. 
The prevailing male voice is "barytone," Bl^- -a or B-f. The 
prevailing female voice is " mezzo-soprano," Bl^- -e. They 
possess books and collections of songs, but have no musical 
notation, nor have they any knowledge of Harmony, which 
is a purely European musical science. The Burmese scale 
requires to be determined by some experienced acoustician, 
the " temperament " differing from ours. I have heard 
a '^ P&tala " tuned to almost our diatonic scale of A Major. 

This " P&tala " or Bamboo Harmonican, is the basia of all 
Burmese music, and to it all orchestral instruments are 
tuned. As it is tuned, diatonically, orchestral chromatics are 
forbidden. The music contains frequently repeated phrases, 
with different variations, and in different octaves. Duple 
time is generally used. 

The following is a list of the instruments in use in Lower 
Burma. ** Boung," a Drum. " Saeng," a circle of Drum& 
" Pam-ma,*' a Brass Drum. " Hne," an Oboe. " Boung* 
hs^," a long Drum. " Oo-hs6," an upright Drum. •* Be- 
oh," a Tam-tam. " Wun-let-hkouk," a bamboo Clapper. 
" Ilsaing-di," a circle of Gongs. " Maungi," a Gong. " Jeg- 
wainh," Cymbals. " Ilsaing-aung," a crescent Gong. " Pi- 
Iw^," a Flageolet. " Saung," a Harp. " P&tala," a 
Harmonican. '' Mee-gyoung," an alligator-shaped Guitar. 
" Theyau," a Fiddle. 

I will now describe these in detail. 

''Boung" is a conical wooden drum, with heads and 
braces of deer-hide. Only the larger end is played on, and 


is covered with a cream-coloured paint, with a black centre. 
It is not tuned by the braces, but by placing in the centre of 
the black spot a lump of paste, consisting of boiled rice and 
soda lye earth, and the reason of painting the head of the 
drum is to prevent this composition, which is a strong alkali, 
eating into the hide. 

The " Saeng " consists of a number (generally 21) of these 
drums, placed round the inside of a circular frame, being 
suspended from its upper rim by hide cords. A large bass 
drum is suspended to a bamboo pole attached to the outside 
of the frame. The performer sits in the centre of the frame- 
work, and plays on the drums with his hands, striking them 
with a peculiar flick of the first and second fingers. The 
tone is soft and dull. The " Pam-ma," being simply a large 
" Boung," requires no separate description. 

" Hn^ " is an '* Oboe," with a large detached metal bell, 
seven holes in front and two holes behind. It is an instru- 
ment of the orchestra. Its compass is three octaves, of 
which the middle one seems to be little used. The lower 
octave has a coarse rough tone, but the highest octave has a 
beautiful flute-like tone, which is very eflTective. Five oboes 
are generally used in a full orchestra. The reed is of coarse 
contrivance, being thick, and made of a number of folds 
of palm leaf, at folding which the players are very dexterous. 
A brass bodkin is usually attached to the **Hn^" for 
keeping the centre of the reed clear. " Boung-hs^ " and 
" Be-oh " are mere ordinary drums, of the shape of the 
Indian " Tam-tam." ** Oo-hs^ " is a peculiar kind of upright 
drum, in form being of the genus kettledrum, and somewhat 
resembles the "Darabukkeh" of the Egyptians. "Wun- 
let-hkouk " is an ingenious bamboo clapper. It consists 
of a piece of bamboo two joints long, which is split down to 
the second joint, and part of the second joint is cut away for 
the hand. It is used to mark the time, and is often played 
with the foot. Gongs the Burmese are famous for. They 
are of two shapes, crescent and circular, and are either used 
singly or in a circle. The edges of the single gongs are 
thin, and incline inwards ; those which are used in circles 


like the circle of drums, have their edges of the same thick- 
ness as the rest of the instrument, and at right angles to the 
face of the goag. They are tuned by adding solder, wax, 
etc., to the inside of the centre knob. Their tone is often 
exquisite, and the circle of gongs, which are played on by 
being struck with pieces of wood, are an excellent addition 
to the orchestra. The cymbals are equally fine, and are of 
all sizes. 

" P&-lw^," the flageolet, is made of bamboo, with seven 
holes in front, and a thumb hole. It has often another hole 
above the top finger hole, which is covered by paper or wax, 
and is similar to the same class of hole in the Chinese flute 
called ''Ti-tzii." The instrument has no mouthpiece, the 
end being simply put to the mouth. 

*^ Saung," the harp, is a most beautiful instrument. The 
body is canoe-shaped, and made of wood covered with deer- 
skin, and sometimes painted. A long curved neck projects 
upwards from the body, and the strings, made of silk and of 
difierent thicknesses, are f £istened to thick tasseled cords on the 
neck, the other ends being tied to a bar on the centre of the 
body. The strings are thirteen in number, and are toned in 
unison with the *' Patala." The tuning is effected by the 
cords being raised or lowered on the neck. The body acts 
as a sounding board, and has round holes cut in the belly 
covering. The tone of this instrument is very fine. Of its 
origin I can say nothing, but it should be compared with the 
harps of the ancient Assyrians and Egyptians, which it 
greatly resembles, and will probably solve many problems 
regarding them, as it appears to me to show decided traces 
of Assyrian origin. 

''P&tala," the bamboo harmonican, is the basis of all 
Burmese music. On it beginners are taught before they 
learn any other instrument, and to it the other instruments 
are tuned. The number of its notes varies from 18 to 23. 
The notes are merely strips of the ''Bambusa Gigantea," 
strung together by holes bored on the nodal points, and 
suspended over an ornamented trough which serves as a 
sounding board. The tone is remarkably liquid and beautifoL 


It is played by one performer, who sits before it, haying 
a hammer with a cloth or cork head in each hand, with 
which he strikes it. There is also a " P&tala," composed of 
metal bars instead of bamboo, which greatly resembles the 
glass harmonican used as a toy by English children. It is 
not a genuine Burmese instrument, but an adaptation from a 
European harmonican. 

*' Mee-gyoung/' the alligator- shaped guitar, is considered 
to be one of the most ancient instruments in Burma, and on 
account of its ineffectiveness is going out of use. It is made 
of wood in the likeness of an alligator, is strung with three 
wire strings, and has frets. It is played with a plectrum. 

'' Theyau," the fiddle, bears a striking resemblance to the 
European viol family. It is strung with three silken or 
horsehair strings, and is played like a violoncello. It is 
difficult to say whether this is a genuine Burmese instru- 
ment or no. I am of opinion that, though the Burmese may, 
in common with other adjacent races, have had a stringed 
instrument played with a bow, yet that the shape of the 
present '* Theyau " has been influenced by some member of 
the viol family, possibly introduced by the Portuguese. 
It may also be affected by the Hindu ^'Sarinda." 

Burmese instruments may be divided into three classes. 

1. The instruments of the lower classes. 
2* The instruments for chamber music. 
3. The instruments for orchestral music. 

The instruments of the first class are : *' Boung-hs^." 
" Be-oh." " Wun-let-hkouk." " Pa-lw^." " P&tala." 
"Theyau." These would generally be used singly or 
combined, as "Patala" and " Wun-let-hkouk," "Be-oh" 
and *' Jeg-wainh," " Theyau " and " Wun-let-hkouk." 

The instruments of the second class are : *' Saung." 
" Patala," and *' Mee-gyoung." 

The instruments of the third class are : '* Hn^." " Hsaing- 
di." " Saing.'' " Pam-ma." " Wun-let-hkouk." " Jeg- 
wainh." Of which a good orchestra would consist. 

With regard to the conducting of an orchestra and matters 


of combinations of instruments, information is much to be 
desired. Libretti, and scores of the Burmese Pooays, would 
be most valuable. 

Similar instruments, though more highly finished, and of 
a better class of manufacture, are to be found in Siam and 

With regard to the fourth class I can only give the 
opinions of others. Lieut. Day, of the 43rd Regt., writes 
that he hopes shortly to publish a work on the music of 
Southern India, which differs from that of Bengal and 
Northern India, and I will not therefore attempt to anticipate 
this work by producing any of his remarks here. 

Mr. C. B. Clarke writes with regard to Bengali music, 
'' Bengali music is founded on the Seeta, the octave is divided 
into twelve semitones. In the middle octave the Seeta has 
ten frets, which can be set before commencing the tune. 
Thus seven frets can be set to the Major scale, while the two 
extra frets may be set to F| and B7. When once set no 
occasional sharps or flats can be played, except the F^ and 
Bt^. By permuting the nine out of eleven semitones a 
large number of '' modes " can be got. The Bengalis use 
thirty-six. The common major mode is one of the modes 
they use, but it is not a favourite one, as they consider 
it thin. They never use exactly our minor mode. The 
seventh is used both sharp and flat very freely, and in 
immediate juxtaposition, and the superfluous second fre- 
quently occurs. The intervals are nearly always smalL 
You may hear many long tunes without sixths or octaves, 
and very few fifths. Another peculiarity is the persistent 
way in which the melody will remain for bars on B, C, 
and B!^, or similar sequences of notes. A Bengal melody 
usually consists of two strains, each imperfectly divisible into 
two portions. It may fairly be compared to an English 
psalm tune, to common long metre, but each of the four 
'4ines" is longer. A marked peculiarity of the Bengali 
melodies is, that they generally commence in the lower part 
of the octave and rise to the octave, and ninth in the third 
line, then gradually fall to the close of the fourth line. The 


time 18 very generally common time. Two Bengali boat 
songs are appended. 

Signor Remenyi, the eminent Hungarian violinist, remarks, 
** Hindu music is wedded to theories which are not generally 
known ; it is overburdened with a complicated system of 
scales, and above all, it is held in the bondage of a traditional 
caste. Far from an absence of system in Hindu music, there 
is a morbid superabundance of it Hindu music is in the 
same position as European music of the eleventh century." 

It would appear that an ancient Sanskrit form of notation 
similar to our Tonic Sol Fa in construction existed. The 
only other Asiatic nation which, as far as I am aware, has 
a similar notation, is the Chinese. I am in hopes that this 
subject having been opened, others may be induced to 
communicate more valuable information regarding it. 

I may remark, in conclusion, that all the instruments 
mentioned in this paper have been brought to England by 
me, and placed in the " Pitt-Rivers " Museum at the 
University of Oxford. 

What few books and papers I have been able to collect, I 
have placed in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

[The following is a list of the works with which Mr. Port- 
man's generosity has enriched our Library : 

** Chinese Music." By J. A. Aalst. Shaoghai, 1884. 

*'The National Music of the World." By the late H. F. Chorley, edited by 
Henry G. Hewlett. 2nd ed. London, 1882. 

'* Notes on Siamese Musical Instruments." Lond. 1885. 

** An Introduction to the Study of National Music." By Carl Engel. Lond. 1866. 

** The Literature of National Music." By Carl Eneel. Lond. 1879. 

** Short Notices of Hindu Musical Instruments." Calcutta, 1877. 

*• Hindu Music from Various Authors." By Sourindro Mohun Tagore, Mus Doc, 
Founder and President of the Bengal Music School. 2nd ed. Calcutta, 1882. 

" Musical Scales of the Hindus." By S. M. Tagore. Calcutta, 1884. 

** Victoria S&mr&jyan, or Sanskrit Stanzas." By S. M. Tagore. 2nd ed. Cal- 
cutta, 1882. 

** Fifty Tunes, composed and set to Music." By S. M. Tagore. Calcutta, 1878. 

** The Five Principal Musicians of the Hindus." By S. M. Tagore. Calcutta, 

** The Twenty Principal Eavyakaras of the Hindus ; or, Extracts from the Works 
of Twenty of the most Renowned Literati of India." By S. M. Tagore. 
Calcutta, 1883. 





WomerCs t> 

Voices, o 








DaTue Step. 

Beating of S 
Clapping, etc. 

Andamanese Musia 

Song No, /. 

Metv J=^132. 



Guma Nyunga-ld dfa ch^ 1&-I6t r&mit, Idto Ano 










i ^ 








ch6l Id • 16t ramit - la. NjTunga d6ra t'6ro IxSi UL 




1 " 

^^^^pJ^^ ^ H ht^ 


Nyunga d^ra 

Nynnga dera 






f 6ro, b6i 

t'6ro, IxSi 

i_ J 








Nyunga d^ra 



t'tfro, bdi 





Nyunga d^ 

1 a ^ 

t*6ro, IxSi 








Met. J= 138. (The Solo is not in strict time.) 






Bir - i 


itte md 6gar - la ebng 6r&, 

VOL. XX. — [new ssbixs.] 










r J 

^^ "i^i~f "^ * r ^ ^~~^ 




1 r- 

ch&l ^o • k^ d6k ebng 6ra chdla, 

B4 ch6k6 wdp 16iil 

ii^it g 











i ^ 





ddka tdr 

ai 16t 


B4 o1iiS]d& 

ii a=j=Ai:d 






rr i " 









wap l<Sm 

dika tir 

ai Ut 




wdp 16m 


d&ka tix 


ai I6t 
1 . 





wdp 16m 

i i 

dika Ur 

ai 16t 


J ^ 






wip 16in 

d&ka tit 

ai 16t 



I ft N 








i^on^ iTo. III. 




- i«- 


i i 



— 1 — 




-^— ¥= 



—\ — 

ngdl dka 

— \ 


— 1 


— ^ 1 — 

ddka jdd 

— 1 1 ' 

dla ngdka 


















D'6t 6gar l^ra, 16to chali beo. 












D'ot 6gar 


D'6t ogar 

Idra 16to 





ch&li beo. 



chili beo. 





D'ot ogar 

Ura 16to 


chdli beo. 


• *] 


D'6t 6gar 



Idra 16to 

ch&li beo. 




— p 






Song No. IV. 









Bidin - ga ydba chaDa ur chel ya leb d'ib • 6ti 





@- -0-^M =:z:M—r —» ^ m 





li, 4ra cb^lia lat gono tit \6t gn • toi d'&b cb&ti 















tong I6t &r IMo ch&r b^ria 6ba ng{ • ki. 











Ii(Sdo ch&r 




ng{ - ki. 


L<Sdo ch&r 

b^ria 6ba 

Dgi - k£ 
i I 








ngi . k£ 
i I 


L<Sdo ch&r 


beria 6ba 


L<Sdo chir 

b4ria 6ba 

ngi - k4. 








Song J^o, V. 




Ik ngdt k6pa 16ka t^ - tdn oi - Un ach - obd d6ii kichal d6, 









Qch 6bft - i. 

Uch-iSba - dd k6 d^dd oh ! oh ! oh 1 








1 — r- 






Uch - 6ba 


U didk 

oh 1 oh 1 oh 1 



Uch - 6ba 


m , m. 







k6 dMd 






oh I oh I oh I 



Uch - 6ba 

iL' j:y " ! 




k6 dedd 

oh i oh ! oh I 







Uch - 6ba 


k6 d^d& 

oh ! oh 1 oh 1 


I I 





Song No. VI. 


" I Cj ~ 




f— - t -- 

l£.« f=¥=*f^«^^^ii^ St 

Maia P6 - ro b^r - ingd • la dia yddi chd - amm leb Of^iji dal 










i i 

i i 

— t— ^ I — -h— y— i/-H 4. ! I l-^ i I FF=^'M ^=fl 

pddl Idka, eb ngiji d41 Id • ka Poro 16t yengo, bed li da. 






J V 




P6ro 16t 


yengOy b4a 





P6ro 16t 

^^ij ; _4g 

yengOy b4a 





■4h . • 


P6ro 16t 


yengo, b4a 

— s ^^ 






P6ro lit 

• n 


yeogo, bed 









Song No. VIII. 






i. r_T 

f-« ^"*^^ 

Do ngen dr gea dan • gali dat, kopa Ite golo • 












baka i - ddt kopa Un d6 ngen <S d^ra tioj • r&. 






■.■ ^-f-^ 




- Tf ) 




Do Dgen 











Do ngen 




eloj - r6. 



Do ngen 



^loj - r6. 

^ ^:^i|zg=rij -^-=^ -z|z| 

t ^ 1' ^ 


Do ngen 


— fe-\ 



^loj - r<S. 



iSbn^ jYo. JX, 













Pus - ^ 16 - ringd 


dad6 p61^, pus 













^hg=| -f— Fr 






ring6 • Id, 



ba loring - 4 




i X- 








llii - ti 

i ,' — : 


ba loring 






an ■ ti 

i , 


ba loring 




ba loring 





Mi4 ■ te 

1 ft =^ 








ba loring 









Song ITo, X. 





^ — -—H 

;^- l ^^ z=r 

S ! i 



Edp - r6, Kap - r6 dekan, K& - pr6 - 4, Bdr - lek • 6, tia • d - bada. 
























Bdr - 




B&r - 










lek - 














d - bada. 





East Bengal Boat Songs. 

No. I. 

(The stroke of the oar on the firit beat of each bar,) 


i\ rlj I 

JVb. //, 






F-^ i )—i- 





Art. VIL— § U ffi ^ 5c Tsieh-Yao-Tchuen de Tchou-hi 
(Extraits). Far C. de Harlez, M.E.A.S. 

Note. — Le Tchou-tze tBieh-yao-tchuen ou " Livre des principes 
essentiels de Tchou-tze" est un sommaire des enseignements 
philosopbiques, politiques, moraux, etc., da c^ldbre philosopbe 
Tchou-hi on plutot c'est une reunion de sentences, theses, 
preceptes, etc., extraits en majeure partie des livres et lettres 
du philoscphe ou de ses entretiens, et r^sumant sa doctrine. La 
preface donne des renseignements relatiyement & I'auteur de ce 
livre, son temps, son but, sa metbode ; il serait inutile de les 
r6peter ici. Nous en avons extrait les cbapitres que Ton va 

Le livre de K'ao pan long est pen, trop peu connu. Ni Mayers, 
ni Wylie, ni Bretscbneider, pour n'en point citer d'autres, n'en 
font mention, bien qu'il soit autbentique. II en existe une 
Edition avec traduction mandcboue, edit6e par Tcbou-tcbi, 
lettr^ de Pe-Kiug, en 1676. Elle se trouve ^ I'India Office et 
Si la Bibl. Imp. de St.-Petersbourg (No. 425). Le texte est 
un petit in-folio d'une execution typograpbique assez satis- 
faisante. H compte, outre les prefaces, 290 folios repartis 
entre 14 cbapitres, comme on le voit plus bas. 

II n'a jamais 6te traduit ni en entier, ni en partie. 

Nous avons du reduire les notes au minimum extreme, pour 
ne point occuper trop de place dans le Journal. On recon- 
naitra dans les noms cites, les disciples de Tcbou-bi. 


La sagesse des Saints est grande; les gens d'^tudes en s'y 
appliquant approchent de sa nature. Mais le destin assign^ 
k cbacun difil^re, le perfectionnement de la vertu n'est pas ^gal 


en tous. Les Saints des premiers &ges s'accordent avec ceux 
des temps ult^rieurs, comme les denx parties d'un sceau. On 
ne doit done pas s'^earter d'eux ; car, si on le faisait tant soit 
peu, on s'en irait errant k mille lis de la verity. Les saints 
qui ont scrute ce qui n'est pas comme ce qui est, ont ^lucid^ 
ce point. Depuis Kong-tze, les pliilosophes Yen-tze, Tzeng- 
tze, Tze-sze^ et Meng-tze ont re9u la doctrine par Penseigne- 
ment direct. Toutefois au temps de Meng-tze des enseigne- 
ments mauvais se formerent en m6me temps ; ^ I'humanit^, la 
justice furent entrav^es dans leur d^veloppement. Si Meng- 
tze n'etit point vu le jour, la doctrine de Kong-tze se serait 

Apres Meng-tze, Tcheou-tze,' Tcheng-tze, Tchang-tze* et 
Tchou-tze ont re9u la science par tradition. Mais & I'^poque 
de Tchou-tze les mauvaises doctrines se firent jour £g^le- 
ment ; Thumanite et la justice furent arr£t^ et entrav^es. 
Si Tchou-tze ne f(it venu au monde, la doctrine de Kong-tze 
se serait perdue dans Tombre. 

C'est pourquoi Han-Shi de Tchang-li disait que le m^rite 
de Meng-tze n'^tait pas inf^rieur 4 celui de Yu. De 1& aussi 
le dire de Siue de Ilo-fen, que le m^rite de Tchou-tze n'^tait 
pas en dessous do celui de Meng-tze. Et Ton peut dire qu'ils 
parlaient en connaissance de cause. Quoiqu'il en soit la 
doctrine des Saints est ecrite dans les Kings. Si I'on en 
comprcnd les paroles, si Ton en saisit les pens^es on com- 
prcndra les enseignemonts des Saints. Si Ton n'en saisit pas 
les paroles, si Ton n'en penetre pas les pens^es ces enseigne- 
mcnts resteront obscurs. Depuis que Tchou-tze parut, les 
sentences des Kings, tout ce qu'il y a en eux de brillant, on 
de cach^, a ^t^ ^iucid^ et notre doctrine traverse le ciel 
comme le soleii et la lune et flotte sur la terre comme les 
rivieres et les fleuves. Et non seulement les difficult^ 
^puisees par I'^tude, les secrets ^lucid^s par la recherche, mais 
le sue et la seve, le souffle et la force in times mSme, prenant 

* Diaciplos de Kong-fu-tze. 

' ]*rincipaleincnt pur les doctrines de Yang-tcha et Mih-tih. 
' Autt!iir du Tuny-chn. 

* Disciple et ami de Tchoa-hi. Tcheng-tze fut son siattre. 


leurs points d'appui * au sein du ciel et de la terre ont projet^ 
des rayons qui brilleront* jusqu'aux &ges les plus recul^s. 
Tchou-tze etait courageux et habile autant que saint et pleiu 
de sagesse. Son syst^me, ind^pendamment du Tchuen- 
tchou ' a paru dans le Yu-lui * et le Wen-tsih.* II est 
immense, il n'a pas de limite. Four moi E'ao Pan-long sans 
tenir corapte de mon insuflBsance, apr^s I'avoir lu plusieurs 
fois, j'ai pris et extrait I'essence de ses paroles et suivant la 
methode de Tchou-tze je les ai partag^es en 14 sections. On 
n'oserait certainement point egaler cette ceuvre au Ein-sze- 
luh * de Tchou-tze, c'est pourquoi je lui ai donne pour titre 
Tsieh-yao de Tchou-hi (principes essentiels). Certes si 
Tchou-tze n'eut point existe non seulement la doctrine de 
Eong-tze se fftt obscurcie, mais on eut ignore jusqu'd 
Eong-tze lui-m6me. Si la doctrine de Tchou-tze n'eut 
point r^pandu de lumiere, en aurais-je eu, moi, quelque con- 
naissance P 

J'estime, pour moi, que ce liyre ^tablit la distinction de la 
justice du ciel et des d^sirs des hommes sur une ^tendue 
comparable k mille lis ou pen s'en faut. Bien au monde n'est 
plus clair. 

Les lettres doivent savoir que les Saints les plus anciens et 
les plus r^cents sont enti^rement d'accord. C'est pourquoi 
j'ai fait graver, et public ces principes essentiels pour les 
presenter k ceux qui partagent mes sentiments. 

L'ann^e du tigre (^ in) noir {^jiny du temps Wan-li, le 
jour du li^vre (Jjp mao) jaunfttre (2, *0 du 7® mois, k 
Tautomne, moi, E'ao-pan-long, lettr^ de Si-Shan, j'ai ^crit 
cette preface (p^netr^ de respect pour le maitre). 

' Comme un pilier. — Ch. Litt. deux pierres. 

^ D'apres le mandchoo. 

^ Grande collection des ocurres de Tecole de Tchou-hi parue en 1713. 

* Expos^ des principes de Tchou-hi, en 140 livres, ecrit par Li-tsing-ti 
en 1270. 

^ Livre de Wan-kong. 

^ Le Kin-sze-luhy expose des doctrines philosophiques, puhlie en 1175 et dont 
le commentaire seul est de Tchou-hi. 

' La 39« ann^ du cycle. Le temps Wan-li est celui du r^gne de Shing-song 
des Ming, 1573 k 1620 ; il commence a?ec Tan du cycle Kuei^yen ou la 10^ ; c'est 
done le 29« ann6e de cet empereur, Tan 1602. 




Index des Chapitres du Tsibh-tao db ToHOV*Tn. 

I. De la doctrine elle-mdme 40 ffo. 

II. Dcl'ctude 24 

III. De la cotmaissance 33 

IV. De Tentretien ct de la consenration 27 

y. Du devoir de se r^primer et goavemer 6 

YI. Des rdgles domestiques m« 16 

YII. De la eonduite aa dehors et au dedans 15 

YIII. Des principes du goavemement 26 

IX. De Tart de gou?emer 9 

X. Des fonctions des magistrats 82 

XI. Methode de Tenseignement des hommes •• 14 

XII. De r a vertissement et de la correction des d^fants 9 

XIII. Manierc de distinguer et connaitre les fausses doctrines 20 

XIV. Coup-d*a>il sommaire sur les saints et les sages 9 

Chapitrb I. — Db la Doctrine. 

Le docteur Hoei-Ong ^ disait : le premier principe s'exprime 
par un seul mot : //, la rectitude ^ (ou : le principe ration* 

Le Yin et le Yang ^ constituent un mSme principe vitaL 
L'aflFaiblissement du Yang forme le Yin ; ce n'est pas que 
quand le Yang se retire il y ait s^par^ment un Yin. Le Yin 
prend la place,-^ du Yang, de trente parties, une par jour. 
Ainsi cette operation 6tant compl^tement achev^e, au bout 
d'un mois, il nait le K'ttan, 

Au dcgre six du K*nan,^ le Yang gerroe et chaque jour il 
pousse de trente, une purtie. En sorte qu'au bout du mois 
un 3'ang se produit. Ainsi au solstice de I'hiver survient le 
Fft.*^ (iuund on y est arriv^ il ne se produit plus de Yang.* 

* L*un des noms littcraircs pris par Tchou-hi. 

2 On oonnait .suttisamnirnt le Yanp: ct le Yin, les deux principes dos choses 
celestes ct t<-rri<stn's d'apros la philosophie chinoise post6rieure k Meng*tze. 
^ L'uii siicmlant a I'autre. 

* K^iunt If '2<i Kmin du Yib-king ; lo premier marque Torigine des choaes^ le 
second. ItMir tlevi'loppinuMit. 

^ 'J4® )i('\u;;rainin(' dcsi^nant le rcnouvellemcnt dans le nouTeau syst^me. 
Comp. (\ dii liarlt'Z. U^ toxte originaire du Yih-King (Journal Aaiatique, 1887, 
No. 3), Talis, K. Lrroiix. 

* L'autoiir chorohe (i fxpliquo r comment les principes actif et passif se comlniiait 

Sour tonmr Ic^ ctres. I. a de la vie et do la mort, de la croissance et 
ocrois*;ann* dans la nature, donne Tidde du Ynng s^affaiblissant en Tin, poor 
reprendre vi<riMur p<'U apres. Mais ce Aont des mots et nou des chmesL La 
Mhoir do Kan;;-hi (lit de nuMne {Y^. lany) : ** Quand la substance da Yin se 
dilate et disp(>r>o. cV-st Ic Yang. Quand la substance du Yia se condenae el 
coagule, c'est le Yin.'* 


Bicn que la forme exterieure du ciel entoure de partout 
Text^rieur de la terre, son ^l^ment se repand cependant dans 
rint^rieur du globe terrestre. Bien que la terre soit au milieu 
du ciel, ses parties solides et vides enserrent bien des ^1^- 
ments du ciel. 

Le ciel et la terre n'ont rien qui soit, dans leurs fonctions, 
Stranger de Tun k Pautre. Engendrer les Stres est leur seul 

Dans le Kbua Fa on peut voir le coeur du ciel et de la 
terre. En quel lieu ce ccBur n'est-il point? Mais lorsque 
les etres se sont multiplies et ont germ6 comme lis sent 
alors mSI^s et confondus, il est difficile de les connaitre dis- 

Avant que les 6tres divers ne fussent n^s, quand tout ^tait 
dans le silence et le repos, le Yang se remnant et agissant 
en fin, le d^sir de produire les ^tres se manifesta subitement. 
Bien qu'il fttt au milieu du Yin entrerafel^ avec lui, il ne 
pouvait, tenant tout cache, ne produire quoique ce soit.^ 

Le terme de "restaurer, renouveler,"^ employ 6 par Tcheou 
Lian-ki et Tcheng Y-Tchuen n*a pas le m^me sens chez tons 
deux. Pour Tcheou Lian-ki il se rapporte d ce qui revient et 
se r^pete. Tcheng Y-Tchuen Tapplique au principe du 
mouvement. Prenons comme exemple les 4 principes des 
actes, commencement, progr^s, afiermissement, achfivement ; 
Tcheou Lian-ki veut parler des deux derniers et Tcheng Y- 
Tchuen du principe initial. 

La morale et le principe des 6tres sont une mSme chose. Ce 
corps n'est qu'une enveloppe, une sorte d'^corce, Soit au-de- 
dans soit au dehors il n'est rien oil le Yin et le Yang ne soi- 
ent pas. Cost comme le poisson au sein de I'eau. L'eau lui 
est exterieure et contenue dans son sein. L'eau qui est dans 
le sein de la perche ne differe pas de celle qui se trouve dans 
la carpe. 

Les esprits sont aussi formes du k*i.^ Ce qui se r^trecit* ou 

1 C*est a peu pr^s le mdme systeme que celui du Brahmanisme. (Cp. Mdnava- 
dharma^ustram^ i. 5 et BS. 

* Le Koua/ii V. plus haut. 

' Litteralement " souffle," principe vital. 

* Ou : Se courbe et se dresse. 


s'etend, ce qui va ou vient est le k'i. Entre le ciel et le terre 
il n'est rien qu'il ne soit. L'^l^ment vital (k'i) de rhomme 
et celui du ciel et de la terre se joignent et se succSdent^ sans 
interruption, mais rhomme ne pent les voir. Comme le cceur 
de rhomme par ses mouvements, p^ndtre cet ^l^ment vital, 
ils s'excitent et se p^n^trent mutuellement avec tout ce qui 
va, vient, se r^tr^cit, ou s'^tend. 

Relativement aux esprits et aux faits sumaturels, il a ^t^ 
dit : '' Le coeur de Thomme quand il est calme et en paix, est 
bon ; s*il est mis en mouvement comme un jouet, o'est qu'un 
esprit ou un agent sumaturel se manifest-e. 

Le commencement et le progrSs ferment la penetration 
veritable, c'est le mouvement; I'affermissement, rachdvement 
se rapportent au renouvellement, au repos. 

Le commencement est le principe du mouvement. II a 
pour point initial le repos. L'achSvement est la substance 
(matiere) du repos ; il se manifesto par la mise en mouve- 
ment. Tantdt r^gne le mouvement et tantdt le repos ; et ces 
etats s'echangent et se succddent sans cesse. La cohesion 
(ch&n) parfait TachSvement de toutns choses, ainsi que leur 
commencement. Consequemment, bien que I'homme ne puiase 
etre absolument sans mouvement aucun, cependant le repos 
est chose essentielle pour constituer I'^tat dernier de rhomme 
(sa plenitude de nature). Cela ^tant, ce qui se manifesto de 
son activite doit repondre enti^rement 4 la juste mesure et rdgle, 
sans que le repos, qui est k la base de son existence, se perde 
pour cela. Ou ne peut produire en Timitant, la nature qui 
vient d'un decret du ciel ; c'est en vain qu'on I'admire et la 
vante. C'est le decret celeste qui en a ordonn^ et produit la 
r^alite, son essence et sa s^ve ; ^ en traitant ainsi de cette 
nature on le fera avantageusemcnt. C'est pourquoi je ne 
traiterai que ces quatre termes ; humanity, justice, rite et 

II est dit que le decret du ciel est ce qu'on appelle nature.' 
II en est ainsi en toutes choses. Mais en se mettant i 

^ Dans lc8 actcs. 

* Traitant do cos ... . 

3 Conimeiicomcnt da Tcliong-Yong. 


I'^tude il est mieux de commencer ses recherches par sa 
propre personne. C'est pourquoi Ton dit que la nature est la 
forme sensible et la modele de la justice. Cette parole est 

Quand on disserte de la nature, la premiere chose k faire 
c'est de se rendre compte de ce qu'est cette nature. Or la 
nature c'est la justice, la rdgle des actes. EUe se compose 
de r humanity, le droit, le rite et la sagesse. Mais dans ces 
quatre principes que se trouve-t-il de forme ext^rieureP Rien. 

Ce n'est que quand cette justice existe que Ton est en ^tat 
de faire toutes choses; c'est ainsi que Ton saura aimer, rougir, 
hair, refuser, accorder, affirmer et nier. II en sera, par 
exemple, comme d'une discussion sur la nature chaude ou 
froide d'un remade. On ne pent s'assurer de sa forme et 
constitution physique qu'en en buvant ; c'est alors seulement 
qu'on sait si elle est froide ou chaude, ce qui constitue sa 

Les hommes de nos jours ont faussement designe 
I'intelligence, la perspicacity comme ^tant la nature. 
Mais cela ne peut Stre appel^ que volenti, intelligence 
(et non point nature). La nature n'est point connue 
par cette seule designation de destin du ciel. Epuiser 
la notion de la rectitude, p^n^trer les choses c'est en cela 
qu'elle se trouve. II n'est pas besoin de beauconp cher- 
cher. C'est pourquoi les saints n'ont que rarement dissert^ 
de la nature. 

La nature est semblable a I'eau ; I'eau est originairement 
claire, si on la met dans un vase propre elle est pure ; si on 
la verse dans un vase s&Ie, elle est trouble. 

Lorsque, venue claire de sa source et sans changer de 
nature, elle est s^Iie et troublee, il lui est bien difficile de 
redevenir claire en un instant. De la mdme maniSre pour 
devenir lucide quand on est peu intelligent, pour 6tre fort 
quand on est faible par soi, il est besoin de beaucoup d'^nergie. 
A cette question, '* Comment le haut et le bas (le celeste et le 
terrestre) dans le monde naturel est-il trait^ comme forme 
roat^rielle?" Tchou-tze r^pondit : "Cette reflexion est ex- 
tr^mement juste. Si ce qui a una forme est trait^ comme 


n'en ayant point, il en r^sultera que I'on s^parera les cliofles 
et leur regie (leur principe)." ^ 

DeU cette parole de Tcheng Ming-tao: ^'c'eat oe qui est 
divis^ qui est clair et distinct." Mais ce n'est que par la 
distinction nette des points de limites existant entre le haut 
et le bas que Ton a la clart^ et I'eyidence. 

Les substances et leurs principes de raison sent identiques et 
bien qu'on les s^pare et les distingue, ils ne sont pas Strangers 
Tun k Tautre (s^par^s Tun de Tautre). Cherohant & mon- 
trer cela aux hommes on ne pent guSre r^ussir. Si tu 
recherches, maitre, cette y^rit^ qui est sans voix, et sans 
senteur, elle ne se montre pas k la yue, elle est sans accent 
pour Touie.^ Cependant si Ton ouvre blen les }'eux, on 
pourra I'aperceyoir ; en ouyrant la boucbe, on pourra la 
saisir. Bien que le principe originaire soit sans originey ce- 
pendant la yerit^ et la rectitude sont sous les yeux.' S'il y a 
quelque chose de grand, de meryeilleux, les saints s'ils le 
cachaient aux hommes, manqueraient a leur deyoir et seraient 
indignes de confiance. Ce qui est sous les yeux et bien 
proche ^ c'est se tenir debout ou assis, manger et boire (et la 
regie de ces actes) ; ce sont les conditions de prince et 
sujet, pere et fils, f rere aine et cadet, ^poux et 6pouse, amis et 
compagnons. On doit d'abord s'appliquer & ces regies et 
deyoirs qui nous sont proches ; lorsqu'on y sera m(iri on 
pourra atteindre les degr^s superieurs.^ Quelques uns disent* 
que d'on doit seulement pratiquer ce qui est proche et devant 
soi. N^gligents et legers ils restent petits et bas. D'autres 
soutiennent que si Ton ne s'en tient pas U, il n'y a plus par 
soi qu'une seule regie, un seul droit uniforme. Mais cela 
n'est point ; une telle opinion tient I'homme finalement dans 
Terreur. Les saints disont qu'en s'instruisant de ce qui est 
en bas« on penetre le haut^ et ce n'est qu'apris s'dtre bien 

^ Pour Tchon-hi le materiel des choses et la principe de raison qui eat en dki 

ne sont pas des entitcs di>tinctes. 

' Bien que se montrant on ne la Toit pas, etc. 

' II n^est pas pour cela invisible. 

* Ordinaire, frequent, facile k pratiquer, etc. 
^ Ce qui conceme Tetat, rhumanit6, etc. 

* Meme idee qu'tk No. 4, 5. 


exerc^ k cela qu'on peut connaitre par soi-m^me les clioses 
cach^es et secretes (fiues). Les saints se distinguent des 
autres hommes, mais c'est uniquement parcequ'ils sont mt^ris 
iL la pratique de la vertu et les autres, pas." 

Entre le ciel et la terre il est une rectitude parfaitement 
determinee et que Ton ne peut chauger. On ne doit point 
cherelier k la p^n^trer par ses reflexions, d. la r^gler et T^tablir 
a sa fa9on. Si les conceptioas ne sont point faussement 
confondues/ les saints d'autrefois et ceux des temps ulterieurs 
seront par eux-nidmes tout si fait semblables comme deux 
moities d'un sceau. 

Le ciel n'a que le printemps, T^t^, Tautonine et Thiver. 
L'homme n'a que rhumanite, la justice, le rite, et la sagesse. 
Ce sont les quatre parties et especes, d'un cot^ comme de 
I'autre. Le coeur doit s'exercer k les pratiquer reeliement ; 
roais chaque espece a ses regies et quaiites, il n'y a point 
autre chose en dehors d'elles. L'humanite, la justice, le 
rite, la sagesse correspondent, si on examine bien, au com- 
mencement, au progres, k Taffermissement, et 4 Tachevement, 
ainsi qu au printemps, a T^t^, i Fautomne et a I'hiver. 

Shang-tzai estime que Tintelligence est T humanity, mais 
*' savoir, comprendre " appartient d la sagesse. Les quatre 
vertus sont de Tafiermissement, la sagesse est proche de 
Thumanite ; ainsi Ton doit suivre la cercle des quatre prin- 
cipes des actes. Si Ton est depourvu de la sagesse, on ne 
pourra pratiquer Thumanite. 

Interrog^ sur la nature de Thumanite, il r^pondit : il est 
difficile de faire appercevoir le principe rationnel ; ^ connaitre 
les elements exterieurs est chose facile ; il suffit de les 
prendre devant soi et de les examiner pour les connaitre. 
II en est de cela, par exemple, comme des quatre principes 
d'action ; d'apercevoir le commencement, le progrds, lafler- 
missement et rachdvement. Consid^rons les quatre saisons ; 
le printemps n'a que T^l^ment d'une chaleur douce et agre- 
able. C'est la aussi Taspect et le module de Thumanite. 

^ Si les idees restent justes et conformes h la nature, elles seront les m^mes en 
tout t«mp8. 
' C^est encore le /i, raison, r^gle, rectitude ! 


Quoique Vit6, rautomne et rhiver soient trda-diffiSrentSy oe- 
pendant T^l^ment qui engendre le printemps opere et se 
montre egaleraent en eux. Si Ton comprend bien ce prin* 
cipe, apres s'etre vaincu soi-mfime par I'observation des rites, 
on pourra se purifier corapl^tement de see passions et Ton 
arrivera k n'avoir plus que I'^l^ment de la douoeur, de la 
paix, et la purete exempte de tout 6I£ment ^tran^r. Td 
est le coeur du ciel et de la terre qui a engendrS tous lei 

Four bien envisager la notion de I'bumanit^y nous devoni 
consid^rer en m^me temps la justice, lee rites et la sagease. 
Ainsi chaque esp^ce ^tant clairement distingu^e on arrive i 
la connaissance d'une mani^re claire et ^vidente. II est dit 
en outre : Thumanit^ ne comprend que les notions de douceur et 
de paix ; la justice, celle de la crainte, de la force, de la fermeti 
et de la decision. Les rites ne comprennent que le concept de 
la manifestation ext^rieure qui fait connaitre et 6claire, de la 
production ext^rieure qui anime. La sagesse oontient celui 
de Facte qui recherche, rassemble, construit et forme aant 
laisser de trace, ni de forme exterieure.^ Ces quatre agents 
opdrent au sein de la nature. A V6cole des Saints on tient 
la recherche de Thumanit^ comme seule n^cesBaire, parce que 
I'humanit^ doit pr^c^der les autres. Si Ton entretient avant 
tout, en soi, des pens^es de douceur et de g^n^rosit^, s'il arriye 
un moment de devoir manifester, expliquer, exciter, produire 
quelque chose, on saura le faire convenablement de aoi- 
m£me. Lorsqu'il faudra etre ferme et actif, on le sera ; 
quand on devra rassembler et recueillir les ^l^ments, on 
sera capable de le faire. 

Le maitre dit de plus : Thumanite n'est que le premier des 
quatre principes d'action ; la sagesse soit mener & bon terme 
le commencement et la fin. La combinaison de la sagesse et 
de rhumanit^ est le pivot de mille changements et ameliora- 
tions.^ Le mouvement circulaire et combinatoire de 

^ L'huTnanitc comprend la douceur et la bienyeillance ; la jnstioe implione 
force, fermet^, action : les rites r6glent les actes extcrieurs ; la t»geme engonan 
des actoR intellectuols purs. 

s De touB les actes et cvenements bons. 


principes est sans limites; tous leurs actes se touchent de 
tr^s pr^3 et n'ont point d'intervalle. 

Ainsi sans raffermissement, le commencement ne pent 
Bubsister. La quality sp^ciale de I'oreille est la clart^, celle 
de Tceil est la perspicacity, celle du coeur est la bont^. SSachez 
done saisir cette pens^e ; m^ditez, examinez-la ; conformez- 
vous y, reproduisez-la en vous. 

II est encore dit : Soyez agr^able corome le soleil d'un 
printeraps serein. Soyez g^n^reux comme un vin doux et 
agr^able au go&t. C'est \k ce qu'on appelle se conformer aux 
principes de Thumanit^. Cette sentence de Meng-tze : 
*' Thumanite est le cceur mSme de I'homme " est juste et 
frappante (frappe au but). Le coeur est naturellement bon 
et aimant. Si Ton pent seulement le maintenir tel, on n*aura 
point a craindre qu'il soit sans humanity. 

La coinparaison avec le grain de bI6, de Tcheng-tze est tr^- 
juste. Quand ce grain se trouve en quelqu'endroit on est 
inquiet, se demandant s'il poussera.^ 

Interrog^, le maitre dans la r^ponse envoy^e aux ^tudiants 
de Ho-Siang, k propos du mot " aimer *' {ngai), traite de la 
nature de rbumanit^ et dit : ''Sie Shang-tzai traitant du mot 
concevoir {kioh) pr^sente la chose comme tr^s-importante, car 
c'est autant que parler de la m^tbode de la meditation. 
Kui-sban, discutant devant nous et confondant toutes cboses, 
parle d'une maniere tres-d^fectueuse." 

A cette question : ** Est-ce \k Tessence de I'bumanit^ ? " * il 
repondit: "non ce ne Test point." Voici sa vraie notion. 
" Si mSme les gens bienveillants sent intelligents on ne pent 
dire que Tintelligence eclair^e, soit Tbumanit^. Bien que 
les gens pleins d*bumanite soit en Concorde avec tous les 
Stres, on ne peut dire que la Concorde soit Tbumanite." 

On lui demanda aussi : Tintelligence, la conception claire 
est productrice de la pensee, n'est ce pas ? Oui, repondit il, 
il en est ainsi; cependant si I'on n'enyisage que Tintelligence 
et la conception claire, la notion sera defectueuse, car I'hu- 

1 De mcme des actes da cceur avant qae celui ne les manifeste. 
3 De mettre toutes choses d'accord. 


manite reunissant en elle tous les principes d*actiony toat cela 
86 manifeste par la pens^e engendree par eux. 

A cette question : Thumanite a-t-elle I'intelligence daire 
et precise des sentiments qui renferment les quatre principes 
d'action ? II r^pondit : Sie Shang-tzai rencontrant le docteur 
Teheng Ming Tao, ils se roirent d lire entidrement les livres des 
annales. Teheng Ming-Tao lui dit alors qu'il avait n^glig^ 
les ODuvres intelleetuelles par amour des choses extferieures. 
A ces mots Sie-Shang-tzai sentit la sueur ruisseler de tout 
son corps, son visage se couvrit de rougeur et Teheng Ming- 
Tao lui dit : c est Ik certainement les sentiments d'une affec- 
tion compatissante. Maitre, parlons-en un instant. Shang- 
tzai entendant Tallusion k ce defaut, se sentit pris de honte. 
II n'y a la, dit-il, que des sentiments de honte et de haine 
(du mal), comment pouvez-vous y voir un coeur aimant et 
compatissant P Le docteur attendit quelque temps, puis il 
dit : quand on a en partage un coeur aimant profond^ment^ 
il suit se mouvoir ; quand il sait d'abord se mouvoir, la honte 
et rborreur du mal, le respect et la vigilance, la connaissance 
de la verite et de I'errcur se produisent naturellement. 
S'ils ne r^sultent pas d'un mouvement du coour alors la honte 
et la haine du mal, le respect et la vigilance, la distinction da 
bien et du mal, du vrai et du faux ne sent pas r^els. II en 
est de cela comme des quatre saisons : s'il n'y avait point 
d'^Iement generateur du printemps, lorsque I'et^ serait 
arrivfe, que pourrait-il faire grandir? pourrait on recueillir 
boaucoup au temps de I'automne; amasserait-on beaucoup 
en fin en hiver ? Non, n*est-ce point. ^ 

Lin An king denianda : Thomme bienveillant considire le 
ciel, la terro et tous les 6tres comme une unit^ et s'il considire 
le premier temps oii Thomme et les autres Stres sont nes, il 
saura en comprendre la nature. L'homme et les choses ont 
re9u, pour leur naissance, Telement du ciel et de la terre. 
Ainsi ils out un meme corps commun. Des frdres, par 
exemple, ont des corps differents et proviennent cependant da 
corps de leur pere et mere, c'est pourquoi ils doivent tons 

^ Jj& conclusion de ceci est que Shang-tzai rougissant r6elleroent, non par lemto 
a consequemmuut les qualitei) du cccur qui pruduibent cette honte, 1a bonti. 


s'entr'aimer. Le cceur de rhomme bienveillant seul a cet 
amour qui rend tout cominun. 

Connaissaut k fond ce devoir il pent considerer, comme 
un seul corps, le ciel, la terre et toutes choses. 

II ne f aut pas chercher k savoir I'origine de la chose, sachez 
seulement qu'ils forment maintenant comme un seul corps. 

II en est de cela comme de I'eau. Les fleuves et rivieres, les 
lacs et ^tangs, ne forment qu'une seule eau. Toute I'eau que 
Ton voit, a une meme substance. Qu'est il besoin d'examen 
et de recherches P Et quand meme on les ferait, la connais- 
sance (de ces choses) se ferait bien attendre. Ces choses 
etant ainsi, la nuit derniere, Tchouang-tchong disait : 
** rhomme et tous les etres ont re9u cet ^l^ment substantiel 
d'une maniere 6gale, ils ont ce priocipe egalement. Tous 
doivent fitre pleins d'affection pour tout." Mais cela n'est 
point ainsi. Les ^tres doivent etre aimes c'est vrai, mais ce 
n est point seulement parcequ'ils n'ont qu'une seule sub- 
stance materielle. La substance de I'humanite est forte et 
ses manifiBstations faibles ; la substance de la justice est au 
contraire faible et ses manifestations puissantes. L'aspect de 
la justice inspire la crainte et le respect, elle est la gardienne 
de I'humanite. La justice est semblable k un couteau aigu 
qui p^n^tre d'un coup profondement et fortement dans la 
poitrine et la coupe et taille. 

Le rite est la manifestation de I'humanite ; la sagesse est 
le fond cach^ de la justice. C'est d'apres ces principes que 
Ton doit d^finir la nature et le destin de I'homme. Les 
hommes bons et bienveillants sont en general modestes 
et condescendants. Les hommes intelligents et perspicaces 
sont le plus souvent difficiles et durs, exigeants. Le rite 
est la regie de raison. Mais de la raison on ne pent que parler, 
elle n*a pas de forme qu on puisse tracer. Le rite a diflK rents 
actes et parties que I'on pent voir et qui constituent le 
decorum et I'^l^gance. 

La nature est semblable au premier principe ; le coeur est 
comme le Yin et le Yang. Le premier principe reside dans 
le Yin et le Yang et ne pent s'en separer. De la sorte le 
premier principe est premier principe en ce qu'il a de par- 


ticulier ; le Yin et le Yang sont Yin et Yang dans lean 
particular! tea. 

Voila ce que sont la nature et le coeur. lis sont un, toat 
en formant deux ; et deux, tout en formant un. 

11 est dit dans le Tchin-sin-sou : '* la grandeur du ciel n'a 
rien qui lui soit ext^rieur et la nature en entretient toute 
Tentiereti^. G'est pourquoi le fond du coeur de Fhomroe, 
dont il est le vaste module, est sans rives ni limites ; il est 
seulement restreint par la nature particuliere et les sentiraents 
personnels de sa forme ext^rieure et de son moyen d'action. 
Resserr^, comme emprisonn^ par I'^troitesse de ce qn'il 
entend et voit, il re9oit des limites et ne peut parrenir A sa 
perfection. L'homme, p^n^trant jusqu'au fond, tous les 
£tres, toutes choses et les principes rationnels qui les dirigent, 
vient, d un jour donn^, d les comprendre d'une maniire 
claire et pen^trante et dSs lors il n'est plus possible de les 
laisser de cot^. 

Lorsque le coeur de I'homme k atteint son type d'une 
maniere complete, ce qui constitue notre nature, et ce qui 
fait que le ciel est ciel, ne s'en ^cartent plus ni Tun ni 
I'autre, mais le pen^trent fegalement ; ils y restent plong&. 

Le coDur est la seve et la moelle de la nature anim^e (E7C) 
et il n'a point de pareil. 

L'intelligence dirige la comprehension et le discemement ; 
la volenti dirige I'activit^ et le soin diligent. L'intelligence 
est proche de la nature, elle est proche de I'essence ; la volenti 
est proche des passions, elle est proche des aotes. 

La nature qui n'a point encore et6 mise en mouvement, 
la pens^e qui agit par soi-m^me, arrivent par le ccBur an 
mouvement et au repos et n'ont plus de cause de cessation ; ^ 
c'est ce qu'on doit savoir. 

II est dit au Tchi Yan Shou : '' La nature constitue oe qui 
est sous le ciel ; la pens^e imite, suit le mouvement de ce qui 
est sous le ciel. Le cceur donne des qualites merveillenses 
aux vertus de la nature et de rintelligence.'' Ces parol 
sont vraiment profondes et lumineuses. 

^ Se tiennent k jamais dans cet 6tat double. 


Le maitre devisant du juste milieu at de I'esprit de con* 
corde dit d'abord k Tchang King fou : " L'homme depuis 
qu'il existe a ete un etre intelligent et doue de connaissanee. 
Les afiaires propres d chacun survenant, les ^tres se pr^sentant 
^ lui, com me il ne pent tou jours correspondre et ceder,^ la 
pens^e et le coeur Buivent et s'^cartent et changent jusqu'd la 
mort et dans ces conditions il ne peut ni s'arrSter ni rester 
sans mouvement, un certain temps mSme trds-court. II en a 
^t^ ainsi dans tons les ages. Aussi les saints et les sages 
Tont dit: ''Avant qu'on sorte du milieu, il y a silence et 
immobility/' c*est pourquoi ils ont range Texercice journalier, 
Taction exercee (}k et let, parmi le temps ou Ton en est sorti et 
d^sign^ le moment oii Ton se livre au repos et ne s'applique 
point aux afiaires comme le temps oii Ton n'en sort point.^ 
Si, dans le sein de I'obscurit^, I'absence de perception, on 
scrute et examine avec soin, tout est erreur, t^nebres, obstacle, 
arret ; rien de vide,^ clair, d'une substance conforme k la 
r^alit^ des Stres. Si dans ce secret, ce r6duit obscur, una 
perception se produit, le coeur sortant ainsi d'une maniere 
convenable, le repos silencieux cesse par cela m6me. Plus 
on cherche (dans Tobscurit^ silencieuse de Tesprit) moins on 
aper9oit ; qu'on abandonne alors la recherche et qu'on s'ap- 
plique aux actes journaliers. En tout ce qu'on est port^ a 
p^n^trer, en tout ce qu'on examine specialement il est une 
substance immense, continue qui se communique aux Stres sans 
pouvoir 6tre ^puisee. Tout cela est fait, tout cela se propage 
selon le decret du ciel ; la production, la multiplication des 
6tres n'a point de temps d'arrSt. En un seul et mSme jour le 
fl6t s'^Idve mille fois et s'abaisse mille fois ; mais le fond de 
la substance qui est toujours dans le repos silencieux, est 
reconnu tel avant qu'elle s'ext^riorise dans les actes et est 
tout en tier dans cela. Mais lorsqu'il se trouve en un objet 
special, en un temps defini, en un endroit d^ termini, on ne 
peut plus I'appeler milieu." * 

^ Aux sollicitation des choses ext^rieures, des circonstances. 
2 Dans r action le coeur sort de lui-mSme, les actes en sortent ; dans le repos 
tout y reste inclus. 

' Sans objet ctranger qui s'y reflete. 

« Determine ad unum^ U n'eet plos le fond commun, le milien universel. 


II n'y a que le seul 6tre yivant (intelligent) qui soit 
influence par le ciel et en re9oiYe son destin ; et dans Tex- 
ercice des actesqui proviennent de lui, il n'y a jamais d'inter- 
ruption, de repos. Si Ton distingue ee qui sort de lui par les 
actes et ce qui n'en est point encore sorti de la sorte, ce qui 
en provient est le ccBur, ce qui existe sans qu'il en sorte rien 
est la nature.^ Dans I'action joumalidre, la substance complete 
et incessante se repand comme un fleuve, coulant sans cesse, 
roule sans jamais de repos, comme le ciel. Ainsi la substance 
et ses manifestations, dans ce qu'elles ont de subtil ou de 
grossier ; le mouvement et le repos, dans leur commencement 
et leur fin, ne comportent, dans leur profondeur, pas un 
intervalle d'un atome. Ainsi depuis I'oiseau qui vole et le 
poisson qui saute, dans toutes les particularit^s des dtres, 
brille un 6clat de verite. 

Preserver, prot^ger c'est ce qu'on doit faire k leur ^gard ; si 
I'on entretient quelque chose, c'est cela qui doit s'entretenir. 

II dit en outre dans la r^ponse d Tchang Eing-fou: "Dans 
la reponse reiteree qui vous a 6t6 envoy^e pr^cedemmenti il 
^tait eiionce ceci: **en faisant connaltre, mSme d*une manidre 
obscure, le grand principe fondamental, reflet et module de la 
loi dc la raison profonde, on apprend ce qu'il est et & le t«nir 
pour evident. Lorsqu'on coraprend ce principe — source^ 
clement vital et substance semblable au fleuve qui coule avec 
abondance, a la mer qui etend ses flots, — alors I'intelligence 
est poussue d une grunde transformation et comme si elle se 
trouvuit duns une terre inondee, dans une vague ^tendue, 
elle se repand aussitot et ne s'arrSte plus. Mais si Pen se met 
aux affaires, que Ton s'adonne aux choses ext^rieures on se 
montrera rude, iniutoUigent, ardent, arrSte, mais non g^n^ 
reux bicnveillant, doux. Quoiqu'on s*en afflige en son cceur, 
on no pent comprendre comment cela est survenu. Aprte 
cela par cette grande transformation, cbaque famille peut 
avoir d*elle-ni6ine une demeure de paix et de repos. 

C'cst la le fon dement supreme qui, dans cbaque homme 
assure la securitc a sa persoune et fixe le destin. La oonnaia* 

^ La nature est le fond, le coeur est le principe agiMUit. 


sance, I'intelligence (de ces choses) affermit ce fondement 
premier ; suivre la r^gle de raison qui p^n^tre tout, c'est le 
pivot necessaire. 

. Comme Ton dit, la substance et ses actes ont une ra^me 
source; ^vidents ou caches, ils n'ont point d'intervalle, de 
lacunes. lis existent de cette fa9on. 

La loi de raison est proche, la chercher au loin est chose 
risible. La r^ponse d Tchang King-Fou portait encore : 
** Aussit6t que Ton s'applique d le reproduire dans ses actes, 
on comprend et saisit le vrai principe. Si Ton en disserte, 
en mettant au premier rang le ccBur et la volont^, alors les 
yertus de la nature et du coeur, les effets merveilleux du juste 
milieu et de la bont^ se montrent clairement et exempts du 
moindre d^sordre. La personnalit^ humaine, son intelligence, 
ses connaissances, ses actes faits en divers sens, tout cela est 
faculty du coeur. Le ccBur est le roi de la personne ; (il y 
commande) sans lacune, dans le mouvement et le repos, dans 
les paroles et le silence. Bans le repos complet, quand aucun 
objet d'acte ne se prison te encore, que la pens^e, la reflexion 
ne germe point non plus, la nature forme un seul tout. Les 
lois naturelles et de raison s'accomplissent complStement, 
c'est alors le milieu. Alors la substance du coeur est dans 
le silence et Timmobilit^. DSs qu'il se remue c'est que les 
objets viennent le troubler. La pens^e, la reflexion s'el^ve 
et tous les genres de pens^es sont mis, tour k tour, en action. 
Mais quand chacune a son chef qui la domine, alors rdgne la 
Concorde et Tharmonie. C'est U la fonction du coeur ; excite, 
^mu il penetre tout. Le fond immobile de la nature ne pent 
plus etre sans mouvement. Le mouvement de rintelligence 
est alors regie et mesure. Cons^quemment alors, le fond 
immobile du coeur devient, par Texcitation, p^n^trant, se r6- 
pandant par tout, ^clair^, perspicace et la substance et les 
actes ne se s^parent pas. 

Le coeur de Thonmie ^tant venu d cet fetat, s'il est d^pourvu 
d'humanite, il n'aura point ces vertus merveilleuses. Bien 
que rhomme veuille 6tre bon, s'il n'a point le respect et 
Tattention, il ne viendra pas d bout d'acquerir la vertu de 
bonte. Le coeur est le maitre du corps; il va sans interruption 


du mouYement au repos, de la parole au silence et vice- versa, 
sans rien d'intermediaire. G'est pourquoi lea sages appU« 
quent leur soUicitude et attention, k Taction et au repos, auz 
paroles et au silence. Avant de sortir du repos, il s'appliquent 
avant tout a entretenir et afiermir cette attention, prenant Is 
verity comme objet principal. Lorsque les actes ae produisent 
au dehors, ils agissent en cherchant toujours aveo aoin & 
observer ce respect, ces soins diligents. 

Lorsque dans ce soin de maintenir lear coeur ferme, la 
pens^e, la reflexion ne s'est point encore produite, I'intelli- 
gence, la connaissance ne sent point cependant obscurcies; 
le mouvement se fait au sein de cette immobility. On 
pent le voir daus le Eoua Fu, c'est le coeur du ciel et de la 
terre. Quand on en est venu k Texamen des choses bien que 
les affaires et objets ext^rieurs viennent se m61er (A la r^* 
flexion) il n'y a point danger d erreur quant k la mesure, la 
regie a observer ; la nature assure centre I'erreur. C'est le 
repos dans le mouvement. 

Dans le Eoua Ken on ne trouve point la substance,^ on ne 
Toit point Thomme tel. Comme il est une direction, un but A 
ce mouvement qui est au sein du principe immobile, m^rne en 
repos il n'est pas sans excitation au mouvement. Si Ton 
examine ce repos au sein du mouvement on verra que bien 
qu'il subissc des excitations, il n'est pas sans repos. Si dans 
ce repos il vient d etre constamment excite ; si bien qu'excit^ 
il rcste encore en repos, bien que le ccBur pouss6 ainsi d'une 
direction d I'autre, en soit pen^tre profond^ment, il n'est pas 
un instant depouille de toute bont^." 

Duns une autre lettre adress^e d ses amis du Ho-Nan (le 
Maitre) disait: ^' Avant que le Tchong-Yong eut paru, les 
regies qu'il public existaient et avant tout cela on connaissait 
la substance du coeur qui agit et se repand dans les actes. 
En outre Tcheng-Tze en parlant du coeur veut designer 
tout coeur sortant de lui-meme par les actes ; aussi, bien qu'on 
considere le coeur comme se produisant au debors et la 
nature comme ne le fuisant pas encore, les paroles de Tcbeng- 

^ 61® exprimant *'fennei6 dans les principes.** 


tze, 81 on lea considSre bien, sont peu convenables. Con- 
s^quemment si Ton y r^fl^chit k nouveau on verra que non 
seulement lea dissertations ant^rieures ne sont point du tout 
convenables pour determiner lea vraies appellations du coeur 
et de la nature, mais que les efforts, la diligence, mise en 
oeuvre tons les jours ne peuvent donner le point d'appui ni la 
direction suflSsants k cela. On y voit TinsuccSs de Fessai et 
pas seulement les priucipes du livre. 

Si Ton examine toutes les sentences du Wen-tsih et de 
TY-shu * on y voit que le temps oii les pens^es et les re- 
flexions ne se sont pas encore ^lev^es, oil les objets ext^rieura 
ne sont pas encore venus impressionner, est, selon leur appre- 
ciation, celui ou la satisfaction, la colore, la joie, la peine ne 
se sont pas encore manifestees. En ce moment la substance 
du coeur est encore en repos et sans mouveraent ; la nature 
donnde par le ciel est entiere et parfaite; elle n'est point 
encore pres de defaillir ni incapable d'atteindre son but ; 
car elle est sans fausset^, sans deviation. C'est ce qu'on 
appelle le milieu. Excit^ il parvient k pen^trer la cause 
prod uc trice du monde ; la nature de la satisfaction et de la 
colore, de la joie et de la peine se manifesto et les operations, 
Temploi du cceur peuvent se voir ; elles ne sont pas en disac- 
cord avec la regie qui les gouverne et comme il n'y a pas de 
resistance, de disposition mechantes, on appelle cet etat la 
paix, la Concorde. Cest 1^ la rectitude ferme du ccBur 

Cest la vertu de Tintelligence et de la nature. Cela 
etant, avant que (les sentiments et les pensees) soient sortis 
(de leur fond productif), quand bien memo on scruterait avec 
soin, on ne les saisirait pas. Quand mSme on en a acquis 
Tintelligence on ne peut chercher (et r^ussir) a les r^gler. 
Cest seulement quand la vertu entretenue, developpee par la 
perseverante attention, a progress^ et qu'elle n'a point ete 
egaree par la fantaisie des passions humaines, que le cceur est, 
avant la manifestation des sentiments, un miroir pur, sem- 
blable a une eau atagnante et, qu'apres leur production, il 

^ Livre de Tchu-tcheng de la dynastie des Song-Liu (vers 490). 

TOL. XX.— [new SEBIB8.] 17 


reste en harmonie avec les regies qui doivent le diriger. 
Telle doit 6tre TattentiQii, les soins de tous les jours, fermes 
et forts. Si Ton scrute et examine soigneusement les choses, 
qu'on les distingue et explique clairement, prenant cela pour 
fonderaent de ses recherches, on les connaitra parfaitementy 
au moment ou le ccBur sort de lui-m6me et I'on pourra voir 
int^rieurement avec certitude tout ce qui y a ^t^ fait avant 
cette manifestation. Aussi ce que Tcheng-tze discute et ex- 
plique, par un examen approfondi, dans sa r^ponse 4 Sou Ri- 
ming est tr^s-clair et tres-profond et de plus ne va pas en 
dehors de la consideration du respect. 

II est dit en outre : '' Quand on pratique le respect,^ sans 
jamais fuillir, c'est que le milieu subsiste certaineraent." Et 
ailleurs '^ s'appliquer aux regies de la raison n'^gale pas la 
pratique du respect ; il n'est pas possible d*arriver ik la perfec- 
tion de la science et de miinquer aux regies du respect." En 
outre ''pour entretenir et developper (ses facultes) il faut 
pratiquer le respect." C'est en avan9ant pas & pas dans 
I'enseignement quel'on acquiert la science. G'est en pensant, 
r^flechissant, expliquaiit, dissertant d'une manidre prolongee 
que Ton fuit sortir le coDur de lui-mSme (de rimmobilite 
primitive). L'exercice, lapplication, les efforts de chaque 
jour peuvent, seuls, poser le fondement, en faisant^ commencer 
r^tudo et la connaissance des principes fondaraentaux. 

Quand on nrglige habit uellement le soin, le z^le k entre- 
tenir et developper une certaine partie, Tint^rieur de rhomme 
est dans le trouble et le desordre, il n'est plus ni profond ni 
penetrant, ni simple, ni de godt uniforme, et s'il se r^pand 
au dehors en paroles ou actions, il est pr^cipit^, leger, 
negligent et il n'arrive point A la paix, au repos, k la gravite, 
a la sincerite excmpto d*artifice. Si apr^s avoir acquis la 
connaissance il vient a etre entrain^ dans Terreur, son malheor 
en arrive ^ Text renie. Certes on ne doit point y fetre indifferent 
Tchenp:-tzo en parlant do " tons coeurs" veut designer ceux qui 
sont sort is d'eux-memes par les actes. II parle done deamani- 
festitations ext^rieures, par les actes, de la substance ni6me 

* Ou : la vi«rilanoc. 

' Poser cuniine fondemont do fairc, etc. 


du coeur mais nullement de rapplication de la pens^e et de la 
reflexion aux aflaires et objets ext^rieurs, Toute fois il 
n'est pas d'accord avec les maximcs f ondamentales du Tchong 
Yong; aussi s'exprime t-il d'une manidre impropre et I'on 
doit reformer cette maniere de parler ; mais cela fait, on ne 
doit point douter de tout ce qu*il dit et discute sous pr^texte 
qu'il s'est tromp^ ; aprds avoir caracteiis^ ces expressions de 
" peu convenables " il ne faut pas n^gliger avec mepris ce* 
qu'il dit d'autre. Tcheou-tze dit : " Le premier principe n'a 
pas de principe." Tcheng-tze dit en outre : " On ne peut 
reproduire par la parole ce qui pr^cfide I'^tat de repos de la 
nature de I'homme. Au moment precis de parler, ce n^etait 
point encore la nature.^ Les saints et les sages, en 
dissertant de la nature, entendent en mSme temps parler du 
coeur. Si Ton yeut parler exactement on doit dire que le 
premier principe sans principe est inexprimable ; il n'a ni 
forme ni figure qui puisse servir ik lui donner un nom. 
Yang Eui-Shan disait : ** on ne doit jamais s'^carter de la 
voie de la droite raison. De tout ce qui contient ce qui est 
entre ciel et terre, qu'est-il qui n'ait point sa loi ? Le 
cas ou Ton peut s'en ^carter doit 6tre contenu dans la loi 
me me. II en est ainsi des quatre regions principales. Si 
Ton va vers Test on s'ecarte de Touest, si Ton va au midi ou 
s'^loigne du nord. G'est ainsi que I'on peut et doit s'^carter 
(de tel principe). Par consequent il n'est point de place oil 
la loi morale ne soit pas n^essaire. On ne peut done jamais 
s'en Eloigner. Ainsi, en toutes choses, depuis s'habiller quand il 
fait froid, se nourrir quand on a faim, se lever avec le soleil, 
se reposer au soir, regarder, ecouter des yeux et des oreilles, 
soulever, fouler, de la main ou du pied, rien n'est sans loi. 
Le peuple la suit dans les actes journaliers, mais sans le 

Le maitre disait: " s'habiller, manger, se lever, se coucher, 
regarder, Ecouter, soulever, fouler, tout cela est acte ext^rieur. 
Tout ce qui est de cette maniere, a son droit, son devoir, sa 
regie, sa mesure ; en un mot sa loi. Si Ton fait de la 

^ Ayant Tacte il manque le mouvement et les actes. 


designation des choses ^ leur loi de raison^ non seulement on 
d^truit la distinction de ce qui est superieur et inferieur dans 
la substance, mais on tombe dans I'opinion des Bonsses qui 
confondent la nature et I'op^ration ; ce qui fait dire par 
erreur aux lettres : '' que la loi de raison ne peut pas ne pas 
etre suivie et que vouldt-on mSme s'en ^carter on n'y parvien- 
drait pas. Des que nous en avons eu connaissance, quand 
meme nous agirions contrairement k ces principes, m^cham- 
nient, il ne peut se faire que ce ne soit pas selon la loi de 
raison." On ne saurait dire tous les maux qui r^sultent de 
pareil systeine. 

Sou Tong-po^dit (en parlant de cette opinion que la loi est 
Talternance du Yin et du Yang du Yi-King) : Qu'est ce 
done que cet Yin et ce Yang? Bien que les explications de 
Li-Ieou et Shi-Eouang soient brillantes, ils n'ont point su ce- 
pcndant les definir et trouver un point de comparaison. Voi- 
ce qu'ils discnt : 

" Lorsque le Yin et le Yang s'unissent alors les 6tres sont 
produits ; quand les ^tres sont n^s, alors leur substance 
visible se montre. Lorsque cette substance est constituee, le 
Yin et le Yang se dorobont et tout ce que Ton peut voir ce 
sont les choses produites, il n'y a plus de Yin et de Yang." 
Peut-on ainsi r^duire ces deux principes au neant P Quel- 
que pcu intelligent que Ton soit, on voit la fausset^ de cette 
doctrine. D'oi\ en effet, proviendraient les StresP Ainsi 
done, dire pour faire connaitre la nature des Stres, qu'ils sont 
le Yin et le Yang; puis soutenir, parcequ'on ne peut montrer 
le Yin et le Yang ni les figurer, qu'ils sont rentr^s dans le 
neant, c'est (soutenir) deux sottises. Le maltre dit : " le 
Yin et le Yang reniplissent rentre-ciel-et-terre. Lorsque 
croissant ou decroissant, ouvrant ou fermanty ils produisent 
ou detruiscnt les ^tres, ils se montrent aux yeux ; la snb- 
stance visible et la substance non visible ne peuvent fitre 
niees. Aussi la maxiine de Sou-shi qu' "apr^s que la sub- 
stuncc a ete constituee, le Y'^in et le Yang se d^robant, tout 

^ Pour leH Boiuldhistos lo nom est iine pHrtic dc Tetre accidentel et nuUement 
line chose exterieure. Le iioin contribue u determiner retre. 
■'' Celebre poete du lie aiecle. 



ce que Ton peut voir est uniquement chose exterieure et que 
le Yia et le Yang n'existent plus/' cette maxime est contraire 
& la raison. 

Les gens qui ont p^n^tr^ la nature fondamentale du Yin 
et du Yang ne disent pas, pour d^finir les Stres, que ce sont 
le Yin et le Yang ; ils ne cherchent pas le Yin et le Yang, 
autrement que dans les choses et les formes, en dehors de ce 
qu'on voit et entend. Sou tong-po dit: "le commencement du 
principe du ciel est vraiment grand, capital ; on ne peut 
apercevoir les vertus de ce principe initial. Ce que Ton peut 
voir n'est que le principe des choses diverses." 

Le maitre disait : " Le principe initial des quatre vertus ^ 
est pour celles-ci semblable au printemps relativement aux 
quatre saisons. Parmi les cinq principes, la bont^ bienveil- 
lante est le principe initial, qui engendre, perfectionne, fait 
germer et d^veloppe le ciel et la telre. O'est elle qui 
produit tous les etres, c'est d'elle, cons^uemment, que tout 
procMe. C'est pourquoi il est dit que I'origine, le com- 
mencement des toutes choses en provient. Si Ton s'en occupe 
et y reflechit on ne peut pas dire qu'il est impossible d'en 
apercevoir et connaitre les formes, la substance, I'^clat, dans 
le coour et les yeux. Les gens qui connaissent bien la loi 
supreme le comprennent parfaitement. 

Liao-tze Hoei dit : " Le milan vole, le poisson nage et 
saute/' Dans ces expressions il y a la m^me pens^e que dans 
ceci : vous avez des affaires, c'est bien, mais n'ayez pas 
d'empressement excessif. Qu'on y r^fl^chisse ; tous les ^tres 
sont dans les parties de notre nature, comme une image dans 
un miroir. Si Ton contemple d'en bas le ciel 61ev^, on 
verra le milan, le traversant au vol; si I'on regarde d sespieds 
une eau profonde, on y appercevra le poisson qui nage en 
sautant. Que Ton regarde en haut ou en bas, il n'est point 
de lieu oil la manifestation exterieure de la loi supreme ne se 
trouve. Lorsqu'un acte doit se faire et qu'on n'a point de 
h&te exag^r^e, la chose est l^ devant soi sans qu'on ait k 
t^moigner (^prouver) des preoccupations et corriger (elle se 
fait facilement). 

* Voy. plus hant 


Lo milan volant, le poisson nageant et sautant ae trouvent 
to us deux U-dedans (servent d exprimer cette pens^). 

Les sages connaissent intimement par eux-mfimes ce qui 
donne la joie et le contentement. 

Le maitre dit : '^ En tout, depuis le milan qui vole et le 
poisson qui nage, en tout est la substance de la loi supreme. 

L'action p^netrante de la loi du ciel n'a besoin ni d'avertisse- 
ment centre I'oubli, ni de secours ; elle est ferme et constante 
comme cela. Si nous comparons toutes les choses qui existent 
en une partie de notre personne, au reflet d'un miroir et 
consequemment distinguons les 6tres et la nature comme 
choses difierentes, par celle-ci se refl^teront ceux-IA, par 
ceux-ld ou penetrera dans celle-ci. 

Le docteur Tchang Ileng-kiu dit: "Si Ton pretend qae 
toutes les substances visibles s'aper9oivent comme dans un 
vide immense, cependant les Stres et le vide sent sans aucan 
rapport. Autre chose est la substance d^termin^, autre 
chose est la nature." ^ Aussi bl&me-t-on ces paroles. 

II est dit au livre Tsih-Yen : " La loi du ciel et lee ddsin 
de rhomroe n'ont qu'une m6me substance, mais leurs actes 
diff(£rent; quand leur operation est la m6me, la volenti diffSre» 
Les gens Aleves qui veulent progresser et se perfectionner, 
doivent distinguer et approfondir les choses convenablement." 

Le Maitre disait: ''La substance primitive est la seule loi da 
ciel; il n'y avait pas d'abord de d^ir humain qui en difierait 
Le desir humain excit^ par les formes, attach^ & la substance 
visible, reproduit par T habitude, trouble par la passion 
prit alors naissance. 116- tze dit que Thomme doit, dans la 
loi du ciel, distinguer les desirs de Thomme et, dans les d^irs 
humains, reconnaitre ce qui est la loi du ciel. 

Bien que cette pens^e soit tres- juste cependant les Saints 
ont enseignc que si Ton s'ecarte des desirs humains, se vain- 
quant soi-m^me, faisant observer les rites, faisant tous ses 
efforts pour rendre les homnies justes, c'est Ik la loi du ciel. 

Yang Eoui'Shan disait : ** On a dit que le decret du oiel 
est ce qu'on appelle la nature ; mais les passions humaines ne 

^ Sens doutcux rendu d*uprt'8 la Tcrsion mandchoue ; tge=§neu. 


sont pas la nature." Cela est parfaitement vrai : H6-tze en 
critiquant cette maxime a commis une erreur. 

II est dit dans le Tsih-Yen : *' Quand on yeut pratiquer 
Thumanite on doit eonnaitre la nature de I'humanit^." TJne 
autre fois aux questions qu'on lui posait : '' Quand Thomme 
n'a point la vertu d'humanit^, e'est que le fond de son ccBur 
est relache et dans Terreur. Est-ce avec un coBur plong^ 
dans Terreur que Ton pent scruter le coBur ? " II r^pondit : 
"TJne prince du royaume de Tchi ayant vu un bcBuf ne 
voulut absolument pas le laisser tuer.^ Yoilst un exemple de la 
florescence du coeur. II se montre dans ses actes au milieu 
des d^sirs du gain. line fois qu'il s'est manifest^, si on 
Tarrete et le contient ; si, contenu, on Tentretient ; si entre- 
tenu, on le remplit, il s'^leve au plus haut point. Si parvenu 
a ce fait il ne le quitte point, il est alors semblable au ciel. 
Tel est le coBur qui se trouve dans rhomme. L'origine de 
ses manifestations exterieures n'est point semblable {ik sa 
perfection) ; en principe, il suffit de eonnaitre cela." 

Le maitre disait : " Kong-tze interroge par ses disciples 
8ur la nature de Thumanit^, fit une longue r^ponse ; s'ils 
prennent, sans plus, le moyen d'obtenir Thumanite et qu'ils 
fassent tous leur efforts, ils Tacquerront d'eux mfemes. Cela 
suffit et il n'est pas n^cessaire de eonnaitre d'abord la nature 
substantielle de Thumanite." En outre on lui demandait 
"Comment on peut avec un coeur d^r^gl^ scruter le coBur?" 
Cette observation etant d'une haute importance son apprecia- 
tion a ^t^ d'autant plus repandue et propag^e. (II dit) done: 
si Ton maintient et contient son ccBur il subsistera, si on 
Tabandonne d lui-mSme il p^rira ; il n'y a pas d'interm^diaire 
ni d'arr^t. Si connaissant son erreur on la scrute, le coBur 
restera en une seule disposition^; si Ton attend qu'on le voie, 
en un autre moment, se porter vers une autre direction et 
qu'on I'arrete avant qu'on ne I'y ait vu ^tabli, ce coeur sera 
divis^, bris^. 

II est dit au Tsih-Yen'^: "le coeur n'a ni mort ni naissance." 

^ Tir^ de Meng-tze I. 

' La bonne. 

' Encyclop^ie de T^poque des Songs. 


Le maitre dit k propos de ces paroles qu'elles a'approclient 
de la doctrine bouddhique de la rotation (transmigration des 
ftmes). Lorsque le ciel et la terre ont produit les ^tres, 
Thomroe a obtenu ce qu'il y a de plus beau, il est aussi d'une 
habilet^ sup^rieure. Le coeur est vide de mal^ et plain dliabi- 
let^; savoir, comprendre, c'est sa nature. II en est ainsi 
comme de Touie et de la vue dans Toreille et I'oeil. Dans le 
ciel et la terre il n'y a jusqu'a la fin, ni pass^ ni present, ni 
achevement, ni fin. Dans les hommes et les choses il y a 
au-contraire quant k la substance et & la forme, et commence- 
ment et fin. On doit seuleroent savoir que si leurs lois sent 
les m^mes, leurs fonctions sont diffi^rentes. Puis quand on 
dit que le coeur ne connait ni la mort ni la naissance, n'a-t-on 
pas droit de s'^tonner de ce langage des lettr^s F II est dit 
au Tsih-Yen : ** Le coDur ne peut pas ne pas 6tre. Posant 
comme fondement, les revolutions, les changements de la loi 
du ciel (les saisons) il agit en se conformant et satisfaisant & 
son temps." 

Le maitre disait: ^'Les saints en apprenant les choses 
inferieuros p^n^trent les connaissances sup^rieures; dans les 
actes de chaque jour, ils accomplissent le devoir de complais- 
ance et de conformity. Les revolutions et transformations 
du ciel se manifestent en cela.^ 

Si Ton se met en I'esprit de poser comme fondement la loi 
du ciel et que Ton veut Tharmoniser avec les affaires hamaines, 
une seule chose occupera la poitrine. Si quand on est A 
remplir une fonction, on s'occupe de recueillir et de ramasser, 
de ruser et jouer (et non de la justice), les lignes de 
jonction du ciel et de la terre seront, jusqu'& la fin, sans 
concorder. L' union ne regnera pas entre le ciel et la terre. 

Ou-fang du H6-nan ^ r^p^tait souvent qu'il ^tait bon pour 
rhomme de connaitre son ccBur. A ce sujet la maitre dit: 
** Le coQur doit connaitre les choses mais comment connattra* 
t-on le coeur P L'oeil de I'homme voit les objets^ mais com- 
ment parviendra-t-il k voir les yeux ? " 

* Par sa nature. 

^ Elles sont 1' image et le module des ricissitudes des etres. 

' Auteur contemporain de Tchou-hi ; a 6crit on recueil historiqne et littfinin. 


Aussi lorsque les lettr^s parviennent eL d^voiler le secret 
des choses et des d^sirs, alors le cceur est si d^couvert. La 
r^ponse a Lian Song-King portait : "la nature du ciel et de 
la terre est aussi la ndtre ; la loi est-elle done de disparaitre 
promptement par la mort ? On ne pent qualifier cette 
reflexion d'erron^e. Mais celui qui I'a prof^r^e a-t-il bien 
mis le ciel et la terre au-dessus et au fondement de toutes 
choses? n'est ce pas plut6t nous autres hommes qu'il a 
consid^r^s comme tels ? Si c'est le ciel et la terre alors cette 
nature est la loi, la rdgle commune pour le ciel et la terre ; 
les hommes et les choses ne difil^rent point (sous ce rapport), il 
n'y a point si distinguer ceci et cela, la mort et la vie, Tancien 
et le nouveau. On meurt mais on n'est pas completement 
d^truit et il n'y a rien dont nous puissions nous attribuer la 
propri^t^ sp^ciale. Si c'est nous qu'ils prennent comme fon- 
dement et maitre, alors s'exaltant eux-mSmes ils prennent les 
idees, les manidres de concevoir de leurs fluides vitaux et de 
leurs esprits comme la nature de leur substance et ne cessant 
jusqu'sl la mort d'amasser et de retenir, ils croient par Isl ne 
faire que mourir et non p^rir cl jamais. C'est 1^ un exces de 
liberty de la pens^e. S'il en ^tait ainsi on ne pourrait dire 
que la mort et la naissance sont r^gl^es par la nature et la 
destin celeste." 

Chapitre VI. — RiSgles domestiques. 

Le Docteur Hoei-Ong dans sa reponse k Tchen Fou-tsong 
dit : " Je regrette infiniment que le grand nombre et la lour- 
deur du poids des affaires domestiques entravent Tinstruction. 
Mais cela ne se pourrait autrement. En ces circonstances on 
doit faire sincerement tous ses efforts et ne rien n^gliger. En 
toute chose ne consid^rez que la loi morale et les principes ; 
ne les transgressez pas comme pen importants. Connaissant 
parfaitement vos d^fauts et manquements journaliers, tri- 
omphez-en et, vous repentant, corrigez-les. II n'y a rien au 
dessus des principes de la doctrine. S'il s'^leve en vous le 
d^sir de ne pas les suivre, s'il y nait la pens^e de s'en ^carter, 


alors Ics actes et les principes seront disjoints et toates tos 
lectures passees perdront leur fruit," 

La reponse cl Ho Pe-fong portait : *' I'homme et la femme 
forment la inaison, c'est ce qu'il y a de plus in time dans les 
choses humaines. Ces affaires ont leur r^gle morale. Les 
principes des Sages sont ^tendus et profonds. Si, soit qu'il 
vive dans la retraite et la simplicity ou dans les jouissances, 
et le luxe/ Thorn me traite ces affaires avec negligence et sans 
fa9on, le decret du ciel ne pourra s'ex&uter. 

Les regies des sages prennent leur point de depart dans les 
rapports les plus delicats et les plus intimes de Thomme et de 
la femme. Quant & leur point culminant il atteint ce qu'il y a 
de plus eieve et de plus profond au ciel et sur la terra Cela 
etant, si les Sages n'en connaissaient pas les secrets et ne 
prStaient pas la plus grande attention & chacun d'eux, qui 
pourrait les formuler et tracer des modules ? 

Le Yih-King, coramen9ant par les Kouas Khien et ITuen^ 
on a mis au milieu les Kouas Hien et Heng.* Le Li-Ei 
s'occupo du mariage com me chose principale. Au Shih-Eing 
les deux N&ns' forment pour cette cause le commencement 
fix^ et permanent.* Au Tsih-Yen il est dit: "les regies con- 
cement le manger et le boire, les fonctions de Thorn me et de 
la femme. L'homme qui plonge dans un courant n'en connait 
pas tous les filets d'eau."* II est dit en outre: "Ceux qui 
dans la frequentation des hommes savent qu'il y a des rites k 
observer, qui dans les rapports entre amis savent qu'il y a des 
re<j;;lc8 k suivre, les gens r^flechis et respectueux seuls, savent 
s'observer et ne point commettre de faute." Telle est la 
pen see de Tauteur. 

Kong-ming avait choisi pour Spouse une fiUe d'une g^nde 
laideur ; mais il Temployuit et s'en faisait servir de fafon que 
porsonne ne pouvait Tatteindre. Son caract^re droit et ^lev^ 
sa vertu fortement trempee avaient bien 6t& rcfus da ciel, 
mais par des reflexions internes, son esprit et son cosar 

* Litt. Rur un tapis, etc. 

> Co sent lc8 Kouiifl ■'{] ct 32. 

' TiCs deux prouiiore livres du 8hih-Kin^. 

* Sont la loi de cu qui forme la commencement. 
^ Tous les receptacles. 


devenaient cliaque jour plus purs et plus ^clair^s. Sa dignity, 
sa renommee devenait de jour en jour plus grande, plus 
^lev^e. Diminuant ses d^sirs, entretenaut son coDur conven- 
ablement elle rendit de grands services. 

Les anciens Sages, s'eflfor9ant d'^clairer leur esprit et leur 
coBur n'avaient en vue que de s'aflfermir dans le bien et d'ac- 
qu^rir une juste renommee. lis ne cherehaient point cela 
pres des homines mais en eux-mSmes ; ils ne se pr^occupaient 
point du dehors mais de leur int^rieur. 

On demandait au Maitre : ** Quand un horome disgraci^ du 
sort, se trouve pres d'une belle-m^re, de freres n^s d*une 
autre mere, et que I'aceord ne regno pas entre eux, comment 
doit-il se conduire ? " II r^pondit : " le raodele «l suivre existe 
depuis les temps antiques. Consid^rez comment Shun s'est 
conduit. L'homme qui est dans la situation d'un fils ne doit 
penser qu'^ rester ferme dans la pratique de la pi^t^ filiale." 

On lui demandait encore : '' des parents qui aiment leurs 
enfants au deU de toute expression, voudraient les voir se de- 
velopper, se former tres intelligents et habiles. Est-ce 1^ un 
desir convenable P " Le Maitre r^pondit : '* Qu'un pere, une 
mere aime ses enfants, c'est tres bien ; mais si les aimant au 
del& de toute limite ils veulent qu'ils soient tels que vous dites, 
cela ne pent ^tre et n'est pas bien. Entre la loi du ciel et les 
d^sirs des hommes il y a une grande difference. II faut les 
distinguer soigneusement, comme cela doit ^tre. Lorsque 
les amis ne sont pas bons et fideles, il faut s'en separer. 
Congediez-les, mais avec prudence. S'il n'y a pas de motif 
grave ne brisez pas subitement. Quand un ami est d^vou^, 
ne manquez pas aux lois de Tamitie. Si c'est un ancien ami 
ne violez par les usages anciens." 

Les gens ^claires et sages lorsqu'ils construisent une 
maison et ses appartements, commencent par elever le lieu 
des sacrifices k I'est de Tappartement du midi. Puis 
Tayant partag^ en quatre parties, ils offrent un sacrifice aux 
manes des parents des d.ges ant^rieurs. Les parents collater- 
aux qui n'ont plus de descendants y seront ad joints et places 
selon le rang des generations. Aprds cela qu'on determine 
le lieu du sacrifice, que Ton en prepare les vases et instru- 


alors les actes et les principes seront disjoints et toutes vo8 
lectures passees perdront leur fruit." 

La reponse a Ho Pe-fong portait : *' I'homme et la femme 
ferment la maison, c'est ce qu'il y a de plus in time dans les 
choses humaines. Ces affaires ont leur r^gle morale. Les 
principes des Sages sont ^tendus et profonds. Si, soit qu'il 
vive dans la retraite et la simplicity ou dans les jouissances, 
et le luxe,^ Thomme traite ces affaires avec negligence et sans 
facon, le decret du cicl ne pourra s'ex^cuter. 

Les regies des sages prennent leur point de depart dans les 
rapports les plus delicats et les plus intimes de Thomme et de 
la femrae. Quant a leur point culminant il atteint ce qu'il y a 
de plus eleve et de plus profond au ciel et sur la terre. Cela 
etant, si les Sages n'en connaissaient pas les secrets et ne 
pretaient pas la plus grande attention & chacun d'eux, qui 
pourrait les formuler et tracer des modeles? 

Le Yih-King, commencant par les Kouas Khien et E7uen, 
on a mis au milieu les Kouas Hien et Heng.^ Le Li-Ki 
s'occupe du mariage comme chose principale. Au Shih-King 
les deux Nans^ forment pour cette cause le commencement 
fixe et permanent.* Au Tsih-Yen il est dit: "les regies con- 
cernent le manger et le boire, les fonctions de Thomme et de 
la femme. L'homme qui plonge dans un courant n'en connait 
pas tous les filets d'eau.''^ II est dit en outre: " Ceux qui 
dans la frequcntation des hommes savent qu'il y a des rites k 
observer, qui dans les rapports entre amis savent qu'il y a des 
regies a suivre, les gens reflechis et respectueux seuls, savent 
s*observer et ne point commettre de faute." Telle est la 
pen see de Tauteur. 

Kong-ming avait choisi pour epouse une fille d'une grande 
laideur ; mais il Temployait et s'en faisait servir de fagon que 
persoune ne pouvait I'attoindre. Son caractere droit et ^lev^ 
sa vertu forteraent trempee avaient bien ^t^ re9us du ciel, 
mais par des reflexions internes, son esprit et son cceur 

^ Litt. sur un tapis, etc. 

2 Ce sont les Kouas "'.I ct 32. 

^ lit's deux pn'ini(Ts livres du Shih-Kinj^. 

* Sont la loi de ce qui forme la commcucement. 

* Tous les receptacles. 


devenaient cliaque jour plus purs et plus ^clair^s. Sa dignity, 
sa renommee devenait de jour en jour plus grande, plus 
^lev^e. Diminuant ses d^sirs, entretenaut son coeur conven- 
ablement elle rend it de grands services. 

Les anciens Sages, s'effor9ant d'^clairer leur esprit et leur 
coeur n'avaient en vue que de s'affermir dans le bien et d'ac- 
qu^rir une juste renommee. lis ne cherchaient point cela 
pres des hommes mais en eux-m^mes ; ils ne se pr^occupaient 
point du dehors mais de leur int^rieur. 

On demandait au Maitre : '' Quand un horome disgr&ci^ du 
sort, se trouve pres d'une belle-m^re, de freres n^s d'une 
autre mere, et que Taccord ne regno pas entre eux, comment 
doit-il se conduire P " II repondit : ** le raodele si suivre existe 
depuis les temps antiques. Gonsid^rez comment Shun s'est 
conduit. L'horame qui est dans la situation d'un ills ne doit 
penser qu'i rester ferme dans la pratique de la pi^t^ filiale." 

On lui demandait encore : ** des parents qui aiment leurs 
enfants au deU de toute expression, voudraient les voir se de- 
velopper, se former tres intelligents et habiles. Est-ce 1^ un 
d^ir convenable P " Le Maitre repondit : '* Qu'un pere, une 
mere aime ses enfants, c'est tres bien ; mais si les aimant au 
del^ de toute limite ils veulent qu'ils soient tels que vous dites, 
cela ne pent ^tre et n'est pas bien. Entre la loi du ciel et les 
d^sirs des hommes il y a une grande difference. II faut les 
distinguer soigneusement, comme cela doit etre. Lorsque 
les amis ne sent pas bons et fideles, il faut s'en separer. 
Congediez-les, mais avec prudence. S'il n'y a pas de motif 
grave ne brisez pas subitement. Quand un ami est d^vou^, 
ne manquez pas aux lois de I'amitie. Si c'est un ancien ami 
ne violez par les usages anciens." 

Les gens ^clair^s et sages lorsqu'ils construisent une 
maison et ses appartements, commencent par elever le lieu 
des sacrifices k Test de Tappartement du midi. Puis 
I'ayant partag^ en quatre parties, ils offrent un sacrifice aux 
m&nes des parents des d.ges ant^rieurs. Les parents collater- 
aux qui n'ont plus de descendants y seront adjoints et places 
selon le rang des generations. Aprds cela qu'on determine 
le lieu du sacrifice, que Ton en prepare les vases et instru- 


ments. Lorsque le jour parait, le maitre de maison vient se 
raontrer au milieu de la grande porte ; & qui entre ou sort il 
annonce (ce qui va se faire). Quand on est au premier jour 
de la lune ou k la pleine lune, il fait les c^r^monies prescrites. 
Si le moment est propice, il offre les mets propres A la saison. 
S'il y a quelque chose a faire il le notifie. 

Le pien,^ le teou,^ le fou * et le kui * ^taient les ustensiles 
employes autrefois. On s'en servait pour tons les sacrifices 
et offrundes. Maintenant on a transform^ les vases profanes 
en vase de sacrifice et les mets communs, en viande des 
offrandes. Les monnaies en papier^ sent employees au lieu 
des choses pr^cieuses, parce qu'on les emploie dans la vie 
ordinaire. On dit qu'on suit les convenances. Dans les 
sacrifices on doit suivre le droit du fils ain£. Quand des 
freres partagent les biens de famille ils ne peuvent par- 
tager le temple des ancetres. Quand I'ain^ sacrifie, les 
cadets lui servent les differents objets et I'assistent dans des 
fonctions. S'ils sont ^loign^s les uns des autres, le frdre 
aine seul pent poser les tablettes des anc6tres, le cadet ne le 
pent pas. Co n'est qu'au moment des offrandes que I'on pose 
le support (des tablettes) et I'on ^crit les noms sur des 
ecussons de papier. Quand le sacrifice est achevd on br(de 
le trone-support ; de cette maniere on arrive a la fin des 

II est encore dit : " Les rites et usages et les details da 
sacrifice peuvent subir de lagers raccourcissements. Autre- 
mcnt, une fois Tofirande faite, on ne pourrait plus r&siter de 
prieres. Quand on sacrifie aux ancfetres, on doit y apporter 
une affection et un respect sinceres ; c'est I'essentiel. 8i Ton 
est pauvre, on pent tenir compte de ce qui manque dans la 
maison. Si Ton est malade on agit comme le permettent les 
forces physiques. Quand la sante et la fortune sont suflisantes, 
on suit exactement les regies. 

^ Plat u bord portant les offrandes. 

* Chargcoir. 

' Plat cnrre ext^ricarement et h fond arrondi. 

* Plat d'osier tresse. 

* Papinr-monnuie qu*on brdle dans les ceremonies en Phonneiir des morti. 
C'etait gcncralement du papier de m^tal, de differentes formes. 


Au premier jour de la lunaison, on offre du vin et dea^ 
fruits au temple domestique ; cl la nouvelle lune on pr^sente 
du th^. Le 5® jour du mois, le 15® du septieme mois, le 9® 
du 9® mois, et autres encore sont d^clar^s jours fastes. Dans 
le grand sacrifice tons les supports des tablettes recoivent les 
quatre especes d'offrande de mets ; on expose les tablettes de 
bois. Si le temps est propice on ne presente au temple des 
ancetres que deux especes de mets.^ Si le premier jour du 
mois est un jour faste on n'offre qu'une seule fois du vin ; on 
ne presente qu'un seul verre. 

Toutes les c^r^ monies du deuil avant Tense velissement 
consistent en ce qu'on appelle " libations." Les rites en sont 
parfaitement regies. Comme par suite de I'^tat d'aflBiction 
ou Ton se trouve, on ne pent user du moindre luxe on doit 
temoigner son amour et son empressement pour le mort et 
ne point Thonorer comme on lionore les esprits.^ 

Apr^s que Ton a appaise les m4nes du d^funt et k dater du 
sacrifice, le reste s'appelle tsi, 

II est dit k ce sujet dans le Kia-li : ^ "La libation est le 
sacrifice du temps de deuil. Le sacrifice offert apres Tappaise- 
ment des manes ^ est une c^remonie de joie. Car on revient 
peu d peu alors aux sentiments de joie." 

Chez les Anciens, pendant le temps de deuil, tout s'^cartait 
des usages des temps ordinaires et devenait difierent. Aussi 
bien qu'on laissslt de cote le sacrifice au temple des ancStres, 
on vivait dans un juste milieu entre la vie absolument 
retiree et la vie publique, sans impatience ni de Tune ni de 
Tautre. Les gens de nos jours, lorsqu'ils sont en deuil 
n'abandonnent point les usages de la vie ordinaire ; ils ne 
changent que ce qui a ete dit. Ils ont peur de s'incommoder. 

Dans la r^ponse a Tzeng Kouang-Tzou, il ^tait dit : 
** Pendant le temps que Ton reste enferme k la maison k 
cause du deuil, on ne pent se permettre d'omettre les sacrifices 
des quatre saisons. Si le jour du sacrifice est de bon augure, 

' C*e8t-a-dire par une ceremonie de joie. 
3 Rites domestiques ; oeuvre de Tchou-hi. 
* Ou le septieme jour du deuil. 


on y precede v^tu d'habits de deuil noirs. Dans les sacrifices 
fix^s on pre^sente et ^leve trois fois la Tiande rotie des 
oSrandes, mais cela ne doit pas se faire quand on reste 
enferra^ cl la raaison en temps de deuil. Si o'est un jour 
faste, on pr<^sente une seule fois les offrandes mfil^s. On ne 
lit pas les prieres c^r^monielles, on n'offre pas les viandes 
roties. On ne transporte pas les tablettes comme il est dit 
au Li-Ki. II n'y a pas de r^gle ni d'^tiquette absolument 

Le jour avant le sacrifice Ta-Siang,^ on oflfire un sacrifice 
et Ton annonce (ce que I'on va faire) k I'ancfitre dont on doit 
em porter la tablette (hors du temple). Lorsque celle-ci est 
transportee, le jour suivant, on enldve les nattes et la table; 
puis tenant (^Icv^e la nouveile tablette on I'introduit dans le 

Comme ces prescriptions satisfaisaient pen les sentiments 
humainsy il ajouta : '' Introduire et transporter sont deux 
clioses bicn difi(Mentcs. On doit, en introduisant la tablette 
dans le temple et pour cela interrompant les sanglots, suiyre 
les prescriptions indiqu^es par Sse-ma Wen Eong. On doit 
annoncer au pere et au grand-pdre le transfert dans un autre 
sacrarium. Quand il survient un nouveau dicis on doit 
introduire la tablette du dernier defunt dans le temple des 
ancetres et le leur annoncer." Tel est le sens. Quand le 
sacrifice est achev^ on introduit la tablette dans le recessos 
interieur du temple.^ 

Lorsque la 3® ann^e de deuil est pass^e, on fait la sacrifice 
reglo. On einporte la tablette du premier anc6tre et on la 
depose dans un aut re temple, puis ayant vinM la tablette du 
d(>rnier defunt on I'introduit dans le temple des ancdtree. 
Quund renterrement est achev^, en interrompant les sanglots, 
on rovot un habit noir et Ton reprend les sacrifice habituels 
dans la salle des ancetres. 

1 Mognttm omen ^ ^ ili la fin de la 2e aoD^o do deuil, alora qu*on cluuige 
de vc'tcmonts (1*^ (U-u I. 

^ I. II temple 110 contient que 9 tablettes. Quand une di/i^me doit y etre apport^ 
la plus nncit'inie doit etro portce ailleurs. Le Li-Ki present la mcme chose pour 

la sixiemc. 

3 On k'8 ute du troue support ^ et on les porte dans le receptacle eachi. 


On lui demandait une autre fois : " Comment un fils doit 
il se conduire quant aux sacrifices, quand il a offert le Ta- 
siang et le Tan pour sa mdre (d^funte) et qu'il n'est en deuil 
d'aucun homme.*' 

Le Maitre r^pondit : " D'apr^s la coutume actuelle, apres 
la 3® ann^e on enldve la natte et la table.^ Au petit et au grand 
Siang tous les hommes prennent part au sacrifice. Mais apres 
le petit Siang, ils 6tent leurs v^tements de deuil. Au grand 
Siang ils portent des v^tements simples et grossiers comme 
au jour de la mort, du commencement du deuil et de la 
douleur. Pendant le sacrifice, on fait face si I'ouest. II doit 
en 6tre de me me pendant I'enterrement. 

En ce qui concerne le deuil, pour tout deuil quelconque, si 
le pere vit encore, c'est lui qui joue le r61e d'honneur. En 
ce cas les fils n'ont aucune c^r^monie ^ faire. Si le pere est 
mort et que les frdres vivent ensemble ils se partagent les 
fonctions d'honneur. Tel est le texte des rites. Ceci est 
expliqu^ de la manidre suivante. Chacun a le premier role 
dans le deuil de ses enfants et de ses Spouses. S'il s'agit d'une 
Spouse, c'est son mari qui preside au deuil, les fils n'ont point 
k prendre part au premier r61e. 

Tzeng Y'e-tchi demanda : ** Si pendant un deuil de 3 ans 
il survient un autre deuil d'un an, on doit porter ce 
nouveau deuil et en prendre les habits. La chose faite on 
doit reprendre le premier deuil. Mais beaucoup disent 
que quand on porte les habits d'un grand deuil on ne 
pent en changer et revStir ceux d'un deuil moindre ; nous 
ne savons pas comment il faut faire." 

Le Maitre r^pondit: " La decision de ces gens est erronn^e." 
Voici les rites si observer quand on cesse les cris et les 
sanglots. Dans les derniers temps le terme ^tait fix^ si 100 
jours. Au temps dit K'ai-Yuen ^ cela a ^t^ chang^. Main- 
tenant, suivant les rites de la dynastie Tcheou, aussitdt aprds 
Tenterrement les t^moignages de la douleur prennent fin. 

^ Le SinO' Siang ^ le Ta-nang et le Tan sont respectivement les sacrifices qui 
se font aprds la le, la 2® et la 3e ann^ de deuil, alors que Ton change de vete- 

3 713-742. Sous Huen-tsoDg des Tang. 


Li Hoei-Han demanda: "II est dit dans lea regies du 
sacrifice tracees par Tcheng-Shi: ''Tout ce qu'oa y associe ne 
peut etre qu'une epouse legitime et une seule. Si celui qui 
preside au sacrifice est le fils d'une femme secondaire, il doit 
se faire aider de sa jDropre mdre." 

Le Maitre repondit : ** Le docteur Tcheng s'est tromp^, je 
pense." Cela est dit dans le livre Hoei-Yao de la dynastie 
Tang. Tant que la mdre epouse principale vit, on ne tient 
pas compte de Tanteriorite et de la post^rit^. Toutes doivent 
assister et aider au sacrifice en commun. 

Teou Wen-King demanda : " Des fils, lorsque leur propre 
mere est morte, comment doivent ils faire I'inscription de la 
tablette ? ou doivent-ils la mottre ? oil doivent- ils sacrifier P 

Le maitre repondit : '' II s'agit de meres de rang ^gal. A 
part I'epouse principale, on doit distinguer les autres en 
inscrivant seulement le nom de la mdre morte. Les paroles 
dc Tcheng-y-Tchouen se rapportent au sacrifice domeBtique 
fait a volonte." 

On lui demanda encore : " Quand (le p^re) le mari vit 
encore a qui doit-il ecrire de venir au sacrifice offert a 
Tesprit de son epouse ? " II repondit : " C'est &. un homme 
honorable de Tentourage du mari, et i personne qui lui soit 

Ou rinterrogcait sur le transfert des tablettes. II repondit: 
'' Le fils du ciel et les vice-rois ont un second temple dans 
leur Tui-Miao. C'eet la qu'on transporte et conserve les 
tablettes enlovties. Les i^articuliers d aujoud'hui n'en ont 
plus ni de lieu special pour garder ces tablettes." II est dit 
au Li-Ki, ' on les euterre entre deux marches.' Maintenant 
ce moyen n'est plus a employer ; on ne peut plus que 
les entorrer dans une tombe." 

Interroge sur les regies relatives au transport du cadavre, 
il repondit : *' On le porte ainsi : apres qu'on I'a annonc^ 
au temple en sacrifiant, on vieut ensuite Tannoncer au lieu 
de sepulture, on ouvre le tombeau et I'on enterre ; cela faiti 
on se retire apres avoir fait une libation. On retoume an 
temple annoncer Tenterrement et le sacrifice ; on y sanglote 
apres quoi les ceremonies sent termin^es." 


On demanda : 

** La prescription de porter d^s le transport du corps les 
vStements du deuil de trois mois ^ est expliqu^e par Tcheng- 
siuen ^ en ce sens qu'on les depose apr^s que Ton a laiss^ passer 
ces 3 mois. Wang-Suh^ de son c6t^ dit qu'on les quitt^ apres 
Tenterrement. Qu'en est-il en r^alit^ ? " Le mat tre r^pondit : 
" Quant aux rites il convient de se raontrer toujours large et 
de suivre les exemples du chef de la famille Tcheng. 

On ajouta : *' D'apres les principes de ce lettr^, ce n'est 
qu'au cas d'un deuil de 3 ans que, pour Tenterrement d'un 
mort, on revet les habits de coton grossier du deuil de 
3 mois. Pour un autre deuil on ajoute T^toflFe de chanvre 
aux habillements du deuil. L'enterrement fini, doit-on 6ter 
ces veteraents ? " Le Maitre r^pondit qu'il devait en Stre 
ainsi. Au sacrifice du jour de la raort d*un parent on 
n'expose k la v^n^ration qu'une seule tablette. Tcheng Y- 
Tchouen* dit que pendant le deuil d'un grand-p^re, d'un p^re 
chef de famille, il ne convient pas de se presenter aux 
examens. Bien que cela ne soit pas dit clairement par les 
lois et usages, si on considere bien la chose, on voit que les 
lettr^s doivent agir de la sorte. 

La coutume du pays est maintenant que pour la mort du 
p^re ou de la mere propre on porte le deuil de coeur pendant 
3 ans;* c'est la une pens^e excellente. Au jour de Tenterre- 
ment on ne traite ses botes qu'au regime du jeAne avec des 
v^g^taux. Les viandes et les legumes offerts au sacrifice 
doivent 6tre distribu^s entre les gens de service. 

Le Maitre lorsqu'il ^tait sans fonction, se levait avant le 
jour, revetait un vStement de couleur sombre, le bonnet pli6 
carre (Fou-Kin), les souliers de cuir, puis allait accoraplir les 
ceremonies au temple domestique en Thonneur des d^funts 
ven^r^s. Cela fait, il allait s'asseoir dans sa biblioth^que, 
posait et afiermissait sa table, mettait en ordres ses livres, 

* Coton grossier. 

» Lettre du milreu dn XII« siftcle (?). 

' Commentateur du Kia-Yu de Kong-fu-tze. 

* CoUaborateur de Tchou-hi (P). 

* Le deuil exterieor de 3 ans a 6te diversement raccourci ; celui du coeur ne 
pent Tetre. 

VOL. XX. — [XBW SKKIBS.] 18 


vases, instruments, etc. Ses aliments solides et liquides con- 
sistaient en soupe k la viande; le service avait une mesure fixe. 
Quand il etait fatigu^ et se reposait, il se tenait assis, les yeux 
fermes et droit. Si t6t qu'il se levait, il marchait gravement 
et d'un pas mesur^. II se couchait au milieu de la nuit; 
lorsqu'il se levait il repliait sa couche et s'asseyait jaaqu'& ce 
que le jour fdt venu ; il avait Tair s^rieux, sa parole ^tait sage 
et vertueuse. Sa marche ^tait grave et r^v^rencieuae, assis 
il se tenait droit et fixe. Toujours r^gl^ et meaur^ dans 
ses aetes et son maintien ; depuis son enfance jusqu'^ sa 
vieillesse, dans le froid le plus rigoureux, la ohaleur la pins 
violente, en aucune circonstance pressante, en aucan trouble, 
il ne s'^cartait jamais (de ces principes). 


Hoei-Ong dit : Le livre Tcheou-li regie toute I'adminifltia- 
tion des fonctionnaires du palais imperial depuis les eunuques 
des princesses et les cuisiniers. II rdgle tout ce qui conceme 
le prince en ses volont^s relativement au boire et au manger, 
aux horames et aux fcmmes et cherche ainsi A. d^velopper ses 
vertus ; c'est la son but supreme. Par la suite tous les vices 
des Eunuques ont pris le dessus. 

Les fonctions des Ministres ont ^t^ (ce qu'elles sont) 
depuis Tantiquite. Les ministres choisissent lea Mandarins 
superieurs et ceux-ci nomment leurs inf^rieurs. 

Le magistrat civil d'aujourd'hui nomme et dirige ; mais les 
magistrats inferieurs ^tant importuns et turbulents, il ne 
parvicnt pas d choisir des gens sages. Toutes les regions 
etunt confiees aux magistrats, inspecteurs des prefectures, s'ils 
sont etablis avcc choix, convenablement, c'est bien. Au temps 
oil j'etais aux affaires, je choisissais avec soin les pr^idents 
du Li-pu^ et jc cherchais & avoir partout des hommee propres 
aux fonctions. Mo fiant aux Mandarins sup^rieurs de toutes 
les cours, jc Icur laissais ^tablir eux-m6mes les magistrats 
dependant d'eux, puis je les faisais surveiller par le Tchong- 

^ Cour des offices, fonctionsi. 


shou Yamen.^ Quand parmi les Mandarins il venait si en 
manquer Tun ou I'autre, pour chaque poste je me faisais 
presenter Tun oil Tautre de ceux qui les suivaient et en 
dessous et cela fait, j 'avais soin de ne point f aire avancer un 
fonctionnaire dou^ de peu de vertus. 

Le prince ne choisit que les Kien-sze SI "^ ^ et les Tai 
Sheou (pr^fets). Quant aux autres fonctionnaires adminis- 
trateurs de districts (hien) lorsqu'on doit les mettre en oBuvre, 
selon les connaissances de chacun, on doit exiger qu'ils rem- 
plissent bien leurs fonctions. 

Quand on doit organiser et disposer convenablement Tempire, 
si meme on a un grand espace libre, cela se fait ais^mcnt. Pour 
chaque district on ^tablit un Tsze-Shi ^ et en lui donnant ce 
titre on le fait An-tcha-shai ^ le chargeant de faire louer 
ou bUmer les magistrats de Tcheous et Hiens. Sous eux on 
etablit, on leur donne comme auxiliaires les Pan-Kouan. Les 
transports et les importations, Tinstruction des affaires crimi- 
nelles, le soin des champs et des r^coltes sont confies aux 
soins des Tsze-Shi. Comme ils ont un pouvoir un peu plus 
eiev^ que celui des Pan-Kouan, lorsque ceux-ci ont k signaler 
quelque chose, cl faire un rapport c'est aux Tsze-Shi d, le 
pr&enter. Si les Tsze-Shi negligent de le faire, les Pan- 
Kouan doivent en ref^rer a la cour Shoue(shin)-Yu-Shi. Si 
Ton partage entre plusieurs les pouvoirs des Tsze-Shi les 
affaires se font promptement, r^gulidrement, facilement et les 
crimes d'oppression, de tyrannic ne se commettent plus. 

L'administration des ^tablissements d'instruction ne s'affligo 
pas de ce que les lois et les bonnes mceurs ne sont pas fermes 
et stables, mais elle deplore que les principes de justice et 
les lois ne puissent pas donner la joie aux coeurs. Quand ils 
en sont Isl, s'il cherchent k effrayer en menafant en ce qu'il 
y a de moins important dans les lois et principes, ils sont 
semblables k ceux qui, voulant arreter un courant d'eau, le 
font couler de mille canaux et amassent tout k I'aise des 

' Patent- Office (Mayers^. 

^ Surintendant de distnct ind^pendant du gouverneur, ayant affaire directe- 
ment avec le gonvernement central et surveillant plusieurs prefectures ou Fous. 
3 Ce titre appnrtient an temps des Songs. 
* Juge criminel de district. 


herbes et des roseaux pour en arr^ter le cours imp^tueox. 
lis ne reussiront pas mieux que ces demiers. 

Le systeme actuel des exameus est souverainement vicieax. 
La coutume de choisir pour une locality celui qui est recom- 
mande par le canton est la plus legitime. O'est 14 la rdgle 
principale. Si eela ne se pent, il est bon de disposer le mode 
d'examen d'une mani^re moyenne et r^glfe. 

Pour moi j'ai essaye d'^tablir un systdme fixe d'examen. 
J'ai fait du Yih-King, du Shi-King et du Shu-King une 
matiere speciale ; des trois Li une autre, du Tchun-Tsiou et 
des trois commentaires, une troisidme. Apr^ eela je le faisais 
annoncer et chaque fois que je devais examiner, je faisais 
savoir dans quel King, dans quel livre historique le thdme da 
travail devait 6tre pris. J'assignais ainsi une fin d^ter- 
min^e aux yoloutes de chacun et sous mon impulsion, on 
s'appliquait avec tons les efiPorts de son intelligence, a I'^tude 
de tel King ou de telle histoire. II ne fallut pas beaucoup 
d'examens pour que tons les livres canoniques ou historiqnes 
fussent etudies d'une raaniere approfondie. Quant au sens 
des Kings on en corrigcait tout ce qui ^tait d^fectueux et 
depourvu de sens et Ton ne s'occupait que des pens^ 
fondamentales, expliqu^es clairement. 

Main tenant les travaux litteraires re9us dans lea examens 
contieunent beaucoup de choses vagues, obscures, sans signifi- 
cation. Cela est vraiment deplorable. On ne pent pas dire 
cependant que les travaux ecrits par les ^tudiants soient tout 
a fait mauvais. Tout cela est etroitement lie aux revolutions 
des temps. 

Vers la fin de la dynastie des Tsin orientaux, les travaux 
litteraires etuient generalement faits avec negligence et con* 
f usenicnt. Ou ne savait point y distinguer le vrai et le faux.^ 
Meng-tze parlant des regies & observer par les souverains, 
raettait au dessus de tout le soin d'assurer la possession des 
biens du peuple. Bien qu'il ne pCit expliquer, en un instant, 
les usages relatifs aux champs coinmuns, il disait qu'il n*y avait 
rien de mieux que de noter et de publier combien le peuple 

^ IjBs discussions manquaient le sens. 


de cbaque tcheou, de cbaque hien, retirait d'un acre de 
terrain ; combien on pr^levait d'imp6t, comnie aussi combien 
on exigeait de prestation en debors de ce qui ^tait r^gl^ par 
la coutume/ combien dans cbaque tcbeou ou bien on recevait 
annuellement, en tout, d'argent ou d'aliments, combien on 
employait et d^pensait en toutes esp^ces de cboses et en 
cbaque espece, ce que I'on faisait du surplus, comment on se 
procurait ce qui venait si manquer. 

Quand tout cela est fait et resume on cboisit un certain 
nombre de lettr^s de juste milieu, bons, sinceres, intelligents, 
experiment's. Ayant, apres recbercbes soigneuses, r'uni et 
dispos' le tout, on le distribue 'galement, prenant le surplus 
et le donnant si ceux auxquels il manque quelque cbose. Si 
Ton distribue sans distinguer parfaiteroent les pauvres et 
les ricbes des Tcbeous et des Hiens, ce qui 'puise et 
restaure les forces du peuple n'arrivera pas i se s'parer 
compl'tement. La loi et la regie du monde est qu'il n'y a 
point d'avantage absolu et sans melange de dommage ; il 
n'y a si rechercber que la quantity, la part de biens et de 
raaux. Le peuple maintenant s'^puise parceque, par suite 
des 'tablissements de soldats colons, les d'penses sont 'normes, 
mais par la culture des cbamps publics ils diminuent^ le 
travail des peuples. Sous la dynastie Han on ayait partag^ 
les provinces entre les fils de I'Empereur seuls, en leur donnant 
le titre de Wang. Aux fils- de I'Empereur un seul fils d'signe 
comme b'ritier succ'dait k la principaut'. Tons les autres fils 
recevaient le titre de Heou, Cbaque Heou avait pour suc- 
cesseur un de ses fils qui portait le m^me titre. Les autres fils 
n'en avaient aucun, ni fief, et aprds quelques generations ils ne 
se distinguaient plus des gens du commun. N'ayant plus le 
moyen d'entretenir d'eux-memes leur dignity, eans ressources 
ils se mettaient eux-m^mes au travail et cultivaient les cbamps. 
En ces ciroonstances TEmpereur Kouang-ou,* en sa jeunesse, 
vendit du bl'. Lorsque le Maitre 'tait si la tete de Tad- 

■ii 11 = ts '^- 

' Mandchou : ils donnent des repos aux efforts. 
* Le premier des Hans orientaux, 26-68 F.C. 


ministration, il ^leva une ^cole ; il s'y occupait avant tout 
d'expliquer la doctrine et de corriger. Ayant pris le grade 
de docteur, il deviut assesseur de district^ secretaire, archi- 
viste de Tong-nan au Tchiouen-Teheou.^ S'appliquant i. 
ses fonctions avec soin et grand zSle il s'occapait lui*indme 
minutieuseraent des plus petites choses. R^UDissant & ses 
fonctions la direction de I'enseignement il choisit lea gens 
bien elev^s de I'endroit et en fit ses disciples. II recherchait 
et attirait d, lui les sages renomm^s et les donnait comme 
exemples et inodeles. Chaque jour il dissertait ayec eux des 
regies des saints et des sages, relatives au triompbe sur 
soi-mcme et d, la direction des hommes. Plus tard il fut 
envoy ^ d, Nan-K'ang^ pour y diriger radministration militaire. 
Plein d'un zele constant, il aimait le peuple et avait cora pas- 
sion de ses maux, comme s'il ^tait lui-m£me souffrant. S'effor- 
9ant de favoriser ses interets et d'^carter ce qui lui cauaait da 
dommage, il n'etait en peine que par la crainte de ne pouvoir 
y parvenir. 

Lorsque des gens corrompus et violents opprimaient le 
peuple, violaient les lois, entravaient le pouvoir, il lea faisait 
ch&tier sans indulgence. Aussi aprSs que ces perturbateurs 
violents et forts eurent et^ arrSt^s et leurs violences emp^chees, 
une paix profonde r^gna dans le canton. Se rendant fr^uem- 
ment k I'^cole du chef-lieu, il n'omettait jamais, il ne se 
fatiguait point d'enseigner aux lettres, de les diriger, leur 
expliquant les passages douteux, discutant les points difficiles. 

Au temps oil il gouvernait Tchang-tcheou ' conime on y 
ignorait g^n^ralement les rites, il reprit la rSgle relative aa 
deuil, aux enterrements, au mariage et publia & ce sujet un 
<M;rit dans lesquels il en relevait Texcellence. II chargea les 
pores et les gens ag^s d'enseigner, d'expliquer ces rites aux 
jeunes gens, il reprima la propagande boudhique ; aussi les 
mccurs du peuple se transforni^rent compl^tement. 

Dans le district oh le Maitre avait sa residence, cbaque 
an nee, au prin temps et en ^t^, les riches fermaient les g;reniers 

* Au Fo-kifin. 

^ ArroridiKHemcnt du Xan-ngan-fou, au Kian-au 

• Au Fo-kien. 


et vendaient le bl^ cl gros profits, le petit peuple ouvrait de 
force les greniers et les pillaient. A chacune de ces occasions, 
des actes de violence et des meurtres se commettaient; les 
r^voltes et les attaques violentes se multipliaient. Le Maitre 
prit des gens du district et ^tablit un magasin public o\i il 
distribuait et donnait du grain moyennant gage ; et ainsi le 
prix ne monta plus, et les gens furent ainsi assures dans 
leurs fortunes. Par la suite il f ut fait un rapport au prince 
sur ces proc^d^s ; aussi les fit-on connattre et suivre dans 
toutes les provinces. 

Le partie orientale du Tche-Kiang souffrait ^norm^ment de 
la famine. Le Maitre fut charg6 de I'administration et du 
d^bit du th^ et du sel. Ayant obtenu un d^cret k cet efiet, il 
le fit publier dans les autres cantons ; il fit ensuite un 
accord avec les marchands de bl^ et fit remise des redevances. 

Lorsque plus tard les b&teaux de bl^ arriv^rent il alia 
tous les jours avec les magistrats corap^tents, s'informer des 
besoins du peuple. II ne se donnait pas le temps de dormir 
et de manger. Lorsque tout fut r^gl^ et remis distinctement 
en ordre, il parcourut tous les lieux soumis d, son adminis- 
tration pour les inspector. Montagues escarp^es, valines 
profondes, il n'y avait point de lieu oii il ne p^n^tr&t. 
S'informant de tout avec bont^, calmant les inquietudes, 
t^moignant partout de la bienveillance, il rendit la vie cl 
d'innombrables administr^s. Dans ses courses il n'avait 
qu'un char pour tous et ne prenait pas de suite. Tout ce 
dont il avait besoin il le faisait preparer lui-mSme et Tem- 
portait avec lui, en sorte qu'il ne pr^levait rien dans les yilles 
oil il passait. De la sorte bien qu'il pass&t en beaucoup 
d'endroits, personne ne s'en apercevait. Les fonctionnaires 
des comt^s et des cantons redoutant sa puissance, ^taient 
constamment dans la crainte et comme pensant tou jours que 
les envoy^s imp^riaux allaient visiter leur territoire. Aussi 
dans tous les lieux de son ressort r^gnait le respect du devoir. 
Outre cela il s'efibr9a de mettre fin aux entreprises des voleurs, 
fit prendre les sauterelles et augmenter les produits des taxes 


Chap. XIII. — Des fausses doctrines. 

Le Docteur Hoei-Ong dit : " Les doctrines de Bouddha et 
de Lao-tze n'ont pas besoin d'un profond examen pour 6tre 
mises en lumidre. Tout consiste cl rejeter les trois relations ^ 
et les cinq vertus fondamentales.^ G'est certainement Ml une 
faute des plus graves. II ne vaut presque pas la peine de 
parler des autres erreurs. Telle est la doctrine de Bouddha : 
*' quand un horn me meurt, il devient un esprit et cet esprit 
par la suite renait homme/' S'il en £tait ainsi, si Ton 
soutient que tout ce qui vient et va entre le ciel et la terre ne 
nait point et ne se multiplie pas selon la force de production 
et de changement (les operations de la nature, mais d'une 
maniere surnaturelle), cela n'est certainement pas selon la 

II est dit dans la r^ponse cl Li Pe-Kian : ** G'est dans le 
corps seul qu'est la naissance et la mort, la nature vraie reste 
constamment intacte." A mon avis la nature n'a ni trom- 
perie, ni erreur, cons^quemment on ne pent se servir da 
terme ''nature vraie." Comme elle n'a jamais it6 inexistante 
on ne doit point employer le mot: "reste, subsiste (^at)/' La 
nature c'cst, en rcalite, la loi du ciel et de la terre qui engendre 
toutes chosos. Les ordres du ciel sont constants, permanents 
et sans fin. Que sa puissance est grande ! Tons lea dtres en 
tirent leur origine. Oserait-on dire que cela n'existe point> 
que nous serions livr^s a notre fantaisie ^goiste ? Quant i, ce 
que Bouddha dit de la nature vraie, non alt^r^, on ne sait pas 
si c'est con forme d cette doctrine ou non. S'il en est ainsi, 
alors, les anciens perfectionnant leur ccBur savaient bien ce 
qu'est la nature, ce qu'est le ciel. Leur doctrine en ^tail 
cause (de leurs actes). L'on ne pent vouloir mourir et 
subsister perpetuellement.^ Si pensant autrement on yeui 
mettreen etut de torpcur morale^ son cceur sMuit par I'erreur 
et conuaitre cette nature vraie,^ si I'on craint seulement de 

^ Du prince, du p^re et de r6poux avec les sujctff, les enfants, l*6poiiB6, 
' Humanity, droiturc, conveuauco ext^rieure (rites), connaissance et fuL 

' Dans le nirvana ? 

* Par la contemplation inerte du boudhisme. 

^ Pendant la Tie et la condition d*homme. 


mourir et ne point arrlver si cela, on ne pourra point, en 
agissant ainsi selon ses id^es et int^r^ts personnels, obtenir 
le bonheur ; que leur arrivera-t-il done ? " Dans la r^ponse 
envoy^e d Ou Kong-ji, il ^tait dit : " Eong-tze cl expliqu^ con- 
venablement toutes les affaires humaines et les lois de la vie. 
La doctrine de Bouddha traite de I'homme et des esprits, de 
la naissance et de la mort, en lea confondant/' Selon moi il 
n'est pas clair s'il faut faire de ces deux ordres de choses — 
rhomme et Tesprit, la vie et la mort — une seule et memo chose 
ou bien deux. Si I'on n*en fait qu'une, pour traitor avec exacti- 
tude de rhomme et des lois de la vie, il faut r^unir la mort et 
la condition d'esprit, mais point tarder de les r^unir^ pour 
le faire aprds.^ Si en les distinguant et faisant des categories 
sp^iales, on veut les approfondir, on doit ^tablir une dis- 
tinction entre le commencement ^ et la fin, ce qui est obscur 
et ce qui est clair. 

Les lettr^s disent g^n^ralement que la doctrine de Bouddha 
est toute semblable & celles de nos livres. Si ce que je viens 
de dire est vrai, comment peut-on les assimiler? On veut 
que Ton y ait confiance, mais ce n'est point la m^me doctrine. 
Zhoui Eoue-Ki disait habituelleraent : " Le monde n'a point 
deux lois, le saint n'a point deux coBurs " ; pourquoi done 
chercher cl accomoder la doctrine de Bouddha P c'est Ik ce 
qu'il veut dire. En effet c'est parce que le monde n'a qu une 
loi et le saint un seul coeur, que Ton ne pent retenir la 
doctrine de Bouddha. 

Dans une autre lettre, & la question de savoir si la doctrine 
des Kings et le systeme de Bouddha 6taient identiques ou 
non, il r^pondit, " Au pays oA vous Stes n^ et oil vous vous 
trouvez, la doctrine de Bouddha est-elle celle des lettr^s ?"* 
Le maitre dit, "Dans la nature provenant du d^cret du ciel il 
n'y avait cl I'origine ni doctrine des Kings ni systeme de 
Bouddha. Cons^quemment le principe distinctif du vrai et du 

I La yie et la mort. 

> Apr^s la mort dans I'^tat d'esprit ; oa bien : apr^s la mort on deyient d^abord 
autre chose puis esprit. 
3 Les ^tats d*homme et d'esprit. 
* II est certain que ce n^eat point. 


faux de ces deux doctrines y ^tait oompns et ^tabli avant 
leur existence. 

Si Ton parle ici de ce qui ^tait alors inexistant, ce ne sera pas 
seulement la doctrine des Kings et le systdme Bouddhique^ 
mais les rois Yao et Kie ^ qui n'existaient point. 

Mais aussi Ton doit savoir discemer ce qu'a ^t^ Yao, ce qu'a 
^te Eie.'' D*apres ces paroles, si Ton ne consid^rait que ce qui 
n'a point exists d'abord, on devrait dire que les deux doctriDea 
se melent et n'en forment qu'une. 

On ne pent done ne point blftmer le langage inoertain, 
libre des gens qui vont jusqu'au dernier terme du systSme de 
la contemplation,^ ni les lettr^s de ce temps qui se tournent 
du c6te du vent.^ Toutefois si tel personnage, qui dit vouloir 
suivre ce qui est la vraie doctrine, ^tablit ses pens^eB dans 
cette direction, il est incapable de bien comprendre. 

On se demandc comment beaucoup de lettr^s se sent a- 
donnas k des doctrines fausses et ^trangeres. C*e8t que tous 
leurs efforts ext^rieurs faits sur eux-m£mes ^taient incapables 
et insuflisants, et ils ne savaient plus dominer leur coeur et le 

Scion le dire des partisans de la doctrine de la contempla- 
tion, il n'y a qu'une seule porte pour arriver si la comprendre. 
Si on en acquiert I'intelligence en un moment, un beau matin,^ 
et qu'on y entre et que rompant avec le present pour I'avenir 
on juge pressant de^ se perfectionner d ces principes, pourquoi 
ne se met-on pas d, les suivre? Ils ne savent pas que la loi, le 
droit unique est au-dedans de soi, qu'on les chercherait vaine- 
nicnt d, Texterieur^ et qu'cn chacun le coeur doit £tre ^taUi 
en sa place et disposition particuliSre. Comme d'autres 
demandaient : " Comment s'est-il fait que tous les lettr^ 
et les mandarins de cette t'poque, avanc^s en &ge, se sent 
luisses entrainer k entrer dans le systSme de la contempla- 
tion P ** II repondit : '' Se confiant en leurs Etudes ordinaires 

> I A' (lornior des Ilia (1818) tyran detrone par le premier Shang, Ymo ot Ki§ Is 
prince niodele et le tyrau. 
' Le bouddhisme. 
3 \Ai Ixiuddliisiiie ctnit en favcur. 

* ('oniniu (^Vikyainouni subitement illumine sous Tarbre. 

* On : pouvoir prompttmeut. 

* La vroie loi eat dans la conscience et non dans T illumination •xfcerieore. 


et la composition de nombreus morceaus litt^raires, ils ont 
compt^ recueillir des avantages et du profit, du renom, de 
la louange. Mais comme tous, malgr^ leurs esperances, n'ont 
pu y atteindre, ils se sent laiss^s d^cevoir par ces doctrines.^ 
Les gens d'aujourd'hui se laissent facilement entrainer par 
des paroles adroites et artificieuses, mais comme ils ne savent 
pas bien comprendre, s'ils ne cherchent pas d, p^n^trer le sens 
profond des livres des Saints, ils seront incapables de les bien 

Pour moi pensant d. loisir, pendant bien des jours, d, ce qui 
a ^t^ dit pour p^n^trer et bien comprendre tout ce qui 
conceme les saints, j'y ai appliqu^ tous mes soins. Les gens 
de nos jours d^pourvus de cette soUicitude sont lents et faibles 
el comprendre et & connaltre ces choses. Dernidrement une 
doctrine de ce genre s'^tant fait jour, on a abandonn^ les 
Kings et Ton s'est mis d, 6tudier I'histoire ; ^ on a abandonn^ 
les regies des rois et Ton a tenu en haute estime les artifices 
des petits princes et chefs locaux.' Cherchant cl scruter a 
fond les bouleversements qui ont ^lev^ et abattu les puissances 
jadis et de nos temps, on ne se pr^occupe point de ce qui 
pent maintenir le coBur ou le pervertir. S*ils lisent seulement 
des livres de ce genre il en sera ainsi ; s'ils n'en lisent pas du 
tout ce sera beaucoup mieux.^ 

Depuis les dernieres ann^es en cherchant k les rapprocher 
du systdme de Bouddha,^ on a trouble et alt^r^ les principes 
vrais de Kong-tze et Meng-tze. Cette secte a mis en premier 
lieu comme commandement principal d'etudier les livres et 
d'approfondir les principes. lis disent que les lettr^s, s'ils 
fixent leur coBur dans le vague et I'obscur^ ne peuvent en 
connaltre les dispositions ; mais que se trouvant un beau 
matin, sans aucun effort, illumines int^rieurement et pleins de 
science en eux seuls, ils atteignent ainsi (rintelligence de la 

1 Leur 6chec dans la carri^re des lettr^s, les a fait toumer yers le Bouddhisme. 
^ Les annales des djnasties depuis les Tcheous. 

^ Les livres d'histoire, les annates posterieurs qui ne relatent que les faits et ne 
pr^chent point les principes, comme le Shuh-King. 

* Ou bien : quHls les lisent ou ne lisent pas, ce sera d'antant plus grave. 
^ £n cherchant de fansses ressemblances. 

* Dans leurs reflexions propres. L'illumination leur vient du dehors. 


doctrine, et le but de leurs efforts). Devenus, ainsi, penaent- 
ils, en possession ^ d'eux-mSmes et bien qu'avec oe maintien 
exterieur et ces maximes ils s'efforcent d'arriver & se corriger 
eux-mSmes et ameliorer les autres hommes^ ils aont bien loin 
encore de la doctrine des saints. 

L'enseigneinent, en ces temps, n'a pas ^t^ suffiaamment 
clair et lucide, de fausses doctrines se sont ^lev^es avec 
methode, ou tout en general appartient & la fantaisie particu- 
liere et aux passions humaines ; elles ne pouvaient manquer 
de prendre le tit re de loi morale, justice, enseignement 
Aussi les lettr^s en g^n^ral, y ont adh^r^. Le proverbe disait 
que si elles ^taient vraies il serait difficile de les arrfiter et que 
si elles ^taient fausses on pourrait ais^ment les d^truire. 
]!i[ais si on pratique avec zSle notre doctrine et la rend par U 
de plus en plus brillante et illustre, leurs maximes funestes 
seront atteintes comme la neige par le soleil et il ne sera plus 
n^cessaire de discuter avec eux par des Etudes profondes. 

L'enseignement de cette fausse doctrine transformela nature 
k sa fantaisie. C'est en verite uue grande calamity Ella 
est cause que Ton ne prend pas garde d la perversion des 
manieres, du maintien, des pensees et des d^irs ; elle &i4 
que pcnser et agir sans r^gle, & son gr^, mal, n'est point 
considere comme une faute grave. G'est une ohoae bien 
mauvaise. Les dissertations des lettres de ce temps a'appro- 
chent de beau coup de ces funestes enseig^ementa. On ne 
peut etre indifferent d, ceci. 

A cette question : " £st-il vrai ou non ce que Ton dit que 
la doctrine do Bouddha s'apprend et se comprend en un 
instant? " II repondit : " D'aprds ce que j'ai ou'i, on dit parmi 
les Bonzes que cette intelligence s'acquiert en un instant 
Mais si Ton y regarde de plus pres (on voit que) ces gens 
sont negligents et d'une vertu mMiocre. II en eat d'eoz 
comme des disciples de Lou-tzeTching; quand on lea f r^uente 
une premiere fois, on les dirait eclaires ; maia enauite lenr 
conduite se montre mauvaise, contraire aux bona principeai 
fourbe, querelleuse ; quand on voit cela, leur pr^tendue il- 

^ Se connni'isant alon. Malgr^ tout cela ils sont bien loin daa Sainti dt 
r^cole des Lettres. 


lumination int^rieure, acquise subitement, se montre comme 
une science bien mediocre. Aprds avoir ^t^ comme y raiment 
purs, ^clair^s, heureux, aprds quelque temps, ils d^choient 
peu d, pen, ils finissent par 6tre sans vertu. Pourrait-on 
avoir confiance en ces doctrines ? " 

La r^ponse a Kiang Te-Koug portait : "Les lettr^s de nos 
jours pervertis par la doctrine de Bouddha, traitent les 
maximcs des saints et des sages comme peu profondes, parce- 
qu'ils sont insatiables en leur esprit. Ne pouvant abattre ni 
detruire la loi du ciel et les coutumes des peuples, ils ne 
peuvent non plus se r^soudre, aprds avoir reni^ nos doctrines, 
cl y adherer de nouveau. Ces deux sentiments se disputent 
dans leurs coeurs et ne sachant point comment obtenir la paix 
(et el quoi se resoudre) ils ont adopts des maximes rapproch^es, 
semblables {k celles des saints). Y adh^rant alors et parlant 
en consequence, ils reprirent les maximes contenues dans 
notre doctrine, les firent leurs, les r^p^terent comme d eux 
propres, les prenant pour regies de conduite, ils les firent 
entrer dans leur coeur. En tout ce qui, par hasard et sans 
efforts, s'y trouvait conforme, ils firent des deux un syst^me 
de morale arbitraire. Pr^tendant se conformer k la pens^e 
des saints et sachant bien qu'il n'en ^tait pas ainsi, ils ne 
tinrent point compte de ce fait. Leurs intentions me sont 
bien connues comme eux-mSmes. 

S'^levant au-dessus des saints et des sages, ils se per- 
mettent en tout et partout de les bUmer, critiquer, et de leur 
faire des remon trances. Puis de nouveau les exaltant, les 
6tudiant pour les approfondir, ils ont d^velopp^ encore 
davantage leurs idees propres, leurs regies quant d, la mani^re 
d'agir, de se tenir. Je rends service au Saints et aux Sages,^ 
disent-ils, ne dois je pas le faire ? et ils ignorent que ce qu'ils 
pretendent ^tre ilevi et profond est bas et insens^. Aussi 
il y a chez les lettr^s de nos jours une manque total d'intelli- 
gence de ce qu'il y a de profond et de subtil dans Tesprit et 
le cceur. Et ils ne savent pas seulement distinguer ce qui est 
semblable et different." 

^ En faisant accorder leurs doctrines ayec celles de Bouddha. 


La r^ponse envoyc^e par le mattre si Liao-tze Hoei portait : 
" Selon ce qui m*a 6t6 ecrit, dans tous les actes joumaliere il 
y a quelque chose qui a une nature diff(£rente.^ L'&slat, la 
lumiere, s'agite, brille, va 9a et Id et revient, est-il dit. C'est 
la la vruie nature de ce qui est sans principe, le systdme du 
vide qui ne p^rit point. Aussit6t que les lettr^s I'ont compris 
et le savant et que se I'^tant bien mis dans Tesprit^ ils se 
ferment les idees en consequence, les sorutent et les main- 
tiennent et se representent ces choses oomme si elles ^taient 
sous Icurs yeux, alors ils ont le vrai souci de la connaissance 
du premier principe. Si I'on enseigne et agit conform^ment 
el ce principe, en le prenant dans ses details, on verra que 
tout ce qui est en dessous, tout ce qui est peu ^ley^ et 
raisonnable lui est enti^rement Stranger/' 

II est dit au commencement de Yen-tze,' " Quand on regarde 
en I'air, on voit haut ; quand on clone on attache solidement, 
on affermit ; quand on regarde on voit ce qui est devant soi, 
mais aussitot (on pent voir ce qui est) par derridre. Ce 
qu'on n a point encore vu, on ne peut le savoir exactement." 
Cettc pcnsee est tres- juste. Cela ^tant, les Saints en fondant 
leur doctrine commen9aient avant tout par mettre la logique 
dans Icurs paroles et in sister fortement sur leurs principes ; 
ils ont expos^ ces choses avec beaucoup de justesse, puis in- 
struisant les hommes, les formant avec soin, les amenant i 
voir la veritt^, les conduisant par leur z^le et leur Constance 
aux principes essentiels et ^vidents, ils ont ainsi, d'une maniire 
claire et distincte forme le plan, les bases de la doctrine. 
Tous no disent point cela mais seulement : en enseignant les 
hommes, penetrez la nature des choses, perfectionnez votre 
science, vainquoz vous vous-m^me, observez les rites. Ifais 
s'oecuper des details infinis des branches et des feuilles,' c*est 
trompor les hommes, depenser inutilement ses jours et ainsi 
epuiser ses ressources. 

Les paroles du Lun-Yu et de Meng-tze sont simples, faciles 

* Un principe fondnmontnl difforont de Vacte lai-m^me. . 
' I^'ttru du > I. biccle T.C. eurivit sur le8 regies dumtiitiqaee avec tendmnoen 

^ Uts details, des cunsequences. 


et claires, vraies ; elles n*ont rien de myst^rieux ni de cach^. 
Tze-sze et Tcheou-tze ont public pour le bien de rhumanit^ 
les Hvres du Tchong Yong et du Tai-Kih ; et ont expHqu^ lea 
principes les plus ^lev^s de la substance de la vraie doctrine. 

En parlant du zele et de Inattention 4 les pratiquer ils disent 
de ne choisir que le bien et de le garder avec perseverance. 
Yous instruisant ou apprenant, refl^chissant, ^tudiant, faites- 
le avec une constante application. II est dit seulement : 
"Disposez tout selon le juste milieu, Tint^grite ferme, la bien- 
yeillance, la justice et mettez au-dessus de tout la vraie paix ,* 
que les sages r^glent toutes choses et cela suffit"; et non: 
qu'en employant les hommes dans les fonctions joumalieres et 
sachant par I'^tude que la nature provenant du d^cret du ciel 
est le produit r^el du principe sans principe, on ne doive 
veiller el la maintenir intacte. Si Ton examine bien la nature 
primitive de cette justice, bien qu'elle soit extremement 
merveilleuse et profond^ment cachee, on peut voir que sa 
r^alite s'accomplit dans le droit et la justice qui doit diriger 
constamment les actes au sein du cceur huraain. Si Ton en 
scrute les fondements, on saura qu'elle provient du coeur de 
Thomme et comme elle ne peut exercer son action par la 
seule force de Thomme, on dit qu'elle est decr^tee par le ciel. 
Bien qu'il y ait dix mille actions, d'innombrables transforma- 
tions, toutes en proviennent. Comme elle n'a ni forme ni 
apparence extirieure qu'on puisse montrer et remarquer 
r^ellement, on la dit sans principe. En ce qui concerne ce 
que I'on doit pratiquer avec zele, c est de choisir le bien, d'y 
tenir avec fermet^, c est le milieu, Thumanite, la justice, ce 
sent les seules choses dont on doive se pr^occuper. 

II n'y a aucun motif de veiller d pratiquer des choses d'une 
autre nature, hormis d'^tudier la vraie doctrine et de satisfaire 
aux justes exigences de toutes choses. Cela ^tant, on doit 
scruter son coeur trouble et, dans les actes journaliers, on doit 
le recueillir, le corriger, le mettre en ordre et ne point laisser sa 
pensee et sa volont^ se r^pandre au dehors. II y a en efEet 
dans tout cela des regies et un droit que I'on doit justement 
suivre. Tout y ^tant en ordre, clair, Evident et pur, on doit 
s'efforcer de se modeler Id-dessus. Car on ne doit point 


accueillir ces principes, les cacher dans Bon coenr et puis 
partager ce coDur qui doit rester un et le laisser sortir de 
lui-raerae, s'accomodant aux circonstances et tenant compte 
des choses exterieures (de cette maniSre reprehensible). 

II est encore dit dans la lettre envoy^e : En toutes choses, 
en toute affaire il y a v^rit^ et r^gle morale. La nature de 
rhuraanite, la justice, la convenance, la sagesse est la rdgle 
du regard, de rouie, du parler et des actions. Tout cela est 
issu du decret du ciel. Done quand des gens tels que Yen- 
tze, Tchcng-tze ont connu la substance totale des choses, ils 
n'y ont rien (vu) qui ne fftt bon. Bien que ces paroles ne 
soient point defectueuses, si Ton en ^tudie le sens, si Ton 
penetrc les manifestations de la pens^, on yoit qu'en ne 
faisant de tout le contenu du decret celeste qu*une masse 
confuse d'une seule et meme chose, on fait ainsi de la 
justice, des convenances et de la sagesse, tout com me de la 
regie de Touie, de la vue, du parler et des actes, une obese vile 
et dignc de petites gens. Cela ne differe nullement de ce 
qui a ete note precedemment. En outre dans ce qu'on dit 
ainsi de Tcnseigncment il n'y a rien qui soit conforme & la 
vraie nature, au principe regulateur des choses et des actions. 

On a ainsi borne tous ses soins & savoir tout cela en globe, 
c*cst rancicn mal dans toute sa force. Si lorsqu'on a appris 
de la sorto, on pretend, qu'il n'y a rien en cela qui ne soit 
bien ; com me on ne sait pas encore bien ces choses et que 
Ton attend pas qu'on les ait comprises et p^netr^s, en les 
etudiant a fond, une a une et epuisant les recherches, on se 
representc et detiTuiine tout d'apres ses propres pensees et 
son intelligence subjective. Les paroles de Tcheng-tze re- 
primandant ceux qui se tienncnt devant les stoupas et 
pa rien t du service de la roue de la loi/ ne different nullement 
de ceci. Consequemment ce qui dans les efforts de I'etude 
penetre le haut et le bas est chose cachee, profonde, neces- 
saire, urgente. Certainement bien que la loi du d^ret celeste, 
de la nature, soit cachee, si Von vient d. considerer ses vrais 
principes qui developpcnt la science et resument les rites, on 

^ Les bouddiiLites " Tourner la roue do la loi,*' est " la prMusr." 


les trouvera clairs et ^vidents. Mais comme ils sont sans 
forme ni figure on ne pent chercher & les saisir en t&tonnant 
d I'aventure et portant la main qd, et Id, comme si on voulait 
saisir le vent ou Her Tombre. Les actes de ['intelligence 
sont encore plus caches, mais plus ^loign^ (obscur) est ce 
qui s'^carte de la loi morale. 

La r^ponse k Tchen Wei-tao portait : ** Si Ton compare ce 
que Ton sait du syst^me du Bouddha cl la doctrine de nos 
livres, on ne pent pas dire que ceux-ci ne sont pas aussi 
connus ; mais ce n'est qu'une ombre qu'on voit du dehors et 
Ton ne peut connaitre tout ce qu'il y a a I'int^rieur de vrai et 
r6el, de r^gl^ et de juste. Aussi, bien que ce que Von 
connait, soit tout cl fait ^lev^, clair, mesur^, profond, quand 
on doit le mettre en pratique» se mettre cl faire quelque 
chose, il n'en est plus de m^me. Quand on est lettr^ on sait 
que Ton ne doit pas s'^carter de ces dispositions du coeur, de 
ces principes de justice. Si dans les choses, dans les 
minces details, il n'y a ni erreur, ni resistance aux principes, 
alors c'est bien. Si dans la conduite, on comraet des f antes 
et des erreurs, c'est que la science (que Ton croit avoir 
acquise) est elle-meme erronn^e. On ne doit pas faire deux 
categories de la conuaissance et des actes, en les s^parant 
violemment, comme dans le systeme de Bouddha.^ 

Jadis Yang Kui-Shen citait de Pang Kui-Shi les paroles 
Buivantes : ** La conduite, Tintelligence perspicace, excel- 
lente, fait aller chercher l*eau et apporter le bois."* Tout en 
manifestant, rendant ^vidents les principes de conduite grave 
et sage de Meng-tze servant ses parents, cette doctrine con- 
tenait, selon moi, une grave erreur. D'apr^s la doctrine du 
Bouddha c'est seulement de savoir transporter du bois et 
puiser de I'eau qui constitue la conduite sage, intelligente, 
admirable. Expliquant ces actes dont il a ^t^ fait mention, 
et si dignes de recommandation, elle dit qu'elle n'y a point 
en cette doctrine de sujet de discussion, ni rien cl distinguer.^ 
Pour les lettr^s quand on reste en arriere de ses parents, la 

^ Le Bouddhisme present la meditation et condamne Facte, le Karma, 
^ Allusion a la conduite de Meng-tze qui faisait cela pour ses parents. 
3 II sutfit de faire cela tellement quellement et c*est tout. Les lettres exigent 
quelque chose de plus. 

TOL. XX. — [new 8B&IB8.] 19 


conduite grave et modeste est excellente, mais si I'on agit 
avec empressement et se met au-dessus de ses parents alors 
cela n'est pas conforme & la vraie doctrine.^ C'est pourquoi si 
Ton se met a ^tudier la nature des choses, d perfectionner sa 
science et cl d'autres actes semblables et que dans les actes 
journaliers, scrutaut, distinguant avec soin, on sache par- 
faiteraent agir de mani^re & manifester dans ses actes la loi 
du ciel, par cette conduite ou yerra certainement le vrai et le 
faux, le noir et le blanc ; ils se distiugueront chacun daire- 
ment, on yerra profond^ment en son int^rieur que la y^rit^ 
suit cette loi et que Terreur la yiole; il n'y aura plus le 
moindre sujet de doute ou d'obscurit^. Alors sachant aussi. 
tot toute chose et capable de rendre sa science parfaite on 
pourra ^galement assurer la y^rit^ si son intelligence, la 
rectitude cl son coBur et Ton sera en ^tat de gouverner le 
monde, I'empire et les families. Ce ne sent pas, en effet, 
deux choses di£f(£rentes. 

Tous les saints et sages du temps pass£ parlant de la 
nature-d^cret du ciel, Tout tous reconnue conform^ment k la 
verity ; cons^quemment parler de perfectionner la nature c'est 
(dire d') accomplir les lois des trois relations et des cinq vertus 
des princes et sujets, des parents et enfants sans y manquer 
en rien. S'il s'agit de soutenir et d^yelopper la nature, c'est 
fuire fleurir la loi morale et ne lui nuire en rien. Le droit 
est chose inapparente, les choses sent au contraire tris- 
yisibles ; si on les appr^cie ^galement bien, rien n'y man- 
quera, et les paroles seront exemptes d'erreur. II est encore 
dit : les erreurs du Bouddhisme, quand on se les rappelle sont 
telles ; elles sont innombrables et bien grandes. Si on 
les ^crit on ne pent en ^puiser le nombre, si on les ^numire 
on ne pent les citer toutes. Si I'on continue longtemps k se 
les mettre bien dans I'esprit et qu'on s'y mfirisse, alors, de 
quelque cot^ qu'on yeuille se tourner pour les fuir, on«ne 
parvient point k les ^viter.* 

' II ne saffit pas de serrir ses parents il faut le faire avec gravity et reipeet, ct 
c'est ce que Pang Kui-Shi ne distinguait pas. 

^ Les doctrines de Bouddha sont sdduisantes par leur profondeur et beftut^ 
apparontes et trumptiuses ; quand on s'y livre, elle se rendent Tmitrniw de 

r intelligence. 


Voici cependant ce que j'ai fait jadis. Ayant compris 
que le vrai essentiel n'^tait point en lui, je I'ai subitement et 
completement abandonn^ ; seul, je me suis appliqu6 k I'^tude 
des livres, des regies et de la morale et j'ai lu tout comme si 
je commen9ais d aller d T^cole des enfants. J'appris ainsi 
cl connaitre petit- cl-pe tit le sens et les prineipes d'une ou 
deux sections et j'en ai reconnu les erreurs. Ayant d, la 
longue approfondi cette doctrine je reconnus parfaitement que 
la v6rit6 n'y ^tait ni pen ni point, je n'eus pas besoin 
d'efforts pour m'en Eloigner ; par soi-mSme cela ne pouvait 
m'entrer dans I'esprit. Mais si prenant ce qu'elle a de 
mieux on cherche k le rapprocher de la v^rit^,^ on ne saura 
plus I'abandonner, parcequ'on ne la connaitra qu'impar- 

^ N^gligeant tout ce qu'elle a de faux et d*irrationnel, on T^pure et ainsi la 
comprend mal. Alors elle seduit. 



1. Architecture in India. 

Catnj), Rohe-Ashtami, Kolaba DUtrict^ 

Bombay Presidency^ 18 JR?6., 1888. 

Sir, — I have read with great interest Mr. Simpson's 
suggestions as to the origin of certain forms in Indian 
Architecture (Journal, Vol. XX. Part I. pp. 49 et teq,), 
and hope that the following rough notes may be of some use 
in confirming his valuable conjectures. 

The origin of the Chaitya form of roof may now be con- 
sidered, I think, as proven by his deductions from the works 
of Col. Marshall and Mr. Breeks ; and reduce Mr. Fergus- 
son's remarks about the probable result of exploration by "a 
man with an eye in his head " to a prophecy. 

It is worth noting that somewhat similar wooden forms 
appear to have been similarly adapted to rock-cut architecture 
in ancient Lycia ; but there we have not, as in the Nilgiris, 
got the almost primitive hut still extant in striking resem- 
blance to the rock-hewn monument. 

As regards the connection of Ilindu temples with tombs, 
it still exists over a great part of Western India. Through- 
out the Deccan and Eonkan, when an ascetic of unusual 
sanctity is buried, instead of being burnt (as is common), a 
small monument is apt to be raised over his grave, and this 
will generally take the form of a model temple shrine, con- 
taining, if he was a Saiva, a lingam in a " shalunkha,** or in 


some cases the "padam" (two feet in low relief), more rarely 
other sacred emblems or even images. 

The erection of such monuments over the site of a crema- 
tion is more rare, and is, I have been told, not strictly 
orthodox ; but I have known several cases. One of the most 
famous is the so-called " tomb " of Raja Sivaji, on the hill- 
fortress of Raigarh in this district, which was surveyed and 
repaired under my own direction two years ago, by order 
and at the expense of Government. 

I know another said to commemorate the cremation of one 
of the Angira sea-kings, and to have been erected by himself 
before his death, just as a Musalm&n chief erects his own 
tomb. As often happens, the work remained unfinished by 
his successors, but he is said to have been burnt close to the 
spot, which is sacred ; forming part of the " curtilage " of a 
group of temples. I should have said that Raja Sivaji's 
cenotaph is close to a temple erected by himself. Another 
similar cenotaph marks the place where a Brahmin lady 
became "sati" in 1818, near Brahman W&de in Ahmad- 
nagar ; and at Chinch wad, in Poona, the founder of a still 
existing line of Avatars of Ganpati is said to have been 
interred aiive inside the principal temple. This is a large 
building ; and, indeed, wherever the survivors were wealthy 
and pious, such buildings are usually not distinguishable at 
a glance from ordinary temples of the smaller temples of any 
important group, and they go in conversation by the same 
name "dewal." 

The above are modem instances, but throughout the same 
region we find old monolithic sepulchral monuments of small 
size, generally from 2ft. Gin. to 4ft. high. Their purpose is 
often indicated by their position in unmistakeable cemeteries 
still in use, or where abandoned, still crowded with unmis- 
takeable grave mounds, and recorded to be ancient cemeteries. 
In many cases these have only been abandoned under pressure 
of authority, which in that country has of late years set 
its face against intramural burial, and appointed new ceme- 
teries and burying-grounds at some distance from the dwell- 
ings of men, for sanitary reasons. 


Further, their sculptures commonly represent the death 
of the deceased, his judgment before Yama, and his final 
appearance in heaven, where he worships the lingam or 
otherwise, according to his creed on earth. 

Such sculptures are almost always enclosed in a sort of 
frame, representing a section of a temple, just as in Europe. 
A mural tablet or relief would perhaps be framed in a 
" pediment " borrowed from classic religious art. And very 
commonly the whole stone is itself a model of a temple, 
usually of Dravidian form. I have, I think, said enough to 
show the close connection between temples and the tombs 
and cenotaphs which often cluster around them in this region, 
both ancient and modem, and have only to add that it seems 
to be closest and commonest in Saiva remains. The whole 
of the facts correspond with Mr. Simpson's observations and 
quotations on pp. 56, 57 of his article. I am not prepared, 
however, to draw any positive deduction as to whether the 
tomb sprang from the temple or the temple from the tomb ; 
though, looking at the almost universal ancestor- worship in 
one form or another, the latter appears the more likely 

Again, taking Mr. Simpson's remarks about the cars or 
raths of the gods, I am able to say that several exist (or 
lately did) in Western India, which are by no means tem- 
porary structures, nor dismantled after each procefision, 
though for it they may be " dressed " (like a ship in gala 
trim) with additional ornaments. And these are usually 
wooden representations of Sikra-spires. Mr. Ferg;uB8on 
mentions and figures one at Yijayanagar (Ind. and East 
Architecture, p. 375), which is monolithic and fixed, but has 
moveable wheels. Very likely the turning of these was part 
of the performance on feast days. 

In Ehandesh and parts of Central India, when I served 
there a good many years ago, there were private bullock 
carnages, covered, not indeed with bamboo, but with a high 
roof of wooden lattice applied just as bamboo would be, and 
very probably derived from a bamboo original. This was 
supported on four corner posts, and if this structure had beea 


used in a god's car, or in a fixed shrine, it could easily be 
imagined to develope into a sort of sikra. 

The "amalaka," however, appears to have a somewhat 
diflferent origin. As Mr. Fergusson justly observes, the 
fruit of Phyllanthua emhlica is too insignificant a berry to be 
looked to as the origin of an important architectural form. 
Moreover, when fresh, it has not the least resemblance to 
the "amalaka'' of a temple, and though it is a little more 
like one in shape when dried, the comparison is still a 
strained one. 

But there seems to be a pretty clear indication in the 
position of the amalaka, which supports the Kalas. Now the 
kalas is professedly a pot, and to this day common earthen 
pots are used as finials of rude structures, such as scarecrows, 
or even of more solid erections, very often, for instance, on 
gate-posts. And the round-bottomed Indian pot, on a 
human head, or in any other position, is generally supported 
upon an annular cushion or wreath made of rags, grass, or 
any coarse fibre, "stoppered," as a sailor would say, with 
twine. The "stoppering" of course produces corrugations 
in the softer fibre of the wreath, and the whole of this ' rest ' 
for the water-pot is, in the district where I write, called 
" chumbal." ^ 

Now if any one will build up a something to represent a 
sikhara, and try to cap it with a " kalas " or round-bottomed 
pot, he will find that he must either invert the pot or set it 
upon something that will act as a " chumbal," or it won't be 
secure. But using a * grummet * or coil of rope, he will find 
the kalas sit steady, and harmonize artistically with his 
chumbal. And if, as Mr. Simpson shows good ground for 
supposing, a part of the spire was devoted to the custody of 
relics, they must be put in some suitable receptacle, and the 
first receptacle that a Hindu thinks of for any small article, 
fluid or solid, is a round-bottomed pot — the very kalas that 
we have been talking of. 

I admit the full possibility of the amalaka being an 

' Pali cumba^. — Ed. 


umbrella; but, looking at tbe fact that people do not pat water- 
pots over umbrellas in any known country, while thej do 
put them over '' chumbals " throughout India (and in other 
countries wherever the pots are round- bottomed) » I think 
that the explanation suggested above has more chance d 
being the right one. 

In a matter so unsusceptible of proof, however, I caoDot 
put it forward as more than a likely suggestion* 

W. F. Sinclair, Bomb.G^. 

Tht Secretary of the Eoyal Aiiatic Soeiety. 



(December, January, Febmary.) 

I. Kepobts op Meetings op the Kotax Asiatic Society, Session 


23rd January, 1888. — Sir Thomas Wade, K.C.B., in the Chair. 

There were elected as Resident Members : H. P. Boswell, P. de 
Lacy Johnstone, and E. J. Kapson ; and as Non-Resident Members : 
T. W. Arnold, S. C. MukerjT, and Syed Ali Belgrami. 

Professor Sir Monies Moniee -Williams, K.C.I.E., said : On 
looking closely into the letters I have received from Jain Pandits 
now in India, I find them so deficient in clearness, and so full of 
inaccuracies, that I have decided, with your permission, to lay them 
— as they are — before the Society, and to make a few remarks of 
my own on the Jains, founded on the contents of the letters and on 
my own inquiries in India, as well as on the researches of other 
European scholars. 

Most scholars in the present day are of opinion that the Jain 
Teacher Yardhamana Mahavira Nataputta and Gautama Buddha 
were contemporaries, and that Jainas were an independent sceptical 
sect, probably a little antecedent to the Bauddhas. At any rate it 
seems certain that Niganthas or Digambara Jains, that is, a sect 
of naked ascetics, existed before the Buddha's time, and that the 
Tripitaka (besides the inscriptions) alludes to them. 

It is well known, too, to Oriental scholars that Gautama Buddha, 
in the fifth century b.c, came to the conclusion that bodily austeri- 
ties were useless as a means of obtaining liberation. His main idea 
seems to have been that liberation from the painful cycle of con- 
tinued rebirths, that is, from Samsara, was to be obtained by 
means of (Bodhi) Knowledge, evolved out of the inner consciousness 


through meditation (dhyana) and intuition; whereas, in contra- 
distinction to tills Buddhist idea, the main idea of the Jains teacher 
MahaTira seems to have been that liberation was to be obtained 
through subjugation of the passions and throngh mortification of 
the body. Tho term Jina, ' conqueror,' is used in both syatemiiy 
but Gautama Buddha was a Jina or conqueror through meditation, 
whereas Yardhamana Mahavlra was a Jina through Tapaa or bodily 

In fact, the Jainas, like many other ascetics, were impressed with 
the idea thut it was necessary to maintain a defensive warfare 
against the assault of evil passions, by keeping under the body and 
subduing it. They had a notion that a sense of shame implied sin, 
so that if there were no sin in the world there would be no shame. 
Hence they argued rather illogicully that to get rid of clothes was 
to get rid of sin ; and every ascetic who aimed at sinlessness was 
enjoined to walk about with the air or sky (Big) as his sole 

In the Kalpa-sutra of the Jains we read that Mahavlra himself 
began his career by wearing clothes for one year and one month, 
and after that he walked about naked. Now Gautama Buddha was 
an opponent of Jain asceticism, and it seems to me probable that 
one of the chief points on which he laid stress was that of decent 
clothing. In the Dhammapada (141) occurs the sentiment that 
'* Nakedness cannot purify a mortal who has not overcome desires." 
And again, in the Sekhiya Dhamma we have * properly clad* 'must 
a monk itinerate.' 

It is reconled in the Yinaya (Mahavagga) that TJpaka, a man of 
the Ajlvaka sect of naked ascetics, founded by Gosala, said to have 
been a pupil of ^raliavira, met the Buddha just after his enlighten- 
ment, and noticing his bright countenance, asked him who had 
been his teacher ? He replied, '* Having gained all knowledge. I 
am myself the highest teacher." Thereupon the naked ascetic 
shook his head and went another road. Clearly these naked 
Nigantlias, disciples of the Jaina Teacher Mahavlra, were nofriendi 
of the JUiddha. It seems to me even possible that Gautama's gxeat 
rival, Devadatta, may have belonged to a Digambara sect who 
opposed the Buddha on questions of stricter asceticism, especially 
in the matter of clothing, for in ancient sculptures Devadatta is 
generally represented naked or nearly so, and is generally in close 
proximity to his cousin Gautama Buddha, who is always clothed in 
marked contrast to the other. Evidently the question of dress 


a crucial one, and in process of time a party seems to have arisen, 
even among the Digambara Jains, opposed to strict asceticism in 
this particular. 

This party ultimately formed themselves into a separate sect, 
calling themselves Svetambaras, that is, * clothed in white garments.' 
It is well known that in eariy Buddhism two similar parties arose, 
the strict and the lax. But the two Buddhist parties were 
ultimately reunited. The second council is supposed to have 
settled the controversy. But this point I leave to our Secretary. 
Dr. Jacobi has shown that the separation of the two Jain sects 
must have taken place (according to the traditions of both parties) 
some time or other before the first century of our era. 

It appears probable that the strict Digambaras preceded the more 
lax Svetambaras, though each sect claims to be the oldest. The 
two Jain sects have remained separate to the present day, and do 
not intermarry or I believe eat together, though in all essential 
points of doctrine and discipline they agree. 

When I was last in India, in 1884, I ascended the two hills, 
Parasnath and Aboo (both of them most sacred places in the 
estimation of the Jains, and covered with their temples). I also 
visited Delhi, Jaypur, Ajmir, and some other chief Jain stations in 
India. Jaypur is the stronghold of the Digambara Jains, and when 
I was staying there two intelligent Digambara Pandits, named 
Phate Lai and Gyoji Lai, visited me. We conversed for a long 
time in Sanskrit, and I asked them many questions about their 
religion, and the points in which they differed from the Svetambara 

Three chief differences were stated to be : First, the Svetambaras 
object to entirely nude images of any of the twenty -four Jinas or 
Tirtbankaras accepted by both sects. Hence all Svetambara statues 
ought to have some appearance of a line round the middle of the 
body, representing a narrow strip of cloth. 

Secondly, the Svetambaras admit women into their order of 
ascetics just as Buddhists have their Bhikkhunis or nuns. The 
Digambaras, for obvious reasons, do not admit women. 

Thirdly, the Svetambaras have distinct sacred books of their 
own, which they call Angas, * limbs of the Law,' eleven in number, 
besides many others, making 45 Agamas, 11 Angas, 12 Upangas, 
10 Painnas, 4 Mulas, 6 Chedas, 1 Anuyogadvara, and 1 Nandi. 
Dr. Biihler places the composition of the Angas in the third 
century b.c. Jacobi places them at the end of the fourth or be- 


ginning of the third century. They are written in Jain Prakrit, 
a later form of Pali, with Sanskrit commentaries. The Digam- 
baras, on the other hand, substitute for the Angas later works, 
also written in more modem Prakrit (probably in the fifth or sixth 
century after Christ), and maintain that the Svetambora Canon is 
spurious. Both sects have many valuable Sanskrit works in their 
sacred literature. 

I now add a few characteristics of both sects of Jains as dis- 
tinguifihing them from Buddhists. 

I pass over the fact that the Jains of the present day keep np 
Caste. The two Jain Pandits who came to me at Jaypor were 
Brahmans, and wore the Brahminical thread. This is of little 
importance, however, because I believe this to be a mere modeni 

More important are the following points: The Jain saints, or 
prophets, are called by a peculiar name Tirthahkara, ' fordmakers,' 
i.e, making a ford across the troubled river of constant births or 
transmigrations (Samsara) to the Elysium of Nirvana; whereas the 
name Tirthankara with the Buddhists means a ' heretical teacher.' 
Then there are twenty-four Jaina Tli-thankaras, whereas there are 
twenty -five Buddhas. 

Next the Jains have no Stupes or Dagobas for preserving tha 
relics of their saints. 

Still more important is the point that the Jains believe in 
separate individual souls (Jlva), whereas the Buddhists deny tha 
existence of souls. Souls, according to the Jains, may exist in 
stocks, stones, lumps of earth, drops of water, particles of fire. 
Hence metempsychosis with the Jains extends to inorganic matter, 
whereas with the Buddhists it stops at animals. 

With regartl to the moral code two or three points may be 
noticed. The Jaina ihree jewels are Kight-belief, Right-knowledge, 
and Itight-conduct, whereas the Buddhist Tri-ratna consists in tha 
well-known Triad, Buddha, the Law, and the Monkhood. Then 
as to the five chief Moral Prohibitions, the fifth with Jains is, 
Have no worldly attachments, whereas with Buddhists it is, Drink 
no strong drink. The Jains, too, lay even more stress on the fint 
prohibition. Kill no living creature, than the Buddhists do. 

Another interesting difference is that Jainism makes Dhanna and 
Adharroa, good and evil, or rather merit and demerit, two out of 
its six real substances — its fundamental and eternal principles^ 
(Astikaya), the other four being matter (pudgala), soul (jlTs), 


space and time. Lastly, the prayer formula of the Jains differs 
from the well-known * three-refuge ' formula of the Buddhists (* I 
go for refuge to the Buddha, the Law, and the order of Monks *) 
thus : Reverence to the Arhats, to the Siddhas, to the Acaryas, to 
the TJpadhyayas, to all the Sadhus (name Arihantanam, name 
Siddhanam name Ayjunyanam name TJvajjhayanam, Namo we 
sabha-sahunam). Minor differences, such as the Jain rule that the 
hair should be painfully torn off, instead of cut off, scarcely deserve 
mention on the present occasion. I will merely now lay the letters 
before the Secretary, 

Mr. Rang Lal said : Though I am a Jain by birth and training, 
yet I have not had the advantage of much education in that ancient 
religion, being too much occupied with my College studies. I do 
not presume, therefore, to place before you more than an outline of 
their social customs, and of the general forms of worship observed 
by that sect. 

The Jains are very conservative and very tenacious in all that 
concerns their primitive practice and notions. Most of them are 
opposed to their religious books being translated or even printed. 
They keep what they consider a mine of precious stones to them- 
selves, so that no one else may be able to share it. Often have I 
seen, when I went to the temples, the scribes sitting in a comer, 
copying from the same manuscript day after day, month after 
month ; this is their settled occupation. I dare say you know how 
tedious this work of copying is. You can see then that even Jains, 
who do not know Sanskrit, have but a poor chance of getting muc 
reliable information about their faith, except by second-hand 
through other people. This will partly explain what makes this 
ancient religion so mysterious and little known. It is supposed to 
be a disgrace to a Jain to sell a religious book to any one but a 
Jain, hence these books are so very difficult to get by any outside 
the religious circle. So, the disputed and critical point of the 
religion I will leave alone, and confine myself to general religious 
customs and the forms of worship. 

I commence by giving you some idea of the number who profess 
this religion. By the latest computation they are 1,222,000, com- 
prising 640,000 males and 582,000 females. I believe this number 
is pretty accurate. My idea of the Jain population is based on a 
large gathering we had at Dehli, I think in 1882. It was on the 
occasion of a new temple being consecrated. Invitations were sent 
far and wide, and hence we had a concourse of between seventy or 


eighty thousand, besides two or three thousand belonging to Dehli 
itself. An open space of ground outside the city walls was chosen 
for that purpose. Many came in bullock carriages, with their tents 
and every domestic article for use during the stay of some days. 
Perhaps you know that natives of India have no hotels where they 
can get food cooked strictly according to religion ; and even if we 
had any hotels, it would have been impossible to put up such a 
large number. It was like a great market day, but on a much 
larger scale, and lasted about ten days. Roads were made, and 
places allotted to every town represented, and finger-posts put up 
to that efPect, so that one could easily find the place wanted. It 
seemed as though a new suburb had sprung up; there were 
thousands and thousands of private tents, shops, and places of 
amusement, such as always accompany anynative gathering whether 
religious or not. All these centered round a large tent used tem- 
porarily as a kind of church or temple, with a huge pavilion in the 
front where religious books were read and expounded for the 
benefit of the assembled public. The first ceremony was that of 
conveying round the town the image of the Tirthankara in a golden 
churiot, preceded by a procession which comprised a large number 
of banners inscribed with religious mottoes, the most important 
being '* Aht'nsd paramo dharmOf*'=z* To preserve a living creature is 
the first principle of this faith.' All the male community of the 
Jains followed barefooted. Our idea of doing honour is by going 
barefooted, as in Europe by going bareheaded. We cannot go into 
the temples with shoes on, nor even with socks on; and further, 
we have to wash our feet before entering the most sacred part of the 
temples. On that cold morning the procession having started at 
7 '30, we all had to walk barefooted on the stony pavements, but 
religious faith gives such a zeal that one does not feel any suffering 
or inconvenience. 

It is a well-known fact that the Jains are friendly and always 
render help to each other. I may confidently say that no poor Jain 
will be found asking for help from any one outside the caste circle. 
In fact many compare us with Freemasons, meaning that we have 
such a close social union, and are in so much sympathy with each 
other, that every one does his utmost with his money and influence 
to help all in need and to maintain the honour and credit of the 
whole community. I may add that in Dehli we are not called 
Juiiis as a rule, but Saraugis, I think this word is a corruption of 
the Sanskrit word ' Shrdvaka.^ 


jOne of our great dogmas, which is tiught to every child as soon 
^g *e can speak— it is taught in Sanskrit without translation,— is 
callV *'^««^«'' Manter,'' and I found it translated in Professor 
JacoRf ^ ' •^ain Sutras ' (of the Sacred Books of the East series). 
It is a^^lows : *• Obeisance to the Arhants. Obeisance to the 
Liberated oi}^8<^. Obeisance to the Religious Teachers. Obeisance 
to the Religious Guides. """Oheieance to all the Saints of the world. 
This five-fold obeisance, destroying all sins, is of all benedictionB 
the principal benediction.** 

We have Pandits in the literal meaning, viz. learned men in 
religion and masters of the sacred language, and they are our 
priests. Ours are not like Brahmans, who are called Pandits 
because they are bom of Brahman parents, though they may not 
know a single word of Sanskrit. We do not employ Brahmans as 
our priests in worship, they are simply a class of servants, who 
prepare the offerings, dust the temples, and do things of that sort. 

Every Jain is entitled to share in the religious worship. We 
have two kinds of worship in the temples, one may be called a 
regular and precise ritual, and the other an ordinary service. In 
the former two persons are generally employed, one presents the 
offerings, while the other reads the necessary prayers. The former 
must bathe in the temple, after which he wraps himself in a linen 
sheet only, applies a mark with powdered saffron to his forehead, 
and remains standing during the worship. He must be barefooted 
of course. This worship takes up about two hours on ordinary 
days, and longer on special days, which are generally the 6th, the 
8th, and the 14th of every fortnight. Perhaps you know that in 
India every lunar month is divided into two fortnights, one called 
the light and the other the dark, depending on the course and the 
motion of the moon. Besides these days, Bhadon, the whole third 
month of the rainy season, is supposed to be sacred, and the last 
fortnight especially so. 

The offerings generally consist of (1) uncooked rice, (2) cocoannt 
cut in small pieces, (3) cloves, (4) almonds, (5) saffron, (6) sweet- 
meats, and (7) flowers. All these things are well washed before 
they are offered. All men have no time to perform this kind of 
worship daily, so every one says his prayers at his house after 
bathing — it is essential for every Jain to bathe every day ; then he 
goes to the temples, and says his prayers, which does not occupy 
more than ten minutes, but he must do this before breakfast. He 
must come out of a temple with his face towards the image, thus 


necessitating his walking "lack wards, that he may show pro 
respect to the gods. 

In temples we have rcligDus teaching every morninp:, wl 
lasts ahout two hours. The practice is that a Pandit reads 
a hook aloud in Sanskrit to the people, then he translj it 
and explains it, drawing any suitahle lessons from it. j<;yeiTfliM 
is allowed to ask any questions he 'wiAesr' and he ffa n get ha 
douhts met ; hut the questions must pertain to what has been md 
at that time. Very often the selections read consist of a histozj 
of some pious man, in which the reader comes across good actioni 
as well as had. This is a main source of information for th<Me 
who cannot go to the fountain-head owing to their ignorance of 
Sanskrit and Jain Prakrit. 

Now as to fasting, of which we have several kinds. The simplest 
is when one takes a single meal in thirty-six hours. X must explain 
why it is thiity-six, and not twenty-four. Remember that we aw 
not allowed to eat after sunset, nor to drink even. This, by the 
way, inflict'^ so much sufPcring upon some that not many can follow 
it strictly, hut it is religious obligation still, having its origin in the 
rule of self-mortification, which is greatly taught in our religion. 
On a fast-day then, we must have one meal only during two nights 
and one day, which comprises thirty-six hours. The next kind of 
fast is of thirty- six hours in which no food is allowed, nor even drink 
during this long interval. Not even the use of scent or smelling a 
flower is allowed, because that would be a kind of refreshment and 
would break the fast. The third kind is when one keeps lasting 
longer than in the two cases previously mentioned according to his 
capacity, for which there is no limit (as there is more than one case 
of some men keeping fast for throe weeks); only the longer one 
keeps it, the more meritorious it is. The fast-days are the same 
specific days as mentioned before, viz. the fifth, eighth, and four- 
teenth of every fortnight. 

Now as to the places of pilgrimage which arc held important for 
the reason that some of the religious ascetics, called *' ^rhanU " 
have passed their time at those places, in meditation and worship 
of God, not caring for their bodily comfort, having given them- 
selves up to this purpose. These places are amidst the most 
beautiful natural scenery, generally on the top of hills, and then 
temples have been built in modem times to mark the spots where 
renowned ascetics of past times passed their time in meditation on 
the Creator, and there passed into the happy bliss of " Nirvana." 


show pwFvBuiiliilation. As we believe in the transmigration of the soul, 

H) the desire of every one to attain that perfection when the 

lung) ^U i^ets rid of the bond or necessity of getting bom again, and 

t readsisses into a peaceful state where there is no new birth. In some 

transbf these j^ces are kept the stones on which these religious teachers 

stood for yearfr»-without moving, and the impressions of their feet 

are hence marked fllSreon. The places most popular and most 

▼isited by pilgrims are Sikharji Mount near Calcutta, the Gimar 

in Junagarh, and Palitana in the Bombay Presidency. In my 

opinion, when these pilgrimages were first incorporated with the 

observance of religion, they were to some extent so instituted from 

a sanatory point of view. As Indians are not fond of moving about 

from one place to another, so this fixedness of locality is sure to be 

prejudicial to health. To remedy this evil, a religious sanction 

was thus given which necessitated change of climate, from which 

no one returns without being better in health and spirits, the latter 

by having the satisfaction of doing something meritorious, and the 

former owing to the fresh air and the roaming about amidst the 

natural scenery which is generally the centre of these places. 

Passing from these religious practices, I must mention a very 
curious fact, that though we do not employ a Brahman in our 
worship, we must have one in our marriage ceremonies, which are 
not perfect without such intervention. It is the same ceremony 
as the Yaishnavas have, except that before the marriage rites are 
performed, we have to take some offerings to a temple, and after the 
rites are over, and the bridegroom brings his bride home, he must 
go with his bride to a temple and say his prayers, and then come 

In our funerals, however, we do not employ a Brahman. We 
have no "shradh** either, which is the anniversary of the death of 
a person, when Brahmans are feasted under the impression that all 
which is given in this way reaches the soul of the dead man. We 
have adopted funeral reform ages ago ; and the ceremony is very 
simple, costing but little. 

The one fact remaining which I should like to mention is, that 
any one can become a Jain by religion, but he cannot by caste ; that 
is to say, Jainism is a religion as well as a caste at the present 
time. One not bom a Jain can therefore adopt that religion, can 
go to a temple, take part in the religious practices, but he cannot 
eat, drink, or intermarry with bom Jains. A Jain, however, can 
marry with a Yaishnava, on the authority of which some people say 

VOL. XX.— [ITBW 8S&IB8.] 20 


that Jains were originally descended from the same ancestoih 
Vaishnavas, but they have adopted a reformed religion. This a 
point that I cannot discuss now; bat I have no doubt that 'Ssre 
are many instances of such intermarriage, though lately sopj ill- 
feeling arose which stopped these maniages in some part? at India, 
but it is still continued in other parts. ^. --'"' 

I must finish now with one more rewSA, and it is about a sect 
of Jains called *• Dhundye," but more commonly " Munh-bandhe," 
owing to their habit of keeping their mouth covered with a piece of 
cloth — something very much like a respirator in this country — 
because the first principle of Jainism is not to destroy Itfe, however 
insignificant. As there arc animalculsB in the air, they Bay that 
when they breathe the hot breath kills them, so they use this cloth 
to keep away these animalculse. They have no temples, but simply 
a place of meeting, where they sit, meditate, say their prayers, and 
study religious books. A great number of those who belong to this 
sect are a sort of monks, who have given up the world, but there 
are very few laity. This sect, as well as all the Jains, are pro- 
hibited from drinking water without first filtering it, because they 
say that in unfiltcred water one is liable to Bwallow small insects, 
which idea is intolerable considering their love of living creatures. 
In a similar way some religious ascetics carry a small broom, so to 
clear the place to sit down perchance they might happen to crash 
any insect. The difference on which so much stress has been 
laid between Swetambara and Digambara Jains no doubt exists. 
But it is of no practical importance in Dchli. I cannot recollect 
hearing the point discussed among my people, and cannot say to 
which they belong. 

Colonel Sir William Daviks, K.C.S.T., said : I have been invited 
by the Council of this Society, through its Secretary, to say what 
I know of the relations between the Jains and the Yaishnavas of 
Dehli. This request was probably made because I was for some 
years Commissioner of Dehli, and while there was the means of doing 
what was in my opinion an act of simple justice to the former com* 
munity. This was to restore to them the exercise of one of their 
most cherished annual ceremonial observances, the ''Rath-jatra^or 
procession of the car of their god Parsunnath through the streets, 
a ceremonial of which the observance had been suspended by the 
orders of the Government for many years. 

The cause of this suspension was the fierce feeling of religions 
antagonism between these sects which had more or leas always 



prtvailed, and which had on several occasions led to disturbances 
duziiig the progress of the procession. 

Nkt long after the transfer of the Dehli territory to the Pan jab, 
whichSmany of you doubtless remember took place in the year 
followiiiip^tiie mutinies, the leading men of the Vaishnavas, a sect 
far more nuBmous and powerful than the Jains, or, as they are 
there called, Saraogh^'BOcceeded in convincing the then Commis- 
sioner, Col. Hamilton, that it would be dangerous to the public 
peace to allow the Saraogis to have their procession, and he refused 
to allow it to take place, and on appeal his action was supported by 
the local government. This was, I think, in 1863. The Saraogis 
naturally felt themselves greatly aggrieved at this decision, and left 
no stone unturned to have the order set aside. They memorialized 
the Government of India and the Secretary of State, but all in 
vain. This state of things continued till I went to Dehli as Com- 
missioner in 1876. They of course appealed to me, as they had 
done to all my predecessors, to obtain a reconsideration of the order 
prohibiting the procession. On thinking over the matter it seemed 
to me to be only fair that if the Vaishnavas were allowed to cele- 
brate their Ram Lila, the Saraogis should be permitted to have 
their Rath-jatra. Her Majesty the Queen, in her well-known 
Proclamation of 1st November, 1858, issued on assuming the 
Government of India, had distinctly assured to every sect and 
religious community inhabiting that country, the unrestricted 
exercise of its religious observances. It appeared to me to be 
directly at variance with that policy to forbid the Saraogis to hold 
their procession, simply because they were numerically weaker than 
the Vaishnavas, and that we were bound to secure to them the exercise 
of this, to them most cherished ceremonial observance. Moreover, it 
seemed to me that it was the duty of a strong and civilized Govern- 
ment like ours to insist upon toleration being displayed by the 
Vaishnavas towards the Saraogis. I accordingly addressed the 
Local Government, adducing these arguments in favour of a recon- 
sideration of the adverse decision referred to. My appeal on behalf 
of the Saraogis was strongly supported by the then Secretary to 
the Government, Mr. (now Sir Lepel) Griffin, and he succeeded in 
obtaining the consent of the Lieut. -Governor, Sir Robert Egerton, 
to the rescission of the order prohibiting the procession. Soon 
after, on the 20th July, 1877, the procession, after an interval of 
fourteen years, took place ; and as very complete precautions had 
been taken against the occurrence of disturbance on the part of the 


Yaishnavas, everything passed off quietly, and since then t' 
Saraogis have had their ''Kath-jatra" regularly every year. 

The relations between the members of these two sects had rw 
been very cordial, but the stoppage of the SaraogI processiooibr n 
long a period naturally intensified the ill-feeling, and aQ sodii 
intercourse between them had gradually ceased. _. When, however, 
this bone of contention was removed, their differences were gndn- 
ally reconciled, and I succeeded in inducing the Saraogils once more 
to forego their objections to giving their daughters in maniage to 
the sons of Yaishnavas, and on ceremonial occasions even to partake 
of food prepared by the latter sect. By degrees the old soeiaL 
intercourse between them was completely resumed, and very fev 
of the traces of the former bitter feeling I hear now remain. 

20th Febritary, 1888. — Major-General Sir Fhedebic Ooummio, 
K.G.S.I., in the Chair. 

There were elected as resident members Ralph Heap and T. H. 
Muster, Esqs. ; and as non-resident members B. D. MukhaijI and 
W. E. Coleman, Esqs., and MM. E. Drouin and Arthur Konffignae. 

Prof. Bendall exhibited some leaves of a MS. on palm leaf of 
the Larikavatara, and explained the palaeographical importance of 
the MS. He took the opportunity of again pointing ont the in- 
portanco of searching for and rescuing such MSS., as, from the 
decline of interest in them among the general mass of natives of 
India, they were in danger of being lost or destroyed. 

Mr. IIeoinald Stuart Poole delivered an address on two recently- 
discovered coins of Sultan Muhammad Babar, and on the light 
which they threw on his relations with Shah Ismail. (This paper 
will be printed in full in our next issue.) 

I9th March, 1888.— Col. Yuie, R.E., C.B., in the Chair. 

The llcv. C. C. Brown was elected a resident and the Bev. James 
Doyle a non-resident member. 

Mr. Delmar Morgan, M.E.A.S., read a paper on the Ossetes, a 
tribe of about 120,000 persons occupying the eastern slopes of the 
Caucasus range. They were a remnant of the ancient Iranian tmce, 
and had preserved many of the old Iranian customs and belief 
which had died out in Persia under the influence of If uhammai- 
nnism. The paper will be published in full in the next issue of the 

Mr. Douglas Fresh field, who had pointed out on a large nu^ 



kfcdly lent by the Royal Geographical Society, the places referred 
toVn the lecture, added some remarks drawn from his personal 
experiences among the Ossetes. 

MrKHowoftTH, M.P., confirmed what had been said as to the 
historic fi^gortance of this interesting people, and the Chairman 
pointed out the^J^gferences to them in the Travels of Marco Polo. 

II. Contents of Foreion Oriental Journals. 
1. Zeitsghrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

Vol. xU. Heft 4. 

H. Hubschmann. Sage und Glaube der Osseten. (A. most in- 
teresting summary, chiefly from Wsewelod Miiller's Ossetic Texts, 
with Russian translation (Moscow, 1881), of the hero legends and 
religion of the Ossetes. See further above, p. 288.) 

Schlechta-Wssehrd. Translation into German verse of episodes 
from Firdusi's long-neglected poem on the legend of Joseph. 

G. H. Schils. Notice of the French translation of the Japanese 
poem Man yo sin, lately published in the ' Mcmoires de la Soci6te 
des £tudes Japonaises, etc.' 

J. Earth. Studies in Semitic Comparative Philology. 

M. Griinbaum. On the various stages of Drunkenness in Semitic 

0. Bohtlingk. On the Katantra Grammar. (Short Comparison 
of Eggeling's edition with Panini.) 

0. Bohtlingk. Miscellanies. (Chiefly restorations of corrupt 

R. Roth. On Blood-money in the Veda. (Proof of the existence, 
both in the Veda and in the later law-books, of the old custom of 
payment for manslaughter.) 

Reviews and Indices. 

2. Journal Asiatiqite. 

Huiti^me Serie, tome x. No. 2. 

Monsignor David (Syrian Archbishop of Damas). £tude sur le 
dialecte arabe de Damas. 

H. Sauvaire. Materiaux pour servir k I'histoire de la numis- 
matique et la metrologie musulmanes. 

A. Barthelemy. Histoire du Roi Naaman. (Arabic text in the 
dialect of Syria and French translation of this legend.) 


TJrbain Bonriant. Fragmens d*an loiiian d'Alexandre. ;Te 
in Coptic from Thebes, and in part also in Greek, with transla'^ 
into French.) 

Xonvelles et ]£elanges. 

Hnitieme Serie, tome x. Xo. 3. ^,,,^-' 

Kene Basset. Berber Vocabularies. 

A. Barthelemv. Notes, principallj on Grammar, ofn the stoiT as 
edited in the previous number. 

Abel Bergaigne. On the division of the Big Veda into Adhi^Tas. 
(Rejects the claims put forward by Mr. Pincott in the J.R.A.S. 
Vols. XVI. and XIX., and replies to the criticism of Ptof. Olda- 
berg in the Z.D.M.G. toL xli. pp. 508-oI5.) 

Clermont-Ganneau. Critique of M. Gildemeiater's article on 
the Banias Inscription (Zeit&chrift des dentschen Palastina-Teieins, 
vol. X. pp. 168 and foil.), and note on the bridge conatmcted at 
Lydda by Sultan Beibars. 

Nouvelles et Melanges. 

III. LEcrrEES ox Oriental Subjects sow bedto dsutxrxd is 


1. France. 

By the kind assistance of Prof. S. Levi and of Mr. Serge d'Olden- 
burg, we are enabled to give the following complete list of the 
lectures on Oriental subjects which are being delivered this tenn 
in Paris. 

At the Sorbonne M. Bergaigne lectures on Sanskrit Literaton 
and on Sanskrit, one lecture on each per week. 

At the Ecole des langues orientales vivantes (4, Bae des Saints 
Peres) there is the following list. 

Barbicr de Meynard. On Turkish, 3 times a week. 

A. Carriere. Armenian, 3 times a week. 

II. Dercnbourg. Literary Arabic, 4 times a week. 

0. Houdas. Spoken Arabic, 3 times a week. 

M. Jametel. Chinese, 3 times a week. 

A. Marre. Malay and Japanese, 3 times a week. 

A. des Michcls. Annamite, 3 times a week. 

L. de Rosny. Japanese, 3 times a week. 

Ch. Schefer. Persian, 3 times a week. 

Jul. Vinson. Hindustani twice and Tamil twice a week. 


^eDii Cordier. Hist, and Geog. of the Far East, twice a week. 

Besides which there are conversation lectures three times a week 
on dach subject, for Arabic, Japanese, Turkish and Chinese, pre- 
sided Qver by natives of the respective countries. 

Then at the *£cole des Hautes Etudes' there are the following 
advanced lecW];es, each course being of one lecture a week : 

Amiaud. PhuoR^Hmtiq. assyr. : Explic. des textes de I'Epopee 
de Nimrod. Explic. de I'inscription d'Assourbanabil (cylindre A). 

A. Carri^re. Langue hebraique : lere annee, Elem. de la gramm. 
hebraique ; 2^ine et 3^me ann^e, Exeg^se du liv. de Daniel. Langue 
syriaque : Explic. de textes difficiles et lect. de manus. Langue 
chaldaique: Elem. de la gramm. Chald. et explic. du Targoum 

Clermont-Ganneau. Arch^ol. orient. : Antiq. orient. : Palestine, 
Ph6nicie, Syrie. Arch^ol. hebraique. 

J. Darmesteter. Lang. Zende : Explic. de textes zends ; Explic. 
de textes pehlvis. 

H. Derenbourg. Lang. Arabe : Explic. des Seances de Hartrt, 
avec le Comment, choisi par S. de Sacy. Explic. du Livre de 
Sibawaihi, et gramm. semit. compar^e. 

T. Derenbourg. Hebreu rabbinique : Explic. du Talmud de 
Jerusalem (traite Horaioh). 

Guieysse. Philol. et antiq. ^gypt. ; Textes fun^raires: Etude 
sur le Rituel Thebain (3eme annee). Traduct. de text, hi^roglyp. 
et hieratiques (seconde ann6e). 

Halevy. Lang, ethiop., himyar. et touranien : Gramm. 6thiop. 
Explic. de morceaux choisis dans la Chrestomat. 6thiop. de 
Dillmann. Explic. des inscript. himyarites. Gramm. comp. des 
lang. touraniennes. 

S. Levi. Lang, sanscr. : Explic. de la Chrestom. de M. Ber- 
gaigne (2e partie). Explic. du Hanuman-nataka. 

Maspero. Philologie et antiq. 6gypt. : Paleogr. 6gypt. : papyrus 
de Londres et de Leyde. Archeol. ^gypt. : planches des Denkmaler 
(t. V.) qui se rapp. aux r^gn. d*Amenophis III. et des rois 

Besides which the following lectures are delivered in the * Section 
des sciences religieuses ' : 

Amelineau. E«lig. de I'Egypte. 

Derenbourg. Islam, ot relig. de 1' Arabic (Locaux de la sect, des 
Sc. histor. et philol. ). 

E. Ha vet. Hist, des orig. da christianisme. 


S. L6vi. Religions do I'lnde (Locaux de la sect, des Scie 
histor. et philolog.). 

De Rosny. Relig. de PExtreme Orient. 
M. Yemes. Relig. des peuples semitiques. 

And finally at the College de France there is the f ol^-4 ^* 

Barbier de Meynard. Lang, et Litter. arahsM, Ano. pofine nhi 
dans le Moallakats et Divan des six poetes. Explie. des BCnsMfc 

J. Darmesteter. Lang, et Litter, de la Perse : Gramm. eM^ 
des lang. iraniennes. Explic. du Chah-Nameb. Epop6e penaM. 

Foucaux. Lang, et Litter, sanscr. : Explic. du cbap. m di 
Lalitavistara (Hist, du Bouddlia Cakya Mouni). 

D*Hervey de Saint-Denys. Lang, et Litter, chin, et tait- 
mandcb. Anc. monum. de la Litt. chin. Nouvellea en style 

Maspero. Pbilol. et arcbeol. egypt. : Textes des Pyram. relai 
d Tanc. relig. d'Egypte. 

Oppert. Pbilol. et arcbeol. assyr. : Inscrip. de Nahuchodonoior 
et de Nabonid. Docum. jurid. et textes biling. en samerien et 
assyrien ou accadien. 

Pavet de Courtcille. Lang, et Litter, turques. Ezpliq. Aboa- 
Ali-Sina (tartare do Kazan), Tariki Xatarina (turc ottoman), Hikem 
d'Abmed Tecevi et more, des chants siberiens (turc oriental). 

E. Renan. Lang, et Litter, cbald. et syr. : Legendes patriarcales. 
Fragm. des Propb^tes ant. a Isaie. 

Reville. Hist, des religions : Relig. de PEgypte et des peupL 

2. Russia. 

The following is an account of the lectures to be delivered in 
St. Petersburg this term, which we owe to the kindness of Mr. 
Serge d*01denbourg. 

Enseignement des langucs, litteratures et histoire de I'Orient 
a St. Petersbourg. 

I. Universite, Faculte des Langucs Orientalcs. 

La Faculto comptc 5 sections: 1. Aryenne. 2. S6mitiqne. 
3. Aral)o-Perso-Tur([ue. 4. Chinoise-Mongole-Mandschoue. 5. 
Armeno-Georgiennc. La duree des etudes est do 4 ans. 



ler \ 1887-8. 

\ 1. Section Aryenne, 

Sa^crit. Prof. I. Minayef . Pour times a week. 

AyeiKh% Priv. Doc. C. Salemann. Once a week. 

InscriptfbcLS Cuneiformes de la Perse. Priv. Doc. C. Salemann. 
Once a week.^^i^^^^ . 

Pahlavf. Priv. Doc. C. Salemann. Once a week. 

Persan. Priv. Doc. S. Tchernjajef, Priv. Doc. V. Jonkofsky, 
Bapetiteur Indigene Mirza Djafar. Eleven times a week. 

Histoire de la litterature Persane. Priv. Doc. Tchernjajef. 
Once a week. 

Armenien. Prof. K. Patkanof. Four times a week. 

Histoire de la litterature Armenienne. Prof. K. Patkanof. 
Once a week. 

Histoire de la Perse. Prof. K. Patkanof. Once a week. 

Histoire de T Orient. Prof. N. Wesselofsky. Three times a week. 

2. Section S^mitique, 

Introduction k I'etude de THebreu. Prof. D. Chwolson. Once 
a week. 

Hebreu. Prof. D. Chwolson. Four times a week. 

Syriaque. Prof. D. Chwolson. Once a week. 

Arabe. Prof. Baron Rosen, Repetiteur Indigene M. Sarrouf. 
Fourteen times a week. 

Histoire de T Orient. Prof. N. Wesselofsky. Three times a 

3. Section Araho-Perso-Turque. 

Arabe. Prof. Baron Eosen, Eepetiteur Indigene M. Sarrouf. 
Fourteen times a week. 

Persan. Priv. Docc. S. Tchernjajef, W. Jonkofsky, Repetiteur 
Indigene Mirza Djafar. Eleven times a week. 

Hist, de la litt. Persane. Priv. Doc. S. Tchernjajef. Once 
a week. 

Djagatay et grammaire comparee des dialectes Turcs. Prof. 
T. Beresin. Five times a week. 

Turc. Prof. W. Smirnof, Repetiteur Indigene M. Abdurrahman. 
Twelve times a week. 

Numismatique. Prof. T. Beresine. Once a week. 

Musulmane histoire de la Perse. Prof. K. Patkanof. Once 
a week. 


Histoire de I'Orient. Prof. N. Wesselofsky. Three times a we^i; 

Histoire de I'Orient (Cours special: Conquetes des Arabes en .'* 
Centrale, histoire des Sassaoidos, Grazn^vides, Saldjoukes IlC 
et Khorezm-Shahs.) Prof. N. Wesselofsky. Once a week. 

4. Sectiofi Chinoise-MongoU-Mandschoue, 

Chinois. Prof. W. Wassiljef, Priv. Docc. B. PestchmiNl, ». 
Georgiefsky, Eopetiteur Indigene M. Soudjoun. Twenty-one tiM 
a week. 

Histoire de la Chine. Prof. W. Wassiljef. Twice a week. 

Geographic et organisation politique actuelle de la Chine. Pht. 
Doc. S. Georgiefsky. Once a week. 

Mandschou. Priv. Doc. A. Iwanofsky. Seven times a week. 

Mongol. Proff. C. Golstounsky, A. Pozdnejcf . Eleven times a 

Histoire de la litterature Hlongole. Prof. A. Pozdnejef. Onoe 
a week. 

Kalmouk. Prof. C. Golstounsky, Eepetiteur Indigene D. £<ra- 
touzof. Five times a week, 

Histoire de 1' Orient. Prof. X. Wesselofsky. Three times a week 

Histoire de I'Empire Mongol (cours special). Prof. N. Wesael- 
ofsky. Once a week. 

5. Section Armeno-Georgienne. 

Armenien. Prof. K. Patkanof. Five times a week. 

Hist, do la litt. Armenienne. Prof. K. Patkanof. Onoe a weeL 

Georgicn. Prof. A. Tsagareli. Four times a week. 

Hist, de la litt. Georgienne. Prof. A. Tsagareli. Once a week. 

Numismatique Georgienne. Prof. A. Tsagareli. Once a week. 

Histoire de la Perse. Prof. K. Patkanof. Once a week. 

Egyptologie. Priv. Doc. 0. de Lemm. Twice a week. 

II. Imtitut des Langues Orientales. 

An Department Asiatique da Minist^re des AfPaires Etrangires. 

Les cours de I'lnstitut sent suivis par des jeunes gens qui, ayant 
fait leurs etudes d la faculte des Langues Orientales ou 4 Plnstitut 
Lazarof (Moscou), se dcstinent au service diplomatique. 

Arabe. M. Salim Naufal. Eleven times. 

Persan. Mirza Kasim Abedinof. Sixteen times. 

Tare. Fardis Effendi. Twenty-one times. 

Droit !Mii9ulman. M. Salira Naufal. Three times. 

Les otudiants suivcnt aussi des cours de Grec Moderne (2). 


^ ^e,' 3, England. 

» ;j^'£fcJWK»i. — There are scarcely any regular lectures of a scientific 
^^ and wLondon on Oriental subjects. There are, indeed, Professors 
of Sans&ife Pali, and Persian at University College, but only one 
student in ^^^sian and two in Sanskrit.^ The papers read before 
the Koyal AsiatiS^^ciety, however valuable, are not intended to 
take the place of regular instruction in Oriental subjects. This is 
no credit to us, especially when we notice the great activity in 
Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and even St. Petersburg. Some reparation 
for this is afforded by the lectures at our old University towns, 
which are as follows, according to lists which we owe to the kind- 
ness of Professors Macdonell and Cowell : 


Oriental Lecture List for Mtster and Tyinity Terms, 1888. 

Assyrian. — The Assyrian Syllabary and Grammar. Deputy 
Professor of Comparative Philology, A. H. Sayce, M.A. 

Chinese. — Elementary Instruction: San Tsze King. The Four 
Books : the Sixteen Khang-hsl Precepts ; the Hsl Yii Chi, and the 
History of the Han Dynasty. Professor of Chinese, J. Legge, M.A. 

The Nestorian Tablet of Hsi-ngan Fu. Professor of Chinese, J. 
Legge, M.A. 

Hebrew. — Psalms (continued). Regius Professor of Hebrew, S. 
E. Driver, D.D. Three hours each week. 

Talmud and Eabbinical Texts. Reader in Rabbinical Literature, 
A. Neubauer, M.A. Two hours each week. 

Genesis (Hebrew Text, continued). G. J. Spurrell, M.A. (for 
Professor Driver). Three hours each week. 

Elementary Hebrew: Pointing and Composition (Fee, £2 2s.). 
G. J. Spurrell, M.A. (for Professor Driver). Three hours each 

Elementary Hebrew : for Beginners (Fee, £2 2«.). G. J. Spur- 
rell, M.A. (for Professor Driver). 

Hebrew (First Course, Fee, £2 2*.) F. H. Woods, B.D. Three 
hours each week. 

Hebrew (Second Course, Fee, £2 2*.). F. H. Woods, B.D 
Three hours each week. 

^ There are also two students in Hebrew, two in Hindustani, and two in 


that Jains were originally descended from the same ancestoi 
Vaishnavas, but they have adopted a reformed religion. This ^_ _ 
point that I cannot discuss now; but I have no doubt that Jiiero^^^ 
are many instances of such intermarriage, though lately sopro ill- ^ 
feeling arose which stopped these marriages in some parts oS India, 
but it is still continued in other parts. _. " 

I must finish now with one more remark, and it is about a sect 
of Jains called **Dhundye/' but more commonly ** Munh-bandhe," 
owing to their habit of keeping their mouth covered with a piece of 
cloth — something very much like a respirator in this country — 
because the first principle of Jainism is not to destroy lifey however 
insignificant. As there are animalculae in the air, they say that 
when they breathe the hot breath kills them, so they use this cloth 
to keep away these animalculse. They have no temples, but simply 
a place of meeting, where they sit, meditate, say their prayers, and 
study religious books. A great number of those who belong to this 
sect are a sort of monks, who have giren up the world, but there 
are very few laity. This sect, as well as all the Jains, are pro- 
hibited from drinking water without first filtering it, because they 
say that in unfiltered water one is liable to "swallow small insects, 
which idea is intolerable considering their love of living creatures. 
In a similar way some religious ascetics carry a small broom, so to 
clear the place to sit down perchance they might happen to crush 
any insect. The difference on which so much stress has been 
laid between Swetambara and Digambara Jains no doubt exists. 
But it is of no practical importance in Dchli. I cannot recollect 
hearing the point discussed among my people, and cannot say to 
which they belong. 

Colonel Sir William Da vies, K.C.S.T., said : I have been invited 
by the Council of this Society, through its Secretary, to say what 
I know of the relations between the Jains and the Vaishnavas of 
Dehli. This request was probably made because I was for some 
years Commissioner of Dehli, and while there was the means of doing 
what was in my opinion an act of simple justice to the former com- 
munity. This was to restore to them the exercise of one of their 
most cherished annual ceremonial observances, the ^^Rath-jatra" or 
procession of the car of their god Parsunnath through the streets, 
a ceremonial of which the observance had been suspended by the 
orders of the Government for many years. 

The cause of this suspension was the fierce feeling of religious 
antagonism between these sects which had more or less always 


•I ja ATid. '^^^ch had on several occarions led to disturbances 
the progress of the procession. 

'^ , — a.ft<?^ *^® transfer of the Dehli territory to the Paojab, 
.^^^.g^xiy ^^ y^^ doubtless remember took place in the year 
^^i^ mutinies, the leading men of the Yaishnayas, a sect 
^•"•ous and powerful than the Jains, or, as they are 
oallfMlj Wnn^ ineoeeded in convincing the then Commis- 
OdL AuuHoOy tiiat it would be dangerous to the public 
to mOow the S&raogfs to have their procession, and ho refused 
to mllow it to take place, and on appeal his action was supported by 
fhe local goveniment. This was, I think, in 1863. The SaraogTs 
natonlly felt thesuelves greatly aggrieved at this decision, and left 
ao atone nntnmed to have the order set aside. They memorialized 
fhe (Jovemment of India and the Secretary of State, but all in 
▼■ill. This state of things continued till I went to Dehli as Com- 
miflrioner in 1876. They of course appealed to me, as they had 
done to all my predecessors, to obtain a reconsideration of the order 
prohibiting the procession. On thinking over the matter it seemed 
to me to be only fair that if the Yaishnavas were allowed to cele- 
brate their Bam Llla, the Saraogls should be permitted to have 
their Bath-jatra. Her Majesty the Queen, in her well-known 
Proclamation of Ist November, 1858, issued on assuming the 
Government of India, had distinctly assured to every sect and 
religions community inhabiting that country, the unrestricted 
exercise of its religious observances. It appeared to me to be 
directly at variance with that policy to forbid the SaraogTs to hold 
their procession, simply because they were numerically weaker than 
the Yaishnavas, and that we were bound to secure to them the exercise 
of this, to them most cherished ceremonial observance. Moreover, it 
seemed to me that it was the duty of a strong and civilized Govern- 
ment like ours to insist upon toleration being displayed by the 
Yaishnavas towards the Saraogls. I accordingly addressed the 
Local Qovemment, adducing these arguments in favour of a recon- 
sideration of the adverse decision referred to. My appeal on behalf 
of the Saraogls was strongly supported by the then Secretary to 
the Government, Mr. (now Sir Lepel) Griffin, and he succeeded in 
obtaining the consent of the Lieut. -Governor, Sir Robert Egerton, 
to the rescission of the order prohibiting the procession. Soon 
after, on the 20th July, 1877, the procession, after an interval of 
fourteen years, took place ; and as very complete precautions had 
been taken against the occurrence of disturbance on the part of the 


Histoire de POrient Prof. N. Wesselofsky. Three times a we|(^ 
Histoire de T Orient (Cours special: Conquetes des Arabes en .^is 
Centrale, histoire des Sassaaides, Guzn^vides, Saldjoukes I1(|U8 
et Khorezm-Shahs.) Prof. N. Wesselofsky. Once a week. 

4. Section Chinoiie-MongoU-MandBchoue, 

Chinois. Prof. W. Wassiljef, Priv. Docc. D. Pestchoarot, B. 
Georgiefsky, llep6titeur Indigene M. Soudjoun. Twenty-one tunes 
a week. 

Histoire de la Chine. Prof. W. Wassiljef. Twice a week. 

Qeographie et organisation politique actuelle de la Chine. Priv. 
Doc. S. Georgiefsky. Once a week. 

Mandschou. Priv. Doc. A. Iwanofsky. Seven times a week. 

Mongol. Proff. C. Golstounsky, A. Pozdnejef. Eleven times a 

Histoire de la litterature Mongole. Prof. A. Pozdnejef. Once 
a week. 

Ealmouk. Prof. C. Qolstounsky, Eepetiteur Indigene D. Kou- 
touzof. Five times a week. 

Histoire de 1* Orient. Prof. N". Wesselofsky. Three times a week. 

Histoire de PEmpire Mongol (cours special). Prof. N. Wessel- 
ofsky. Once a week. 

6. Section Armino-Oeorgienne. 

Armenien. Prof. K. Patkanof. Five times a week. 

Hist, de la litt. Armenienne. Prof. K. Patkanof. Once a week. 

Georgien. Prof. A. Tsagareli. Four times a week. 

Hist, de la litt. Qeorgienne. Prof. A. Tsagareli. Once a week. 

Numismatique Georgienne. Prof. A. Tsagareli. Once a week. 

Histoire de la Perse. Prof. K. Patkanof. Once a week. 

Egyptologie. Priv. Doc. 0. de Lemm. Twice a week. 

II. Imtitut des LangiMS Orientales, 

Au Department Asiatique du Minist^re des Affaires Etrang&res. 

Les cours de I'lnstitut sont suivis par des jeunes gens qui, ayant 
fait leurs etudes a la faculte des Langues Orien tales ou & Plnstitut 
Lazaref (Moscou), se destinent au service diplomatique. 

Arabe. M. Salim Xaufal. Eleven times. 

Pcrsan. Mirza Kasim Abedinof. Sixteen times. 

Turc. Fardis Effendi. Twenty-one times. 

Droit Musulman. M. Sallm Naufal. Three times. 

Les 6tudiants suivent aussi des cours de Grec Moderne (2). 




wave \ 3. England. 

38 611/ \l 

Tj/ jMdon, — There are scarcely any regular lectures of a scientific 
kind V London on Oriental subjects. There are, indeed, Professors 
of Sanaiait, Pali, and Persian at University College, but only one 
student in ¥q;8ian and two in Sanskrit.^ The papers read before 
the Royal Asiaf!M6ociety, however valuable, are not intended to 
take the place of regular instruction in Oriental subjects. This is 
no credit to us, especially when we notice the great activity in 
Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and oven St. Petersburg. Some reparation 
for this is afforded by the lectures at our old University towns, 
which are as follows, according to lists which we owe to the kind- 
ness of Professors Macdonell and Cowell : 


Oriental Lecture List for .Easter and Trinity Terms, 1888. 

Assyrian, — The Assyrian Syllabary and Grammar. Deputy 
Professor of Comparative Philology, A. H. Sayce, M.A. 

Chinese. — Elementary Instruction : San Tsze King. The Four 
Books : the Sixteen Khang-hsl Precepts ; the Hsl Yu Chi, and the 
History of the Han Dynswty. Professor of Chinese, J. Legge, M.A. 

The Nestorian Tablet of Hsi-ngan Fu. Professor of Chinese, J. 
Legge, M.A. 

Hebrew. — Psalms (continued). Regius Professor of Hebrew, S. 
R. Driver, D.D. Three hours each week. 

Talmud and Rabbinical Texts. Reader in Rabbinical Literature, 
A. Neubauer, M.A. Two hours each week. 

Genesis (Hebrew Text, continued). G. J. Spurrell, M.A. (for 
Professor Driver). Three hours each week. 

Elementary Hebrew: Pointing and Composition (Fee, £2 2b,), 
G. J. Spurrell, M.A. (for Professor Driver). Three hours each 

Elementary Hebrew : for Beginners (Fee, £2 2s,). G. J. Spur- 
rell, M.A. (for Professor Driver). 

Hebrew (First Course, Fee, £2 2s,) F. H. Woods, B.D. Three 
hours each week. 

Hebrew (Second Course, Fee, £2 2s,), F. H. Woods, B.D 
Three hours each week. 

^ There are also two students in Hebrew, two in Hindustani, and two in 


Indian. — Bengali, — Subjects of the Oriental Honour Scliool. 
P. NichoU, M.A. 

Petitions, Composition, Papers, and extra (prize) work (SeiL)> 
G. P. NichoU, M.A. 

Nabanaii (Slta) (Juniors). G. P. NichoU, M.A. 

Hindu — Subj ects of the Oriental Honour School. G^ P, NichoU^ V A. 

Petitions, Composition, Papers, and extra (pnze) work (Senion). 
G. P. NichoU, M.A. 

(Juniors) The Skkuntala, and the Hindi Reader (Fee, £3 lOt.). 
J, T. Plutts, M.A. Three hours each week. 

Hindustani . — Urdu Petitions ; Urdu Selections : Taabatu-n-nayuti 
(Pee, £3). Teacher of Hindustani, R. St. John, M.A. Three 
hours each work. 

Marathi and Gujarathi, — H. S. K. BeUairs, M.A. Twelve houn 
each week. 

Sanskrit — Hitopade«a, Books I. and II. Deputy Frofeasor of 
Sanskrit, A. A. MacdoneU, M.A. Three hours each week. 

Meghaduta with MaUinathu's Commentary (Bombay Edition, 
1886). Deputy Professor of Sanskrit, A. A. MacdoneU, M.A 
Three hours each week. 

Rigveda, with the Commentary of Sayawa, Maniiala X. (Pwf. 
Max MiiUer's edition). Deputy Professor of Sanskrit, A. A. 
MacdoneU, M.A. Three hours each week. 

Yedantasara (with commentaries); Portion of Siddh&ntaktn- 
mudl (with Taranatha's critical notes) ; Portion of If anu I. (with 
JoUy's Manutlka-sangraha) (continued). G. P. NichoU, M.A. 

IhtniL — Pope's Grammar. Pope's Reader to p. 64. (JonitMn: 
Pee, £3.) Teacher of TamU and Telugu, G. TJ. Pope, M.A. 
Three hours each week. 

Pope's Header to p. 122: Official Documents: HitopadS^am. 
(Seniors : Pee, £3.) Teacher of TamU and Telugu, G. U. Pope, 
M.A. Three hours each week. 

Kurral : for the Oriental Honour School. (Fee, £3.) Teacher 
of Tamil and Telugu, G. TJ. Pope, M.A. Five hours each week. 

lelugu. — Ardcn's Grammar to end of Part II. : Brown's Reader, 
pp. 5-46. (Juniors : Fee, £3.) Teacher of Tandl and Telagn, 
G. IT. Pope, M.A. Six hours each week. 

Arden's Grammar and Composition: Brown's B«ader to p. 105: 
Official Documents. (Seniors : Fee, £3.) Teacher of Tamil and 
Telugu, G. U. Pope, M.A. Six hours each week. 

Yemana : for the Oriental Honoiir School. Six hours a week. 


^ersian. — The Bustan of Sa'di. (Seniors: Fee, £3.) Teacher 
of Persian, J. T. Platts, M.A. Three hours each week. 

TH© Gulistan of Sa'di. (Juniors: Fee, £3.) Teacher of Persian, 
J. T. j^atts, M.A. Three hours each week. 

Hononr.School — The Masnavl of Jalalu'd dm Ruml, Bombay Ed. 
pp. 12-37. Tpacher of Persian, J. T. Platts, M.A. Three hours 
each week. ^"""^ 

Burmese. — Subjects prescribed by the Civil Commissioners. 
(Seniors and Juniors: Fee, £3 3».) K. F. St. A. St. John, Two 
hours each week. 

Subjects of the Oriental Honour School. R. F. St. A. St. John. 
Two hours each week. 

List of Lectures proposed hy the Board of Oriental Studies, 1887-8. 

Michaelmas Term, \%%1, — Prof. Kirkpatrick. B.S. Introduction 
to Psalms, Book II, M. F. 12. Oct. 17. Psalms, Books III. IV. 
Hebrew Composition. T. Th. 12. Oct. 18. 

Prof, Wright. Qu. The Kor*an, siir. 4, with Commentary. 
M. Th. 10. Oct. 17. The Chronicle of Joshua the Stylite. 
T. F. 10. Oct. 18. Comparative Grammar. T. F. 11. Oct. 18. 

Prof. Bensly. Cai, Elementary Hebrew. M. "W, E. 1. 

Dr. Schiller-Szinessy. L.L.R, T. B. Chagigah. ^.^ 3. Oct. 17. 
Maimonides. Mishneh Torah, Book L T. 3. Piteqe Aboth (ed. 
Taylor). W. 3. Elementary TalmiT wid the New Testament 
illustrated by the Talmuds and Midrashim (alternately). Th. 3. 
Targum Sheni on Esther, E. 3. 

Mr. Chapman. Emm, w 

Prof. CoweU. L.L.R. Rig- Veda (Delbruck). T. Th. 10. 
Oct. 18. 10, Scroope Terr, Pdli Jatakas. F. 4.30. Oct. 14. 
Zend-avesta. Rig- Veda, B. 3. Vikramorva9£. Hafiz. 

Dr. Peile. L.L.R, Principles of Language. W. F. 11. Oct. 14. 

Mr. Neil. Femb, Sanskrit Grammar and Nala. T. S. 12. 
Oct. 15. 

Lent Term, 1888. — Prof. Kirkpatrick. - T^ixoduction to Jeremiah, 
M. F. 12. Joel, Amos, Obadiah. Hebrew Cojaposition. T. Th. 12. 

Prof. Wright. Al-Hariri, Makamah 9, with Commentary. M. 
Th. 10. Aphraates, Homilies 11, 12. T. F. 10. Reading of 
Phoenician and Hebrew Inscriptions. M. Th. 11. Comparative 
Grammar {continued). T. E. 11. 

Prof. Bensly. Elementary Syriac. W. F. 1. 


Dr. Scliiller-Szinessy. T. B. Chagigah. M. 3. Targum or- 
Kings. T. 3. Siphere (ed. Friedmann). W. 3. Klomen^ 
Talmud, and the New Testament illustrated by the Taltnudr 
Midrashim (alternately). Th. 3. Qimchi on Psalms Qed. S *^ 
Szinessy). F. 3. 

Mr. Chapman. Hebrew Syntax. T. Th. 11. 

Prof. Cowell. Big- Veda (Delbruck). T. Th. 10. FUiJOdM. 
P. 4.30. Zend-avesta. Big-Veda, B. 4. Vikramorva^i. Htti. 

Mr. NeU. Hitopadeqa. W. F. 12. 

Hanter Term, 1888. Prof. Wright. The Mo'allakali of 'Amr 
ibn Kulthum, with Commentary. H. Th. 10. Zingerle, Mona- 
nienta Syriaca, pp. 4 — 32. T. F. 10. The Moabite Stone or 
Inscription of King Mesha'. M. Th. 11. Comparative Grammar 
{continued), T. F. 11. 

Prof. Bensly. Arabic subject to be fixed later. 

Dr. Schiller- Szinessy. T. B. Chagigah. M. 3. Maimonides. 
Mishneh Torah, Book I. T. 3. History of Jewish Literatnre. 
W. F. 3. Elementary Talmud, and the New Testament iUiutrated 
by the Talmuds and Midrashim (alternately). Th. 3. 

Prof. Cowell. Pali Jatakas. F. 4.30. Zend-avesta. Eig-Yeda, 
B. 4. Hafiz. Comparative Syntax (End.-Eur.). T. Th. S. 12. 
Hitopadeqa. W. F. 12. 

4. Berlin. 

^e owe to the kindness of Professor Br. Eduard Sachau the 
following information as to Oriental Lectures to be delivered this 
Session in connection with the University of Berlin : 

2. Prof. J. Schmidt. Sanskrit Comparative Grammar. Four 
hours a week. 

3. Professor Oldcnberg. Elementary Sanskrit. Four hours a 

4. Prof. Oldenberg. Pali and Buddhism. Two hours a week. 

5. Prof. Webor. The Vedas. Three hours a week. 

6. Prof. Weber. Yaska's Nirukta. Three hours a week. 

7. Prof. TVeber. Kalidasa. One hour a week. 

8. Prof. Weber. Zend. One hour a week. 
1. Prof. Schradcr. Babylonian and Assyrian History. One 

hour a week. 

9. Prof. Schrader. Assyrian Inscriptions. Two hours a week. 

10. Prof. Sachau. History of Syriac Literature. Two hours a 


.1^1 (J 1. Prof. Barth. Syriac. Two hours a week. 
i2|Qj,« 1^* Prof. Sachau. Arabic Syntax according to the Mufassal. 
H^^wo>hour8 a week. 

J, 13. 'frof. Dieterici. Arabic Syntax with interpretation of the 
Scran. ¥^o hours a week. 

14. Prof. B8i(;hau. Ibn Kischam's Life of Muhammad. Two 
hours a week. 

15. Prof. Sachau. Arabian Nights. Two hours a week. 

16. Prof. Dieterici. Arabian Poetry. One hour a week. 

17. Prof. Dieterici. Arabian Philosophy. One hour a week. 

18. Prof. Barth. Mubarrad's Kamil. One hour a week. 

19. Prof. Schrader. Ethiopian. Two hours a week. 

20. Dr. Grube. Chinese Grammar. Three hours a week. 

21. Dr. Grube. Mongolian. Two hours a week. 

22. Prof. Brugsch. Egyptian Mythology. One hour a week. 

23. Prof, Erman. Egyptian History. One hour a week. 

24. Prof. Erman. Egyptian Grammar. Two hours a week. 

25. Prof. Erman. Explanation of more difficult Hieratic 
Papyrus. Two hours a week, 

26. Prof. Brugsch. Demotic Inscriptions. Two hours a week. 
And at the Seminar fiir Orientalische Sprachen : — 

1. Mr. Arendt. Chinese Conversation and Business Style. Two 
hours a week. 

2. Mr. Arendt. History of China. One hour a week. 

3. Mr. Kuei Lin. Chinese, Northern Dialect. Eight hours a 

4. Mr. Pantei Sching. Chinese, Southern Dialect. Eight hours 
a week. 

5. Dr. Lange. Japanese. Five hours a week. 

6. Dr. Inouy6. History of Japan. Two hours a week. 

7. Dr. Inouye. Japanese Conversation, etc. Eight hours a week. 

8. Mr. Eosen. Hindustani. Six hours a week. 

9. Mr. Rosen. Modem History and Geography of India. Two 
hours a week. 

10. Dr. Hartmann. Modern Arabic. Six hours a week. 

11. Mr. Hasan Taufik. Modem Conversation, etc. (Egyptian 
Dialect). Five hours a week. 

12. Mr. Maarbes. Modem Conversation, etc. (Syrian dialect). 
Five hours a week. 

13. Dr. Hartmann. Geography, etc., of the Countries where 
Arabic is now spoken. Two hours a week. 


14. Dr. Andreas. Persian. Eight hours a week. 

15. Mr. Rosen. Persian Conversation, etc. Two hours a \^rc 

16. Dr. Andreas. Turkish. Eight hours a week. 

17. Dr. Moritz. Geography, etc, of Aisiatic Turkey. •• 
hours a week. 

18. !Mr. Biittncr. Suhaili. Eight hours a week.. 

19. Mr. Buttner. Geography, etc., of South Africa. Twoknn 
a week. 

Besides the regular courses similar to the ahove, there baTe heen 
delivered, in connection with the Seminar, the following poblic 
lectures on popular subjects in the three months January to Marcli 
on Satunlay evenings : — 

1. ^V'echselbeziehungen der Dichtkunst und des Knnstgeireibei 
der Japaner, von Herm Dr. J. Brinckmann, Director des Haaeums 
fiir Kunst und Gewerbe in Hamburg, den 21. Janaar 1888. 

2. TJeber die nationale Religion der Japaner, genannt Sinto, von 
Herm Dr. Tetsusiro Inouye, Lector des Japanischen am Seminar, 
den 28. Januar. 

3. Zur Beurtheilung des Confucius und seiner Lehre, von Hem 
Dr. G. von der Gabelentz, Professor an der Univerdtat in Leipzig^ 
den 4. Februar. 

4. TJeber Orientalische Teppichweberei, von Herm Professor Dr. 
J. Lessing, Director des Gewerbe-Museums, den 11. Februar. 

5. Diis hiiusliche und Eamilien-Leben der Chinesen, von Hem 
Professor C. Arendt, Lehrer des Chinesischen am Seminar, den 18. 

6. Zur wirthschaftlichen Lage Indions, von Herm Consul W. 
Annccke, General- Secretiir des Deutschen Handelstages, den 25. 

7. TJeber den TJmgang und Verkehr mit den Orientalen, Ton 
Herm Legationsrath Professor Dr. Biaigsch, den 3. Marz. 

8. Einige Thatsachen zur Churakteristik des Auffassungsver- 
mogens der Afrikanischen Eingeborenen, von Herm Missions- 
Inspector Biittuer, Lehrer des Suaheli am Seminar, den 10. Man. 

The above lists will give an accurate idea of what is being done 
in the centres referred to for the official encouragement of Oriental 
study. But as the lists are made up in April and October, we hive 
not been able for this issue to obtain later intelligence from other 
places than is contiiined in their October lists. We hope in i 
future number to give a complete list of a similar kind for the 
whole of Europe. It is intended also to add a statement at to the 


>tt in each place of the lectures to the students frequenting them. 
i we^n we latter point we are only now in a position to state that the 
iectores at the Berlin Seminary are not merely entirely free, but 
that gliants are provided for necessitous students. 



IV. Notes and News. 

In the Times of the 9th March there appeared a report of the 
death of Baron Ferdinand von Richthofen, Professor of Geography 
in the University of Berlin, and for the second time President of 
the Geographical Society of that city. Up to the 23rd March no 
correction of the report has appeared in the Times, or, so far as 
we know, in any other English newspaper. But we are happy to 
know that it is not correct. The Baron F. von Richthofen, one 
of the most eminent of travellers and geographers, the author of 
the great work China, and much else, and still in his prime, is 
still in the land of the living, and will be so we trust doing good 
work for many a year. The mistake arose from the death of a 
kinsman, also a Professor at Berlin we believe, but of Law. 

Prof. Aufrecht of Bonn has nearly completed his long-expected 
and urgently wanted list of Sanskrit books and authors. It will 
probably appear in the course of next year. 

Professor Bhandarkar, of the Dekkan College, Prof. Biihler, 
Prof. Kielhom, Shankar Pandurang Pandit, Sii* Henry Rawlinson, 
Prof. Sacliau, and Col. Yule have been elected Honorary Members 
of the American Oriental Society. 

Shankar Pandurang Pandit has published with an elaborate 
historical and critical introduction his edition of the Gaiidvano, a 
Prakrit poem by Vakpati (circa 800 a.d.) on King Yasovarman, 
of Kanauj. He is now engaged on an edition of the Atharva 

Prof. Adolf Holtzmann of Freiburg in Baden is at work on an 
* Introduction to the study of the Mahabharata. Such a book from 
so well known a master of the subject will be most welcome to all 
students of the history of ideas in India. 

Prof. Lindner of Leipzig proposes to write a new manual of the 
history of religions. 

The senate of Glasgow University have elected Professor Max 
Miiller to be the first Gifford Lecturer on Natural Theology. The 
tenure is for two years, which may be renewed once only. The 
emoluments consist of the interest of the late Lord Gifford's 

VOL. XX. — [new sbbibs.] 21 


bequest of £26,000. The lecturer is required to give at least twe- 
public lectures annually. 

Dr. A. A. Macdonell, at present Taylorian Teacher of Gr 
at Oxford, has been appointed Deputy to the Bcwlen Prof*- 
Sanskrit. Mr. Macdonell won the Taylorian Scholar sliir-- Ctenuok 
in 1876, the Davis Scholarship in Chinese in 1877. ood fheBoln 
Scholarship in Sanskrit in 1878. A few years ago he obtained te 
degree of Ph.D. at Leipzig, with a thesis in philology. In I8tt 
ho edited an unabridged edition of Prof. Max Miiller's Sanikrik 
Grammar; and still more recently he has, we believe, been lecturing 
for Sir M. Monier-Williams, whose deputy he has now become. 

Sir M. Monier- Williams has been appointed Duff Lecturer at Edin- 
burgh, where he will deliver a course of lectures on "Buddhism." 

Mr. J. Capper, who was one of the founders and for a long time 
Hon. Sec. of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, has 
been elected an Honorary Member of that branch. 

Portugal, — The distinguished Portuguese Scholar Don G. de 
Yasconcellos Abreu, Professor of Sanskrit at Lisbon, and the author 
of other esteemed works, has published at Lisbon two works 
in the Portuguese language. (I) Progress of the study of Sanskrit 
(2) An essay on the study of Languages generally. We hail tiw 
wakening up of the study of Orientals in the only kingdom in 
Europe which has never sent a representative to the International 
Congresses of Oriental Scholars. 

Complete Translation of the Mahdwansa into JEnglish. — ^Late advices 
from Ceylon state that the Mahawansa has now been fully translated 
into English by Louis Wijesinha Modliar, who is now engaged in 
seeing his translation of chapters 39 to 101 through the press. It 
is understood that the same scholar may very shortly be entrasted 
with the editing of a second edition of chapters 1 to 38, translated by 
the late George Turnour about fifty years ago, and long since ont of 

Ceylon Archteology. — The Government Agent of the northern 
pro^'ince of Ceylon htis addressed the Governor of that island on the 
subject of the ruins at Tirukc-siram (^Eantotte), where excavations 
have brought to light many highly interesting remains. Govern- 
ment aid is sought to carry on the exploration on the site of the 
ancient city in question. 

Pregnant JFomen, — A Bangalore correspondent of the Homeward 
2I(til of Jan. 23, writes: — In the Chitiddroog district, a class of 
mitives, called Gollams, practise the barbarous custom of leaving 


itMtwe^^^ ^6ar thoir confinement exposed to the rain and sun in an 
1 plain ; never approaching them while in labour. Sometimes 
>r of Ge™t^ ^® ^®^t ^^^8 for twenty-one days, often dying from neglect 
Pj^f^d ^^osure. After confinement the women are made to proceed 
Ip ' on foot ^v^Mhtheir infants to the temple of their particular goddess, 
where they piiform certain ceremonies. The "Wesleyan Mission- 
aries have brougntlhese facts to the attention of the Dewan of 
Mysore, proving the existence of this custom by the testimony of 
respectable Hindoos, and the matter is being inquired into. 

Spellicans. — In the Blgha Nxkaya we find a list of games to 
which certain Samaras and Brahmans are said to be addicted. The 
phrase is put into the mouth of the Buddha : and the list occurring 
in one of the very oldest fragments imbedded in the Buddhist 
Scriptures (in the Silas) dates back very probably to the time when 
Gotama was living. Of each word in this list we have the tra- 
ditional interpretation preserved to us in the great commentary by 
Buddhaghosa, who wrote about a.d. 430. One of the games is 
called Santikamf and Buddhaghosa explains it : — " Little pieces 
[or men of the kind used in games] or bits of crockery are put all 
in a heap together. Then these they remove or replace with the nail, 
and, if any object in the heap shakes, he [the player] is beaten." 
See the Sumangala Vtlaainf, just edited for the Pali Text Society 
by Prof. Rhys Davids and Prof. Carpenter, p. 85. 

Santikam may be rendered '^ Neighbourhoods," but the game is 
clearly what is now called Spellicans. As now played, each piece 
has a number on it, and each player continues to withdraw (with 
a hook) one or other of the various pieces until in so doing he 
shakes the rest. Then the other player has his turn ; and, when 
all the pieces are removed, the numbers on those taken by each 
player are added up, and the player with the highest number wins. 
Is anything known of the history of this game in Europe ? The 
name for it is evidently old, and connected (not with spieUn 
*to play'), but with our words %pill (» bit of paper or wood) and 
splinter. That it should have existed 500 B.C. in India need not 
surprise us. A study of the migration of games might be expected 
to yield results as interesting as that of the migration of stories. 

Opening of an Oriental Institute at Ajmere. — A very crowded 
meeting of the members and representatives of the Paropkareni 
Sabha and all Arya Samajas throughout India was held at Ajmere 
under the presidency of Thakore Bahadursingh of Masuda, on Dec. 
29, to lay the foundation-stone of the Dayanand Ashram, or Daya- 

Ol] ' 


nund Institute, containing an Anglo-Varidic College, a library 
asylum, a museum, a book depot, and a lecture -room, iu lion 
the great Indian reformer, the late Swami Bay an and Saras 
The well-known scholar and pundit, Mohanlal Vishunlal "■" 
one of the Swamy executors, laid the ashes and foun^^'^'^^^'OM 
on behalf of all the followers and executors at 12 .vui. in a piAei 
on the bank of the Anusagar Lake, bestowed bj the Bajadhizt] flt 
Shahpura for the purpose. Sermons, speeches, and lectures vm 
given in the Sanskrit, Hindi and English languages to an attentna 
congregation of the Arya Samajists and others with great eanelt* 
ness and fluency by such profound scholars as Professor Gurdntk, 
M.A., Shyamji Krishna Yarma, M.A., Hunsraj, B.A., Lajapatini 
and others. The ceremonies ended satisfactorily, and the institution 
is expected to be a great boon to the country at large, inasmuch u 
it will diif use Eastern and Western culture side by side. — ( Homiw^i 
Mail, Jan. 23.) 

A literary event of national importance has taken place in 
Japan. One of the Legation Officers, now with the Minister to 
Germany, recently discovered in the Ashikaga College (Tsuh-lx 
Hioh) a copy of Hwang K'an's Confucian Analects (the Lun Til), 
over 1200 years old, with all the Ancient Commentators' notes. 
This work has disappeai-ed in China ever since the Southern Sung 
dynasty, i.e. for some 700 or 800 years ; and as the whole histoiy 
of the present copy is known, the Chinese Government has directed 
the Minister in Japan to borrow it, in order that a carefully 
corrected copy may be taken. It may be added that, should then 
be any Kana inscriptions upon this copy, valuable light will alflo 
be thrown upon the Japanese Alphabet question. — {JSomeward 
Mail, 9th Jan. 1888.) 

The llesident in Tibet incidentally mentions that the old 
Almanac of the Taugut kingdom, derived from the Guigoors, 
is still in use there, which statement corresponds with the assertion 
in the Ming History that, from the Tang dynasty up to the arrival 
of Schaal. and Yerbicst, the Ouigour calculations were also used by 
the Chinese. — (^ITomeward Mail, 9th Jan. 1888.) 

There have been published at native presses in Ceylon during the 
last three months the Saddharmaratnuvall and Mula Sikkha, and 
a new edition of the Kavyasekara, by the well-known scholar 
Batuwan Tudawa. 

The ** Eaby Ionian and Oriental Record " now appears in a more 
huiidy shape, and with improved type. Among the articles for 


|hrMy,''ebniary M. de Harlez continues the introduction to his intended 
[lODoicranriation of the Pentaglott Buddhist Vocabulary. 
^ "WW very deeply regret to hear, just as we are going to press, 
[ T of theN^[eath of Bhagvanlal Indraji. 

Mr. mN^ Portman, M.R.A.S., the author of the article on 
Music in ourSjyjBsent number, has published a very admirable 
little '' Manual oi the Andamanese Languages " (pp. 229. small 
8yo. Allen's, London, 1887), consisting of a short grammar, 
vocabularies, and dialogues. 

The Journal for 1887 of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic 
Society contains articles by Mr. Satow on the Bibliography of 
Siam (in continuation of the valuable paper commenced in the 
previous number); English Sulu and Malay Vocabulary, by Mr. 
T. H. Haynes ; the Malay text and English translation of a fairy 
tale entitled Raja Donan, by "W. E. Maxwell ; and a very useful 
Index to the Journal of the Indian Archipelago, by Mr. N. B. Dennys. 

New arrangements have been made under which Mr. Vincent 
Trenckner*8 edition of the Majjhima Nikaya will be published by 
the Pali Text Society. The first volume is printed and will be 
issued to subscribers in a few weeks. 

The second volumes of Br. Morris's Anguttara and of M. Leon 
Peer's Samyutta, in course of publication for the Pali Text Society, 
are now in the printer's hands, and will be issued to the subscribers 
for this year. 

We would call the especial attention of those interested in the 
history of Indian religions and literature to the * Report on the 
Search for Sanskrit MS8. in the Bombay Presidency during the 
year 1883-4,' just published at the Government Press by Prof. 
Bhandarkar. It contains a most complete and valuable account of 
the whole of the Jain literature. 

Misehte Sindbad, by Dr. Paulus C^sel (Berlin Schaeffer). 
— Under this title Dr. Cassel has published the Hebrew text of the 
Mischte Sindbad and the corresponding Greek text of Syntipas, with 
introduction, translation into German, and notes on each, and an 
essay on the general history of the collection of stories known as 
the Seven Sages. He considers the Hebrew version to be the 
oldest extant, and to be itself derived from a Manichoean Syrian 
original of perhaps the fourth century of our era. That, in its 
turn he holds to be the reproduction of an Indian Buddhist work 
of unknown title and date, and in support of these quotes many 
analogous Buddhist stories. It is a pity that his authorities for 


these are not the latest or best. He seems to know nothing of t" 
most complete and oldest collection of Buddhist folklore — we ro 
the Jataka book. But his volume (420 pp. small 8vo.) is a val'jtf 
contribution to the increasingly interesting question of the ini^iMn 
of Buddhist stories to the West. 

^yc have on the African languages many valuable works,— 
Grammars, Dictionaiies, Grammatical Notes and lists of Words,— 
compiled chiefly by Missionaries, but also by travellers ; and it may 
be added that the materials collected by travellers not trained in 
philology are often of great value when carefully examined, as, f. i., 
Commander Cameron's unpretending Kirua Yocabulary, and othen 
which I cannot quote here. But, if we except the ancient 
Egyptian and the Arabic languages, it must be confessed that the 
other African languages have been till now very Uttle investigated 
on the spot by professional scholars. The name of Prof. Leo 
Eeinisch, of Vienna, who has so extensively studied the lang;nage8 
of the Nile basin, is of course an exception, and another is that of 
Prof. Kene Basset, of Algiers. He is already well known by his 
remarkable publications on the various dialects of the Berber lan- 
guage, and has now been entrusted by the ** Academie des inscrip- 
tions et belles-lettres " with a scientific mission to Senegambia. He 
started in the beginning of January, and, while waiting at Lisbon 
for the monthly steamer, he discovered in the various libraries of 
that capital many Arabic manuscripts and important documents of 
the 16th and 17th centuries on the tribes and languages of Sene* 
gambia; aU these documents had been hitherto unknown to scholars, 
but he hopes to have some of them copied and published. At St. Louis 
(Senegal), he has collected an extensive Vocabulary of the puiest 
Zonaga (Berber) dialect, as spoken by the Ouled-Dahman, a Trarza 
tribe, as well as many Arabic texts translated into Zcnaga and even 
an historical fragment concerning the origin of the Ouled-Dahman. 
He intends to go to Podor, in order to get, if possible, some ancient 
manuscripts from the Braknas : all these documents will un- 
doubtedly throw some light on the linguistics and history of t^»^ 
fraction of the Berber race. He has also collected some linguistic 
data on the Khassunkhe, a dialect of the Mandingo-Bambara group, 
which has preserved many more complete and consequently older 
forms : he intends to do the same with regard to the Soninkhe, 
which has been till now provisionally classified in the above-named 
group. But this is not all. 


i^- Prof. Een^ Basset informs me that, as soon as he comes back 
P from Podor, he will go among the Serers, in order to ascer- 
tain >VFhat is the so-called None dialect, which could well be 
a lang^ge quite different from the Sine, belonging perhaps to 
the grealS^amily of prefix-languages : there is there a highly 
interesting lil%|U8tic problem, which, I hope, will be solved once 
for all, and I wiU'llot anticipate on the results of that inquiry, 
which should extend to the neighbouring Biobas. Then, the un- 
tiring explorer intends to proceed to Soke, on the Eio-Nunez, 
where he will complete Dr. Corre's rather rudimental study of 
the Baga, Kalu, Landuman, and other important languages, and 
where also he hopes to find some Mandingos, in order to make some 
advance on Macbrair's work. 

It will be seen that, on Prof. Ren^ Basset coming home, we may 
expect to be supplied with large and valuable materieds, very 
interesting even for Englishmen, as some of the languages 
referred to are spoken on or near the British Gambia and at 
Sierra-Leone. — Capt. T. G. ds G. 

P.S. — I think it will be useful to add here a short list of Prof. 
K. Basset's works, which seem to be little known in England : 

Relation de Sidi Brahim de Massatf traduite du chelh*a en 
fran9ai8 et annotee. Paris, 1883. 

I^'otea de Lexicographie herhkre^ Paris, 1st series, 1883 ; 2nd series, 
1885; 3rd series, 1886; 4th series, just out. Four more series 
of these important comparative Vocabularies of the Berber dialects 
are ready for publication. 

ConU des Beni-Menaeer, Alger, 1885. 

Becueil de textes et documents relatife d la philohgie berh^e, 
Alger, 1885-86. 

Manuel de langue Kahyle {Chammaire, Bibliographies Chresto- 
mathie et Zexique), Paris, 1887. This little work, a masterpiece 
of concision and clearness, is rather an outline of comparative 
Grammar of the Berber language. 

Histoire de Tomhouktou d'apres Us auteurs arabes, in course of 
publication in the Museon, Lou vain. 

In the Preface of Prof. Newman's recent Kabail Vocabulary, it 
is stated that Father Olivier's Dictionnaire francais-kahgle had been 
printed, but never published. This statement is quite incorrect : 
that Dictionary was published in 1878 at Le Puy (18mo. pp. vi. 
and 316), and it is to be had everywhere in France and Algeria 


for five francs, also at Triibner's for twelve shillinprs. In 
Catalogue Triibner quotes it as published in 1882 at Paris. I 
add that there is, in the ** Biblioth^ue nationale '* of Paris (M 
berb^re, No. 16 or 18), an unpublished Vocahulaire franqais-jtsmm^ 
bearing the name of the late Father Kivi^re. 

Lieut. G. Binger, of the French Marines, who.^^iMi engaged in 
travelling from Bakel down to the Guinea coast, hatf been muideTed 
on the other side of the Ouussoulonke ; he had been welcomed by 
King Samory, and his death is a great loss to science. — Catt. T. 

G. DE G. 

V. Reviews. 

Prof. Ch. do Harlez, Iranist and Sinologist, has published in 
a separate form his important memoir on the Tartar religion, 
which appeared last year in vol. xi. of the Memoires couronntt, 
etc.j de VAcademie de Belgique, The full title of the work ex- 
plains its purpose : La lloligion nationale des Tartares Orientaux, 
Mandchous ct Mongols, compareo k la religion des Anciens Chinois, 
d'apr^s los textes indigenes, avec le Rituel tartare de PEmpereur 
K'ien-long, traduit pour la premiere fois (Bruxelles, 1887, 216 pp. 
and plate, scmi-8vo.). The distinguished author is one of the few 
scholars acquainted with the Mandshu language and literature ; we 
are indebted to him for a Manuel de la langue Mandehoue in 1884 
(Paris, Maisonnouve) and for the Sistoire de V Empire de Kin 
(Jutchih or Niutchih) ou Umpire d^Or^ Aisin gurvn-i indnri hitke, 
translated for the first time (Louvain, 1887, 8vo. xvi. 288 pp.). 
The latter work, which refers to the domination of the ancestors 
of the present Mandshu, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries 
over the North of China, has furnished Dr. de Harlez the evidence 
adduced in the first part, second section, of his new work, while 
the first section is an expose of the Mandshu religion of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as exhibited in the Ritual 
framed by order of the Mandshu Emperor of the Chinese Empire. 
The translation of this Ritual, which forms the second part of the 
work, pp. 61-174, is followed by a tableau of the Mongol re- 
ligion, as described by the Tartar historians and European travellers 
and writers. A description of the religion of the ancient Chinese, 
and its comparison with that of the Tartars, composes the shortest 
and last part of the work. The author has left aside altogether 
all that has been imported by the Buddhists, and has in many cases 




xn^fied so deeply the former standard. "We are afraid that not 
a fw of the views put forth by several writers of fame on com- 
parative religions will prove inexact with reference to the hitherto 
little known national religion of the Tartars when compared with 
the faithhl^xpos^ we have just described. — T. de L. 

Africa. — JJ^iAntonio da Silva Leitao e Castro has published in 
the Portuguese Language at the National Press of Loanda, 1866, 
the Grammar of the Kongo Language and Vocabulary compiled by 
Brusciottus, a Capuchin Monk, in the Latin language 200 years 
ago. Our readers will recollect that this book is no longer rare, as 
a new edition was published some years back in London, and it has 
been translated and published in English by Mr. Grattan Guiness, 
of Harley House, Bow. It is a Bantu language. 

Joaquin Almeida Da Cunha has published at the National Press 
of Loanda, 1886, a Grammar and Vocabulary of the Maiza language 
spoken in the district of Cape Delgado in the Province of Mozambik 
in East Airica. It is a Bantu language. 

The same author has published at the National Press of Mozambik, 
1885, a Study on the Manners and Customs of the Banian, Bathia, 
Parsi, Moor, Gentile and Native inhabitants of the Province. It 
would be an interesting study to examine this volume, as so many 
of the races alluded to are natives of India, Hindu and Mahometan 
who have settled on the east coast of Africa, south of the equator, 
in fact all the coast trade is in the hands of Indians. 

SusUf West Africa. — The Rev. P. H. Donglin, Missionary to the 
Ilio Pongo, has published through the S.P.C.K. a Reading Book in 
the Susu language, a most important form of speech in West 
Airica. This belongs to the Negro group. 

Kahaily North Africa. — Emeritus Professor F. "W. Newman has 
published (Triibner) a new and enlarged edition of his Numidian, 
or Kabail, Vocabulary. It includes all the words contained in a 
Vocabulary prepared by Father Olivier, which Dr. Cust, the Hon. 
Secretary, picked up during his tour in Algeiia, as it was previously 
unknown in England. 

Oceania. — Mr. Sydney H. Ray has contributed to the Journal of 
the Anthropological Institute a Grammatical Notice of the Nguna 
language, spoken in one of the islands of the New Hebrides. 

Grammatica Oromana. — A Grammar of the language spoken in 
Abyssinia, and by the Galla tribe. By Lucie Scobart. Published 
at Naples, 1885, in the Italian language. In the Preface we learn 
that the Roman Catholic Bishop Massaia gave the first impetus to the 


study of this language as far back as 1854, by opening a school 
which the native children were taught the language and tlio hf 
the Eoman character. The author followed this lead, an ~ 
compiled a very creditable Grammar. The author appear •^ 
a young Italian Professor. 

African Philology. — A Grammar and Vocabula^ of fhia ?« 
Language was published at New York, 1881, by tAe Ber. BlH. 
Nassau, M.D., of the American Presbyterian Board of Mianoiitii 
the Gabun, the west coast south of the equator. It was tlie woik 
of the Eev. H. M. Adams, of the same mission, who died as fir 
back as 1856. It is of great importance. The language isoftbe 
Bantu family. — 11. N. C. 

Prof. Chamberlain, of Tokyo, who has already earned tlie 
gratitude of many little people (and of some big folk too) by hii 
renderings of Japanese fairy-tales, has begun a series of little storiei 
gathered from Ainu lips, of which the two which have just 
appeared, the Punter in Fairyland and the Birds' Party, wiU be 
found no less interesting, and even more novel, than those of more 
Southern origin. These little brochures are daintly printed and got 
up, and very quaintly illustrated in colours by a Japanese artist, 
the very covers being pictured all over with representationB of 
Ainu men and women, weapons, houses, and utensils, and with 
scenes from the stories. The tales show how like are the workings of 
the fancy in primitive peoples all over the world, and how univenal 
the yearning alter some happier existence than that which we have 
had from day to day. — F. V. Diceins {Academy, 2nd Feb, 1888.) 

Comparative Vocahulariee of the Lang^iages spoken at Sumkin: 
Arabic, Ifadendoa, Beni-Amer, compiled by direction of Msjor C. 
M. Watsox, C.M.G., «.E. (S.P.C K.). 

The Arabic is the common Soudanese Arabic; the Hadendot, 
as 1 have shown in the last issue of the Journal, p. 144, is the 
dialectal form of the Beduwye language spoken by the Hadendoas; 
as to the dialect used by the Beni-Amer, it is an Arabic-Tigre- 
lUnlawye ' gibberish,' something like the French-Spanish-Anbic* 
Xiibayl 'sabir' used by the French colony in Algeria, or the 
• bioh-lu-niar ' useil by the coasting sailors in Oceania. 

Major AVats<m has done his best to supply U8 with what he wtf 
asked for, and his little work will be welcomed by those who are 
alrt'ady acquainted with the Arabic and Bedawye languagea ; baty 


8 school \™ Sony to say, this work will be quite useless for others, the 
l^gg^fA of vocabulary imposed upon the compiler having prevented 
J ^^^ fkpm exhibiting these languages in their true grammatical form. 
' Thalk^orm of Vocabulary, prepared in India for the Aryan 
langnages^^^hough doubtlessly appropriate to them, is quite 
inadequate i%S^||Mcan languages. The ZeiUehrift fur Afrikankche 
Spraehen has already, in its number of October, 1887, called atten- 
tion to the very grave inconvenience of this, and the present work 
ought never to have gone to the press without being carefully 
revised and annotated by some competent scholar. Thus, it does 
not even notice the existence of the article, either in Arabic or 
in.Hadendoa; in some instances, I find the masculine or feminine 
article unconsciously incorporated with the Hadendoa nouns, as: 
wankuil means 'the ear,' not 'ear,' which^is ankuil, better angkwil\ 
wahtdy^ tahtdy mean ' the horse, the mare,' not ' a horse, a mare ' ; 
shah * a cow,' is an indefinite form meaning * cow ' (masc. in 
Hadendoa). None of the grammatical forms is correctly noticed, 
and the Arabic translator has been led into many mistakes, as 

when he translates * of a father ' by c-»i Ifab^ which means really 
* (belonging) to father.' The formation of the feminine and of the 
plural in Hadendoa, by means of the article or otherwise, is totally 
omitted. It should have been easily illustrated by the following 
scheme : — 

Masc. {I'hesa (the he-cat), pi. d-hesa tak (man). 

Fem. tii'hesa (the she-cat), pi. td-hesa tdkat (woman). 

Masc. ii-mek ani-h-u (the he-ass [is] mine) kam era-h (white he- 

Fem. ^u-wtf^fl»i-^-t< (the she-ass [is] mine) kam era-t (white she- 

Instead of this I find the fem. anit with the meaning 'of me,' 
which should be ani, and the masc. anibo with the meaning 'mine,' 
without any distinction of gender. Many substantives are given 
in the nominative with the characteristic -t of the genitive case, 
and so on. 

Moreover, the form of vocabulary adopted gives no evidence of 
the respective position of the words in the affirmative sentence. 
We are told how one can say ** How old is this horse ? " or *' From 
whom did you buy that ? " ; but we do not know how to say ** The 
horse I bought from my neighbour is very old," or simply, " I love 
my wife ; I am eating bananas." 


Some more appropriate form of vocabulary and a thoroi 
revision would have enabled the compiler to avoid the mist: 
I have pointed out. — Capt. T. G. de G. 

This is not the proper place to comment upon the f^eo^r--^ 
and descriptive part of Antonio Cecchi'b work ; J^r^mU db 
frontiere del Caffa^ already noticed in the last issue of the Jom. 
Key. Asiat. Soc. ; but the linguistic part, which forms neariy ttfl 
third volume (502 pages out of 636) of this publication, aeemi to 
me to deserve some further consideration. It contains some Tcxy 
valuable grammatical notes and more or less extensive yocabuluieB 
of six East African languages — (1) £affa; (2) 8huro (?); (3) 
Yanjero (Yangara or Yomraa) ; (4) Adiya (Kambat?); (5) SAcAi 
(Gurague) ; (6) Afar (Dankali). The first five languages are not 
well, or not at all, known, and, though the last one has been folly 
illustrated by lleinisch and Colizza, this new volume is a veiy 
welcome contribution to our linguistic knowledge on that part of 

But by far the most important part of Cecchi's work is the elaborate 
Grammar and extensive Vocabulary of the Galla language, this part 
covering not less than 398 pages. Among the ten or twelve exist- 
ing publications on this language, there is no sufficiently reliable 
work ; the most complete of them, Tutschek's Grammar and 
Vocabulaiy, though a marvellous *tour do force,' was compiled in 
IMunich only from the mouth of a released slave, and could not be, 
therefore, quite satisfactory. Massaja's Grammar is very difficult to 
use, being intermixed, paragraph by paragraph, with the Ambaric 
Grammar; but, nevertheless, it has proved of great assistance to 
the compiler of the present Grammar, Prof. Ettore Viterbo, having 
been written on the spot by one who had become fully acquainted with 
the language during a stay of more than twenty years. The other 
works were incomplete notices or vocabularies, so that the present is 
intended to meet a real want, being complete in every part. The 
Grammar has been carefully compiled from the notes, phrases, and 
instances colli^cted by three personal observers, and, at a first glance, 
it looks quite satisfactory. The Galla-Italian and Italian-Ghills 
Vocabularies, compiled in the same way, are the most elaborate we 
have, and they will certainly prove very useful, not only to those 
who wish to acquire especially the Galla language, for whatever 
purpose it may bo, but also to all students of languages. The 
Italian transliteration will cause, perhaps, some uneasiness to those 
not well acquainted with this language ; but, after all, it is neither 



elter nor worse than transliteration in accordance with any ather 
vx^f owr living languages, and the same difficulty will be experienced 
till We adopt some scientific and uniform mode of transliteration. 
Thus,\bhe words ^ciankalld and Sciurd, given as ethnical names 
equivaleffi^ each other, though the first one really means ** negro" 
in the Gallfi^^iguage, ought to be written Shangala and Shuro for 
an English reaoe?. Lepsius' system is, I think, very imperfect, 
and the best of those hitherto employed is Bishop Steere's, at least 
for African languages and English readers. I have myself adopted, 
especially for the sake of comparison, a new scientific system, which 
I hope I shall soon be able to present to the English reader. — Gapt. 
T. G. DE G. 

P.S. — I may add that the third volume of Cecchi's work 
(linguistic part) can be had from the publisher (Ermanno Loescher, 
in Rome), and indeed at a very cheap rate, viz. ten shillings ; also 
from Messrs. Sampson Low and Co., in London. 

The following letters came too late for insertion among 
the Correspondence. 

2. The Babylonian Origin of the Chinese Characters. 

{JSuum euiqm.) 

Sir, — My attention has been called to several inexact 
statements concerning rae, and conceived in anything but a 
lenient spirit, by Mr. G. Bertin, in his article on the Origin 
and Development of the Cuneiform Syllabary, published in 
this Journal, October, 1887, Vol. XIX. pp. 625-654. 

I shall only put to right a few of thera. 

In answer to the variously-repeated accusation that I have 
taken up views of other scholars, such as our lamented 
Francois Lenormant and Dr. Hyde Clarke, I must say that 
I have as yet never heard of, or seen, any paper or book 
in which has been forestalled in any way my discovery, put 
forth in 1880, that the Chinese writing was derived about 
2500 B.C. from that in use at Babylon, through the inter- 
mediate country of £lam. The views entertained were — 
either as Fran9ois Lenormant thought at one time, without 
any attempt at proving it, that the Akkadian and Chinese 



writings had a common origin east of the Aral Sea — or a 
have learned recently, Dr. Hyde Clarke's opinion in 1.* 
amidst the flights of fancy which have made famou^ 
meetings of the British Association — that the Chines^oyp" 
tian, and Akkadian writings were related in ^^re-bulione 
times. Both these views arc altogether different from that 
to which I was led by ray studies. My discovery was made 
public in The Times, 20th April, in a lecture before thA 
Koyal Asiatic Society, 10th May, and in a lecture published 
in the Journal of the Society of Arts, 16th July, 1880, voL 
xxviii. pp. 725-734. Writing several months afterwards in 
the same Journal, p. 791, Dr. Hyde Clarke, in an amiable 
note which I have only seen lately, accepted my discoveTy 
and mentioned his communication, not yet seen by me, at 
Dublin two years before, on the pre-historic relations of the 
three writings. On the 20th of June, the late Fran9ois Lenor- 
mant had written to me from Bossieu some congratulatioDB 
on " mes decouvertes de premier ordre." My lecture from 
the Journal of the Society of Arts was reprinted separately, 
with the addition of a plate of Akkadian and early Chinese 
characters ; the plute was bad, and Mr. G. Bertin was right 
in criticising it (p. 654), though, if I judge from the opinion 
of many scholars of eminence, his criticism goes beyond the 
mark, when he infers from that imperfect plate that my 
discovery had not as yet been scientifically established at the 
time of his paper (October, 1887). To be able to say so, he 
oun;ht to have refuted the large amount of circumstantial 
evidence, including the most conclusive proof g^ven by the 
shifted cardinal points, which I have piled up in several of 
my works, and which have received a wide circulation. A 
resume, entitled Bahyhma and China, had appeared in The 
Babylonian and Oriental Record for June, 1887. Since then 
I have published on the subject : §§ 197-208 of my book on 
The Languages of China Before the Chinese (1887, D. Nutt), 
The Shifted Cardinal Points, from Elam to Early China (Ist 
art.), and The Old Babylonian Characters and their Chinese 
Derivates, in The Babylonian and Onental Record of January, 
pp. 25-32, and of March, 1888, pp. 73-99. 


■or 8 T^^' ^' Bertin finds fault with several of my statements 
u jfabotit the writing from which the Chinese characters were 
u derivied, as seen through an examination of these characters, 
which ijjere published in this Journal in 1883, Vol. XV. pp. 
278-280.^NJ have had occasion lately to revise them care- 
fully, and InHut say that I shall be obliged to maintain 
nearly every one of them. The cause of this difference arises 
from the fact that the Babylonian writing had undergone 
several changes before the oldest state that we know of it. 
I shall discuss the matter in my paper ''On the Kushite 
Origin of the Babylonian Characters," which I shall give 
out as soon as leisure and health permit. 

With reference to the latter hypothesis, which I put forth 
for the first time in my paper The Kushites, who were they ? 
published pp. 25-31 of The Babylonian and Oriental Record 
for December, 1886, which Mr. G. Bertin criticises unmerci- 
fully without quoting it, and where I gave as my opinion 
that the Egyptian, Babylonian, and Hittite writings may 
have sprung from a former system still unknown, and 
brought into Babylonia and Hittite lands by the Kushites, 
I must say that I had never known the theory to have been 
started by any one before, and that I am still in the same 
state of ignorance. The above-quoted paper of Dr. Hyde 
Clarke, of which I have only heard through Mr. G. Berlin's 
article, would bear out a part only of the theory. I am 
indebted to Mr. G. Bertin for having put right a wrongly- 
applied quotation from Pritchard, which I had cited from 
Professor G. Maspero without rectifying it ; but the matter 
is of little importance, as I have advocated that the Kushites 
had been a mixed population in very remote times. As to a 
list of ten or twelve Egyptian and Babylonian characters, 
which Mr. G. Bertin criticises from me, 1 have never published 
such a thing, 

Terrien de Lacouperie, 

The Secretary of the Royal Atiatie Society, 


3. The Origin of the Babyloniax characters fi 

THE Persian Gulf. 

Sir, — The Chaldean Berosus has related the disti^- 
^ell' known tradition which makes plainly tlic -inntki 
of his country originary from the Persia 12 tiolL Ihl 
Assyriologi;sts, discarding this local and time-honoured lepii^ 
have enthroned in its stead a theoretical origin froBi tk 
mountainous country of Elam. They have stated u a 
hypothesis verging on certainty, that a Turanian or Moogih 
loid population came down from the north-east to BabvIoD, 
bringing with them along with their religion, their legndi 
and traditions, their laws, their art, their building knov* 
ledge, and the art of writing. This hasty conclusiony whick 
will cause astonishment to later scholars, was brouglit about, 
however, on what seem to me and will seem to many othen 
quite an insufEcient ground. The most of the oldest soandi 
attached to the characters are Uralo- Altaic, the writing doei 
not contain any special symbol for the palm, which is the 
chief tree of the South, and the sign for " mountain," 
pictorial in appeiirance, is also that for country. Whence 
the north-east origin of the writing, etc., contrariwise to 
the local tradition. 

The descent of a Turano-Scythian population in the r^fion 
north of the Persian Gulf much more than 4000 years before 
the Christian era, carrying with it their language, religiou 
beliefs, legends and traditions, appears to be a historical fact, 
and the Turuno-Scythian character of their lang^uage is nov 
well ascertained, but it does not imply that they brought 
with them such an art as that of writing, which implies for 
its possessors some serious contingencies out of probability 
with the case. Either they ought to have invented it before 
their migration south, seeing that from common opinion this 
writing was not invented in Chaldeo-Babylonia, or they had 
received it from others. The first contingency is against 
anytliing we know from experience in history about the 
mental capacities of the Turano-Scythians. I have studied 
their history with great care, and I have found that thcj 


I no creative genius whatever ; they preserve or destroy, 

Acms y^hgy Jq j^q^ invent ; the supposed instances of the reverse 

J A^t genuine. The other would be the existence of an 

(]jg^Vder ^ria of civilization, from which this writing might 

have beeBNjprrowed ; but even admitting that, we would not 

- find as we oo^^proofs in the writing itself that it was not 

derived from Central Asia; we know enough of the 

traditions and history of these countries to be sure that no 

centre of civilization of the kind has ever existed. The 

oldest form of culture of Eastern Asia was that of the 

Chinese; but it was in toto a borrowed one, as I have 

repeatedly shown, and it did not begin till two thousand 

years or more after the descent of the Sumero- Akkadians in 


This arrival of Northmen can very well be reconciled with 
the tradition reported by Berosus, for which I shall adduce 
some proofs below. There is nothing improbable in their 
finding in their new country the writing already in use, 
though still a recent importation, and which tradition and 
practice had not yet given a sufficient phonetic development 
and force of resistance to new-comers. They must have 
adapted it entirely to their requirements of ^sounds and 
words, preserving only very few of those previously in 
existence, and which they could not dislodge. This might 
be the explanation of the survivals of a former state, which 
are visible in the oldest documents. Some characters appear 
in the columns of inscriptions discovered at Telle, placed in 
positions objectionable to their pictorial primitive value, and 
this shows that the column arrangement was not their 
original one. Several arguments might be added here from a 
paper, TJie Pre- Akkadian Semites^ written eighteen months 
ago by Mr. G. Bertin, in the Journ, Roy, Asiat. Soc^ 
vol, xviii. pp. 409-436 ; the ingenious Assyriologist wanted 
to show that the writing was in the land, and made use of 
by the Semites before the Akkadian invasion, and his paper 
certainly deserved a better fate than it received from the 
hands of Prof. A. H, Sayce, Hibhert Lectures for 1887, 
p. 436. I do not think he has really shown that the Semites 

VOL. XX. — [new series.] 22 


knew the art of writing previously to the Akkadians 
he has given good reasons against the theory of a Suii3 
Akkadian origin of this writing. For my own part I 
already expressed as my opinion {The J^us/nYes, tr^^^ 
they? in The Babylonian and Oriental JRecord, ^^^OBoiaet, 
1886), that the writing in question was brcagbt in bf Ae 
Kushites, speaking a language having an indirect ideologjr 
whatever they may have been as a race apparently mndi 
mixed ; and as this importation would have been done froB 
the Persian Gulf, the tradition preserved by Berosiu would 
thus be explained. I am well aware of the pitfiiUs and 
dangers of all sorts which the inquirer has to avoid in 
researches concerning ideographic characters. A writing 
so composed is never steady. With the increase of know- 
ledge new meanings are engrafted by analogy either on the 
sounds or on the characters; new pictog^phs are made 
either anew altogether or by the adaptation of their shape 
to some purpose and object foreign to their original value. 
Such, for instance, when the Chinese scribes applied to the 
representation of swan or counting-rods, two old characten 
sh^ *' reveal/' simply because of their suitable shape. Similar 
instances cannot always be discriminated, and may canee 
mistakes in a question so intricate and bristling with difficul- 
ties as the beginnings of the Babylonian characters. The 
language of the inventors of these characters can be asco^ 
tained only when a sifting of the oldest sounds attached to 
the characters has been made in order to find the residuum 
of words and sounds older than the Sumerian introduction. 
The matter is the more difficult if I am right in my in- 
ferences concerning the language and dialects spoken hy the 
Kusliite mixed race of seafarers and traders, which were not 
very distant offshoots of the Turano-Scythian stock. Further 
researches will explain away the difficulty and throw light 
on this obscure problem. 

In the mean time we may be satisfied with the proof that 
this writing was not originated in a highland country. The 
great argument in favour of this view cuts both ways. It 
rests on the fact that the symbol for ' mountain ' means also 


adiaiu, ^d ' and ' country/ but for islanders or seafarers land 

a Som^^'^^ looks mountainous ! and could not be represented 

ut Py tnem otherwise. And what is highly significant is that 

i^;the sy\;^ol for 'mountain' imparts a contemptuous meaning 

to the cftlopounds in which it occurs ; for instance gin 

* servant/ litr^^oman of the mountain^/ uru ' servant/ lit. 

* man of the mountains/ am ' wild bull/ lit. ' bull of the 
mountains.' Should the writing have been invented in the 
highlands, the reverse would be the case. There are no 
primitive characters for * river' nor for 'bear' (it is a 
compound). On the other hand, the primitive character for 
' fish' is important in the writing ; the sign for 'water' means 
also 'father/ and there are primitive symbols for 'boat/ 
for ' wind ' (represented by an inflated sail), etc. I hope my 
readers will agree with me that all this constitutes a pretty 
strong argument in favotir of the genuineness of the tradition 
reported by Berosus, that letters were introduced into Ghaldea 
from the Persian Gulf. 

Terrien D£ Lacouferie. 

The Secritary Royal Asiatic Society, 

r . 








Art. VIII. — Notes on the Early History of Northern India. 
By J. F. Hewitt, late Commissioner of Chota Nagpur. 

The most noteworthy part of the history of India must 
always be that which tells how the people known as Hindoos, 
speaking languages derived from the Sanskrit, and living 
in the country between the Himalayas and the Vindhyan 
Mountains, and in the Valley of the Indus, were formed 
from originally heterogeneous elements into a nation, and 
which further describes the origin and development of their 
system of government and their early religious history. The 
written materials available for these purposes are unusually 
abundant, but vary greatly in value. The earliest documents 
at all deserving the name of authentic history are the Pali 
writings of the early Buddhists. These give us a very good 
idea of North-eastern India, the institutions, government, 
and customs of the people in the fifth and sixth centuries 
before Christ. But the people had then reached a com- 
paratively late stage in their progress, and as to events 
occurring before that time, we have to look for informa- 
tion primarily to the very voluminous early Sanskrit 
literature, and chiefly to the legends and traditions therein 
contained ; and secondarily to facts ascertained from foreign 
countries and languages, and to deductions from the earliest 
subsequent historical documents, and from coins, monuments, 
and remains of early buildings, all dating from a much later 
period. The Sanskrit writings consist of religious and war- 

TOL. XX. — [new 8BILIB8.] 23 


like odes, ritualistic manuals, metaphysical and etla^ 
treatises, books of sacred law, and epic poems ; but 
historical value of the contents of these works is g- 
lessoned by the circumstances under which most r-^ 
were composed. 

Of these books the most valuable for histonvalpnrpomm 
the Hymns of the Rigveda, as the authors of these foeoi 
write naturally, without any bias beyond that arising {ron 
pride in Aryan prowess, the conviction of Aryan infalUUUtji 
trust in Aryan gods, and depreciation and contempt of their 
opponents w^ho possessed the land they wished to call their 
own. Though less legendary than the Homeric or later 
Sanskrit epics, they are in no sense narrative poems, being 
for the most part war-songs and religious odes addressed to 
the gods and the god-like Soma, the inspirer alike of godi 
and men, and they deal only incidentally with actual facta. 
They nevertheless give us most valuable information as to 
the social polity and beliefs of the Aryan tribes before they 
had been much altered by contact with other races. And 
though they tell us little directly about their predecessors in 
the country who opposed their advance into it, they enaUe 
us to judge of the change effected by the subsequent infla* 
ence of other races, by comparing Aryan institutions^ as set 
forth in the Veda, with those current in the country in 
later times. 

Many of the later Sanskrit works would be much more 
trustworthy guides than they are, when not carefully tested, 
if it w^ere not for the one-sidedness and inaccuracy of the 
writers, who, whether as priests or bards, systematically 
ignored and frequently falsified facts, to serve their special 
ends. The priests, who wrote for the most part after the 
caste system resulting from the amalgamation of the di£Perent 
races had become an article of the Brahmin faith, made it 
their object to secure its general recognition, and thereby 
to make the Brahmins, as priests of the gods and guardians 
of the national morality, supreme in Church and State. In 
doing this it was their interest to ignore and suppress aU 
that tended to prove that those who were accepted as 


^thi'^Dging to the three higher castes were not pure Aryans, 
t>ut^d'^^^^ their scheme of society and religious beliefs were 
^lot ptfrt of the national creed of all people in the country. 
In a^milar way the royal bards, who were the earliest 
authors of ^e great epic poems, the Mahabharata and the 
Bamayana, us^ their imagination freely in distorting, in- 
venting, and concealing facts so as to establish the fame 
of their patron kings and the ancestors who had preceded 
them on the throne. 

This very summary and incomplete examination of possible 
causes of error shows how necessary it is, before accepting 
statements derived from these writings as correct, to test 
them by comparison with the secondary sources of informa- 
tion above described. But though much has been done in this 
direction by Muir, Lassen, Zimmer, Max Miiller, and very 
many other honoured authorities, who will be referred to 
frequently in this paper, much still remains to be done to 
show the great share taken by other races besides the Aryans 
in the formation of the Hindoo religion, Hindoo govern- 
ment, and Hindoo social customs. What I hope especially to 
prove is, that the knowledge of early times gained from the 
sources of information described above may be very greatly 
increased by examining not only the methods by which 
Hindooism is now extending its influences over tribes which it 
has not yet absorbed, but also the present customs of the un- 
Hindooised sections of those races ; as it is from them that the 
present mixed population has been in a great measure formed, 
and they have occupied a very important and permanent place 
in its history, but have left no independent literature to record 
their achievements. Large and comparatively self-governing 
confederacies and states of these races still remain in 
Central India undisturbed by the changes caused by foreign 
conquest, immigration, and eager competition with other 
tribes. They are naturally and persistently conservative, like 
all people who are so contented with their lot as to think 
the trouble of trying to improve it unnecessary labour, or 
who have either not excited the cupidity of their neighbours, 
or have proved that they cannot be interfered with without 


risks to those who attack them greater than can be co 
pensated by the advantages of conquest. The unalt* 
customs of these people, who still worship the ^ods, ^ 
the system of goremment, and speak the speecli <^^ 
rc-mote forefathers, are no less Taluable to the Yiis^jntkn 
undisturbed strata to the geologist. And jm the kttsr is 
greatly aided in describing accurately former phms of 
existence by materials supplied by these untainted leooidii 
so may the historial inquirer receive trustworthy help ii 
his efforts to resuscitate the past from tribes like thoN 
described above, who may in a scientific point of view be 
called still living fossils. 

What I would venture to submit to the judgment of 
scholars is that the traditional history to be deduced from 
Hindrx) writings and popular legends is totally at Taiianee 
with the actual facts. According to this account tke 
priestly, ruling, and trading classes of North India hekmg 
to the Aryan race, which entered India from the North- 
west, led by their kings, who were assisted by their 
family priests of the Brahmin caste. They auoceeded 
without much difficulty in overrunning the whole countiy 
watered by the Indus, Ganges and their tributaries, to- 
gether with a considerable area of the Eastern and Western 
coasts south of these river-systems. In their progress they 
made Aryan institutions and beliefs the accepted laws of 
the land, and according to the Satapatha Br&hmaQa,^ the land 
they traversed was only cultivated and civilized when it was 
burnt over by Agni Yaisvftnara, the sacred household fire 
of the Aryans ; or in other words, when the people submitted 
to Aryan influence and guidance. The aboriginal inhabi- 
tants were cither driven into the mountains or reduced to 
semi-slavery as Sudras, while the Aryans, divided into the 
three classes of (1) Brahmins, (2) Warriors, and (3) traders 
and agriculturists, exercised supreme authority through the 
first two classes. They based firstly their religious organization 
on the rules said to have been laid down from the earliest times 

' Trof. Eggoliiig's vcrsiou, in the Sacred Books of the East, toI. xiL p. 105. 



I lie eoV^^ worship of the Aryan gods, the maintenance in each 

of the sacred fire and the prescribed sacrifices; 
Dj^ 530on9tty» their system of government on that set forth in 
I rihe eank treatises of the sacred law, which allowed a 
great latitude as to " the laws of countries, castes, and families 
which were noi>epposed to the sacred law," ^ these in cases of 
dispute being ascertained from the evidence of experts. I^ow 
that the Aryans spread themselves over the country, that 
they secured within its limits a very large share of power 
as religious, military, and political leaders, that dialects 
formed from their language became at a very early period the 
spoken language of the great body of the people, is true 
enough. But that they exterminated and drove out their 
predecessors, and forcibly assumed the government of the 
country, or that those now living there are people of pure 
Aryan descent, who have received Aryan religious beliefs 
from their forefathers, and have based their social polity 
on Aryan precedents, seems to me to be entirely untrue. If 
we look at the popular religion, we find the Aryan gods 
of the Veda, Mitra, Varuria, Indra, and Agni, with the other 
heavenly givers of light and life, almost entirely thrown 
aside, and Siva, Durga, Vishnu, and village and local deities, 
with the totally non- Aryan I^d,ga or Snake gods installed in 
their place. None of these can be legitimately evolved from 
the Aryan conceptions of the heavenly powers, who were 
alone the objects of their worship. It would require a book 
to trace the divergences in each separate case; but two special 
instances, which might be multiplied over and over again, 
will suffice to show the essential difference between the Vedic 
and popular theology. These are the worship of Siva and 
that of snakes, the latter still subsisting among the Hindoos 
in the universally observed Naga-paiichami festival.^ The 
worship of Siva may be traced back to the very earliest 
times succeeding the Vedic period, and in some of his aspects 
he resembles the Vedic Rudra, the Storm-god, who is repre- 
sented in the V&jasaneyi-Samhita imder the incongruous 

^ Gautama, chap. zi. 21. 

^ Monier-WilluuDs, Religioos Life in India, pp. 323, 430. 


aspects of a fierce terrible destroyer and as a saviour 
dfiliverer. These apparent incongruities are, ho\rever, le 
mate deductions from the varying influences of storm^ 
when Iludru disappears from the list of popular ph-^ 
Siva the auspicious one takes his place, he is nrjongeraM 
of the heavenly powers, but the god represeatod bj theliBgi 
or phallus, an earthly emblem ascribing the creatite lal 
generative power, not to the gods of heaven, bat to the eutli, 
and this proposition could never have been evolved froii 
Aryan premisses, or enounced as true by a pure Aryu 
people. As to the worship of snakes, modem authors who 
have written on the subject, I believe, either treat the snake 
worship, which prevailed so extensively in Asia, Africa, and 
Europe in the most ancient times, as part of the zoolatry 
originating in totemism, or ascribe its prevalence to the 
fear inspired by snakes, whose attacks were so stealthy and 
insidious, and whose bite was so immediately fatal. The 
totemistic explanation, though no doubt sufficient to explain 
animal worship in its other aspects, is, as I hope to show in 
the sequel of tliis paper, quite incapable of explaining its 
universality and persistent prevalence in India from the 
earliest periods. The second explanation ascribing the reve- 
rence paid to snakes is quite inconsistent with its extension 
to countries such as Italy and Lithuania,^ where snakes were 
at all events much rarer than in more tropical countries. 
The present question, however, is whether snake worship 
would be derived from Vedic theology or not, and this I 
would submit must be unreservedly answered in the negative; 
it is impossible that the Aryans would worship the snakes, 
who aro said in the Bigveda to be the special foes of Indra 
and the heavenly powers. 

The early prevalence of this worship in India, and the 
importance ascribed to the N&ga gods, is shown by the pro- 
tocting snake watching over the Buddha being continually 
(lopictcd in all early Buddhist bas-reliefs, and also by the 
high place assigned to them in early Buddhist literature. If 

^ Monior-Williuius, Religious Life in India, p. 313. 


j^^ ^N&ga gods were merely objects of animal worship, and 
y^ 1 or-^d chiefly from fear, they would not be placed before all 
'^cher '^ods and heavenly beings, as they are throughout all 
^ early linddhist writings. A special instance of this is the 
great hymu^f triumph celebrating the victory of the Buddha 
over Mara tba tempter, where the N&ga gods are placed 
first in the sacred hierarchy, above the Supannas or winged 
creatures, the Devas or angels, and lastly the Brahma gods.^ 
As to social institutions, the text quoted above from 
Gautama as to the maintenance of the laws of countries, 
castes, and families, which were not opposed to the sacred 
law, shows conclusively that Aryans when supreme did not 
try to subvert local customs and systems of government 
unless they were objectionable on religious grounds. That 
this maxim was regarded as possessing special authority, is 
shown by its being reproduced in Manu,^ Apastamba,^ and 
Yfijnavalkya,* which are all later manuals of the sacred law. 
This being the case, it is not surprising to find modes of 
government and political and social customs totally different 
from those described in the Yedas. To take one instance, 
the strongly organised village communities found everywhere 
throughout India, the origin of which will be explained later 
on, could never have been derived from the democratic Aryan 
Sabha or Samiti, which chose their chiefs by popular election, 
and did not pay them revenue, but only gave them free gifts.* 
In unravelling the enigma arising from the radical 
difference between the origin of the language spoken by 
the people and that of their religious beliefs and social 
institutions, the task set before the historian is to find out 
first the several races which united to make the Hindoo 
nation; secondly, the history of the process of amalgamation; 
and, thirdly, the several shares contributed by each race 
towards the final result. In doing this I have only space 
here to give a rough sketch, omitting very many of the 

1 Fausboll's Jataka, vol. i. p. 75. These were not the Brahmin gods, but the 
gods of the Brahma heavens, a division of the Buddhist world of devas or angels. 
' Manu, viii. 46. ' Apastamba, ii. 6. 15. 1. 

* Yajiiavalkya, i. 342. ^ Zunmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 166. 




Art. VIII. — Notes on the Early History of Northern India, 
By J. F. Hewitt, late Commissioner of Chota Nagpur. 

The most noteworthy part of the history of India must 
always be that which tells how the people known as Hindoos, 
speaking languages derived from the Sanskrit, and living 
in the country between the Himalayas and the Vindhyan 
Mountains, and in the Valley of the Indus, were formed 
from originally heterogeneous elements into a nation, and 
which further describes the origin and development of their 
system of government and their early religious history. The 
written materials available for these purposes are unusually 
abundant, but vary greatly in value. The earliest documents 
at all deserving the name of authentic history are the Pali 
writings of the early Buddhists. These give us a very good 
idea of North-eastern India, the institutions, government, 
and customs of the people in the fifth and sixth centuries 
before Christ. But the people had then reached a com- 
paratively late stage in their progress, and as to events 
occurring before that time, we have to look for informa- 
tion primarily to the very voluminous early Sanskrit 
literature, and chiefly to the legends and traditions therein 
contained ; and secondarily to facts ascertained from foreign 
countries and languages, and to deductions from the earliest 
subsequent historical documents, and from coins, monuments, 
and remains of early buildings, all dating from a much later 
period. The Sanskrit writings consist of religious and war- 

TOL. XX. — [nBW 8EILIB8.] 23 


like odes, ritualistic manuals, metaphysical and eth^ 
treatises, books of sacred law, and epic poems ; but 
historical value of the contents of these works is 6- 
lessened by the circumstances under which, most r^-^ 
were composed. 

Of these books the most valuable for historiual piiipomiil 
the H^-mns of the Rigveda, as the authors of tbeae potai 
write naturally, without any bias beyond that ariaing fffM 
pride in Aryan prowess, the conviction of Aryan infalUhiUtJi 
trust in Aryan gods, and depreciation and contempt of thor 
opponents who possessed the land they wished to call tluff 
own. Though less legendary than the Homeric or Istar 
Sanskrit epics, they are in no sense narrative poema^ bong 
for the most part war-songs and religious odes addroatcd to 
the gods and the god-like Soma, the inspirer alike of gab 
and men, and they deal only incidentally with actual ftctL 
They nevertheless give us most valuable information u to 
the social polity and beliefs of the Aryan tribes befora thflf 
had been much altered by contact with other races. And 
though they tell us little directly about their predecesMn xb 
the country who opposed their advance into it, they enabk 
us to judge of the change effected by the subseqaent influ- 
ence of other races, by comparing Aryan institutional as Mt 
forth in the Yeda, with those current in the oountary in 
later times. 

Many of the later Sanskrit works would be much mon 
trustworthy guides than they are, when not carefully teitoi 
if it were not for the one-sidedness and inacM^uracy of the 
writers, who, whether as priests or bards, systematioallf 
ignored and frequently falsified facts, to serve their spsdal 
ends. Tho priests, who wrote for the most part aft^ tlie 
caste system resulting from the amalgamation of the diflbnnt 
races had become an article of the Brahmin faith, »wAi it 
their object to secure its general recognition, and therabf 
to make the Brahmins, as priests of the gods and guaidisDi 
of the national morality, supreme in Church and State. In 
doing this it was their interest to ignore and suppreaa all 
that tended to prove that those who were accepted m 


ind etMp'^Sr^^S ^ ^^^ three higher castes were not pure Aryans, 
g. {^g^i^that their scheme of society and religious beliefs were 
is r^®* PV* ®^ *^® national creed of all people in the country, 
jj ^ In'^igimilar way the royal bards, who were the earliest 
authors o^;he great epic poems, the Mahabharata and the 
Bamayana, us^ their imagination freely in distorting, in- 
venting, and concealing facts so as to establish the fame 
of their patron kings and the ancestors who had preceded 
them on the throne. 

This very summary and incomplete examination of possible 
causes of error shows how necessary it is, before accepting 
statements derived from these writings as correct, to test 
them by comparison with the secondary sources of informa- 
tion above described. But though much has been done in this 
direction by Muir, Lassen, Zimmer, Max Miiller, and very 
many other honoured authorities, who will be referred to 
frequently in this paper, much still remains to be done to 
show the great share taken by other races besides the Aryans 
in the formation of the Hindoo religion, Hindoo govern- 
ment, and Hindoo social customs. What I hope especially to 
prove is, that the knowledge of early times gained from the 
sources of information described above may be very greatly 
increased by examining not only the methods by which 
Hindooism is now extending its influences over tribes which it 
has not yet absorbed, but also the present customs of the un- 
Hindooised sections of those races ; as it is from them that the 
present mixed population has been in a great measure formed, 
and they have occupied a very important and permanent place 
in its history, but have left no independent literature to record 
their achievements. Large and comparatively self-governing 
confederacies and states of these races still remain in 
Central India undisturbed by the changes caused by foreign 
conquest, immigration, and eager competition with other 
tribes. They are naturally and persistently conservative, like 
all people who are so contented with their lot as to think 
the trouble of trying to improve it unnecessary labour, or 
who have either not excited the cupidity of their neighbours, 
or have proved that they cannot be interfered with without 


risks to those who attack them greater than can be co. 
pensated by the advantages of conquest. The unalt^ 
customs of these people, who still worship the gods, ^ 
the system of government, and speak the speech ^^ 
remote forefathers, are no less valuable to the h.ipidnftA 
undisturbed strata to the geologist. And aii the \Mm ■ 
greatly aided in describing accurately former phant rf 
existence by materials supplied by these untainted reoorii^ 
so may the historial inquirer receive trustworthy help ii 
his efforts to resuscitate the past from trihes like thoN 
described above, who may in a scientific point of Yiew b 
called still living fossils. 

What I would venture to submit to the judgment of 
scholars is that the traditional history to be deduoed fnn 
nindoo writings and popular legends is totally at yariuifiB 
with the actual facts. According to this aocouit thfl 
priestly, ruling, and trading classes of North India behng 
to the Aryan race, which entered India from the Nortlh 
west, led by their kings, who were assisted by their 
family priests of the Brahmin caste. They tuooeeded 
without much diiBculty in overrunning the whole ooimtij 
watered by the Indus, Ganges and their tributariesy Uh 
gether with a considerable area of the Eastern and Western 
coasts south of these river-systems. In their progress th^ 
made Aryan institutions and beliefs the accepted laws d 
the land, and according to the Satapatha Br&hma^ay^ the land 
they traversed was only cultivated and civilized when it wsi 
burnt over by Agni Yaisvftnara, the sacred household fire 
of the Aryans ; or in other words, when the people submitted 
to Aryan influence and guidance. The aboriginal inhabi- 
tants wore cither driven into the mountains or reduoed to 
semi-slavery as Sudras, while the Aryans, divided into the 
three classes of (1) Brahmins, (2) Warriors, and (3) tmders 
and agriculturists, exercised supreme authority through the 
first two classes. They based firstly their religious organiaitioii 
on the rules said to have been laid down from the earliest tiinei 

^ Prof. £ggeling*8 version, in the Sacred Books of the East, toL zii. p. 10ft< 


^ be eot^bo worship of the Aryan gods, the maintenance in each 
x^^alehold of the sacred fire and the prescribed sacrifices; 
Gi^«300iMU7y their system of government on that set forth in 
1 r4he eail^ treatises of the sacred law, which allowed a 
great lati^ij^ as to " the laws of countries, castes, and families 
which were not^opposed to the sacred law," ^ these in cases of 
dispute being ascertained from the evidence of experts. I^ow 
that the Aryans spread themselves over the country, that 
they secured within its limits a very large share of power 
as religious, military, and political leaders, that dialects 
formed from their language became at a very early period the 
spoken language of the great body of the people, is true 
enough. But that they exterminated and drove out their 
predecessors, and forcibly assumed the government of the 
country, or that those now living there are people of pure 
Aryan descent, who have received Aryan religious beliefs 
from their forefathers, and have based their social polity 
on Aryan precedents, seems to me to be entirely untrue. If 
we look at the popular religion, we find the Aryan gods 
of the Yeda, Mitra, Yaruna, Indra, and Agni, with the other 
heavenly givers of light and life, almost entirely thrown 
aside, and Siva, Durga, Vishnu, and village and local deities, 
with the totally non- Aryan Nkgvk or Snake gods installed in 
their place. None of these can be legitimately evolved from 
the Aryan conceptions of the heavenly powers, who were 
alone the objects of their worship. It would require a book 
to trace the divergences in each separate case ; but two special 
instances, which might be multiplied over and over again, 
will suffice to show the essential difference between the Yedic 
and popular theology. These are the worship of Siva and 
that of snakes, the latter still subsisting among the Hindoos 
in the universally observed N&ga-paiichami festival.^ The 
worship of Siva may be traced back to the very earliest 
times succeeding the Yedic period, and in some of his aspects 
he resembles the Yedic Rudra, the Storm-god, who is repre- 
sented in the Y&jasaneyi-Samhita imder the incongruous 

^ Gautama, chap. zi. 21. 

' Monier-WilluuDs, Religious life in India, pp. 323, 430. 


aspects of a fierce terrible destroyer and as a saviour \ 
deliverer. These apparent incongruities are, however, 1( 
mate deductions from the varying influences of stormi 
when Budra disappears from the list of popular rv' 
Siva the auspicious one takes his place, he is nofloprt 
of the heavenly powers, but the god represent^ by thelip^ 
or phallus, an earthly emblem ascribing^ the OToativBtfl 
generative power, not to the gods of heaven, but to the enll^ 
and this proposition could never have been evdlTed ta 
Aryan premisses, or enounced as true bjr a pun Axj^ 
people. As to the worship of snakes, modem aathonvb 
have written on the subject, I believe, either treat the nb 
worship, which prevailed so extensively in Asia, Africa, vi 
Europe in the most ancient times, as part of the zoolitiy 
originating in totemism, or ascribe its prevalence to th 
fear inspired by snakes, whose attacks were so stealthy i^l 
insidious, and whose bite was so immediately fatal. 1h 
totemistic explanation, though no doubt sufficient to expliii 
animal worship in its other aspects, is, as I hope to show n 
the sequel of this paper, quite incapable of ezplaininff itt 
universality and persistent prevalence in India from tk 
earliest periods. The second explanation ascribing the n^ 
rence paid to snakes is quite inconsistent with its extenflon 
to countries such as Italy and Lithuania,^ where snakes weR 
at all events much rarer than in more tropical oountriei 
The present question, however, is whether snake wontup 
would be derived from Vedic theology or not and this I 
would submit must be unreservedly answered in the neffative; 
it is impossible that the Aryans would worship the snafaik 
who are said in the Rigveda to be the special foes of Indn 
and the heavenly powers. 

The early prevalence of this worship in India, and the 
importance ascribed to the N&ga gods, is shown by the pro- 
tecting snake watching over the Buddha beinff oontinnallj 
depicted in all early Buddhist bas-reliefs, and also by the 
high place assigned to them in early Buddhist literatare. If 

^ Monier- Williams, Eelig^ous Life in India, p. 818. 


' ^yim ^^^* ^^^® "were merely objects of animal worship, and 
i>^^ I C^ chiefly from fear, they would not be placed before all 
f j^ ' J^gods and heavenly beings, as they are throughout all 
|K ^y Jbiddhist writings. A special instance of this is the 
^^i^ieat hyiSl^f triumph celebrating the victory of the Buddha 
^^rer Mara the tempter, where the N&ga gods are placed 
S Arst in the sacred hierarchy, above the Supannas or winged 


ereatures, the Devas or angels, and lastly the Br&hma gods.^ 
As to social institutions, the text quoted above from 
Oautama as to the maintenance of the laws of countries, 
castes, and families, which were not opposed to the sacred 
law, shows conclusively that Aryans when supreme did not 
try to subvert local customs and systems of government 
unless they were objectionable on religious grounds. That 
this maxim was regarded as possessing special authority, is 
shown by its being reproduced in Manu,^ Apastamba,' and 
Y&jnavalkya,* which are all later manuals of the sacred law. 
This being the case, it is not surprising to find modes of 
government and political and social customs totally different 
from those described in the Yedas. To take one instance, 
the strongly organised village communities found everywhere 
throughout India, the origin of which will be explained later 
on, could never have been derived from the democratic Aryan 
Sabha or Samiti, which chose their chiefs by popular election, 
and did not pay them revenue, but only gave them free gifts.* 
In unravelling the enigma arising from the radical 
difference between the origin of the language spoken by 
the people and that of their religious beliefs and social 
institutions, the task set before the historian is to find out 
first the several races which united to make the Hindoo 
nation ; secondly, the history of the process of amalgamation ; 
and, thirdly, the several shares contributed by each race 
towards the final result. In doing this I have only space 
here to give a rough sketch, omitting very many of the 

> Fausboll's Jataka, vol. i. p. 75. These were not the Brahmin gods, bnt the 
gods of the Brahma heavens, a division of the Buddhist world of devas or angels. 
' Manu, viii. 46. ' Apastamba, ii. 6. 15. 1. 

* Y&jiiavalkya, i. 342. ^ Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 166. 


proofs available, of what I think we have fair reasoi 
believe to be a true outline of the early history of Nort^ 
India. But in so doing I shall incidentally be able t 
attention to and explain certain points of the evidenc^^ 
seem to me to acquire new meaning from the pou oi nn 
I have been led, by a long study of the problem to adopt 

Of the races which have, since national life in the ooontiy 
began, formed the most politically and socially active put 
of the people, three can be traced back to the very earUeit 
times, and though others have since exercised great and 
abiding influence, to these alone can the earliest forma of 
the social institutions which formed the framework of the 
government of the country be assigned. These are, first, the 
Mongoloid tribes of Malayan afiinitiesi speaking langnagei 
belonging to the Kolarian family, who entered India firan 
the East ; ^ secondly, the Australioids, speaking Drandiia 
languages, and lastly, the Aryans. The Dravidiana came 
from the West, from whence they may be traced aeroei 
India, and probably like the Aryans from the Nortb- 
west. The order in which these races entered the oountrj 
can be seen most clearly in Central India in the tract 
watered by the Tapti, Nerbudda, Gh)daveri, MahanmdJi| 
Subonrikha, Damooda^ and their tributaries. Within thii 
area we find Kolarian tribes, some of which retain their 
primitive customs unmixed with foreign elements. In other 
cases we find the Dravidians the ruling body, either mixed 
with or apart from the Kolarians ; and in the more fertile 
and accessible tracts we find the chief power in the hands 
of Aryan immigrants, who, while leaving Dravidiaa and 
Kolarian institutions unchanged as far as they affected only 
members of these tribes who did not amalgamate with the 
invaders, have altered them so as to fit in with Aryan ideu 
of the sanctity and continuity of the family, and the equal 
rights of all who held land in the villages and suhmitted to 
the Brahman supremacy. 

^ Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 151. 

^ Pro|)erly Da-muhda, i.e. * water of the Mundas ' (the chief KdlaziiB taibt ca 
its hankb). 


r niwc^T^™ ^^® evidence given by inquiries as to the order in 
/]iyihioii these races came into the country, it is clear that 
^jg /^rherever these three races have formed part of the now 
jQ^ mmalgaHsated population, the Kolarian tribes were the earliest 
settlers, asngre always find them driven into the worst lands 
in districts where they live together with the other races. 
That they came from the East is shown by the following facts; 
first they themselves always say that they did so, secondly 
all the most powerful and purest Kolarian tribes are found in 
the East, and thirdly their languages (as has been shown 
by General Dalton) are allied to those used by the Easia 
on the Brahmaputra, the Palaung and the Mon or Peguans 
on the Irawaddy, the Kambojans on the Mekong, and the 
Assamese on the Tonquin. It was the Kolarians who cleared 
the forests and tilled the lands, though in doing this they did 
not use draught cattle, which were at first unknown to them 
except as wild buffaloes and the wild cattle called Gaur 
(Anglice Bison). They learnt the use of iron very early, and 
with the weapons so acquired they formed the clearings,^ 
which were united into the first primitive unions of petty 
hamlets, each inhabited by families having the same totem, 
and all finding their centre of union in the tribal priest, 
now called Byga, who was elected by the community to 
propitiate the local deities supposed to reside in the very 
extensive section of the forests over which the associated 
hamlets were scattered. These hamlets, as the population 
increased, became village communities, each with its de- 
pendent hamlets as newer clearances by fresh groups of 
settlers were made. Each parent village was governed 
by its headman, now called Munda, chosen from among 
the first settlers, and frequently, though by no means 
always, the office was continued from father to son. Over 
the villages united under the same priest a common chief (now 
called Manki) was chosen. He presided at the assemblies of 
the representatives of the union, formed generally of the 
village headmen and the leading cultivators, though all had 

^ Thej probably, as is shown by the stone celts found in various localities, did 
some clearance with stone implements before they found out the use of iron. 


a right to attend. These unions of villages must have b- 
called by some name like Pirs or Parhas, the present n 
and it was in this way in the districts first orgpanised 
Kolarian rule that the divisions now called Perr*** 
were formed. The Aryan Sabha or village coioil, ai 
the Samiti or council of united villages, mght pradM 
similar results in parts of the country where they were tht 
first settlers, and in that case it would be difficult to say vki 
were the originators of the divisions now found ; but I woold 
submit that a nearly certain test for the aolution of tki 
question, should it arise, may be found in the prevalence of 
the worship of local spirits and the sacredness ascribed totne^ 
It is now and must have always been (with so conaervadTe ft 
people) customary to leave a certain part of the primitive 
forest untouched in a Kolarian village ; this is now called tlw 
Sarna/ and was held sacred to the forest deities, who wov 
the principal objects of worship among the tribes, thouglL 
they regarded the sun as their chief deity. The Sama hu 
now over the greater part of India dwindled down to tlw 
one tree under which offerings are made to the Tillage god, 
though perhaps it may have arisen again under anoUier 
form in the village grove to which no such sanctity ii nov 
attached as to the tree of sacrifice, but which fomu, M 
the Sama once did, the common meeting-place for villase 
recreation, and the place where all travellers put up. B<^ 
the Eolarians and the Dravidians worshipped their ancestoni 
apparently from fear of their ghosts. The Kolarian peopk 
may generally be described as gregarious, excitable, turbulent 
when roused, but generally peaceable and good-humoured. 
They are brave and adventurous, witty, and very fond of 
amusement, not given to work more than is necessary, and ai 
a rule very careless of the future.* 

1 Dnlton's Ethnology of Bengal, p. 186. 

3 The whole of the above account of the Kolarian, and the fdllowiw dt- 
scription of the DraTidian tribes, is given from my own penonal kaowlem tf 
the people, acqinred during a residence of about thirteen years in the Chote Smgpan 
country, in W estern Bengal, and that of Chuttisgurh in the Centnd rtJriaoM 
adjoining it, as District and Settlement Officer and CommiMioiier in wUek 
capacities I had every possible opportunity of gaining the meet inliMto 
leuge of the characteristics of the people and of their aooiel enelonM — ^ 


ithwfllhe Kolarians were followed by the Dravidian tribes. 
nB6eD^D^6^T>eople who are so celebrated in Indian legend and 
iuMpoetr^as the Snake race and as the Takshaks^ or builders 
Perl woulAk^dentify not with the Kolarian hill tribes, as has 
V been so gH^ done, but with the Dravidians. They were 
from their first entry into the country from the west and 
north-west a much more strongly organized people than the 
£olarian tribes. They, like the latter, are totemistic, but 
differ from them in being an eminently practical race, 
believing firmly in the necessity of a strong central govern- 
ment to maintain law and order, and in the duty of every 
member of the community to bear his and her share in 
contributing to the efficiency of the government, either by 
their labour or by paying a part of their produce to 
provide for those who work directly for the state. They are 
patient and laborious, indomitably obstinate in all they 
undertake, and very careful to see they get all possible profit 
out of what they do. They are keen traders, and are so 
described in the Rigveda, though the word pani ' a trader,' 
is also used to mean ' avaricious/ and this reproach the worse 
specimens of the race fully deserve. They are silent and 
undemonstrative, except when strongly moved, and are 
somewhat slow of apprehension ; but this arises not from want 
of intellect, but from a determination to see all round a 
subject and know it thoroughly in all its phases. While not 
even in early times fond of war and adventure in itself, they 
were ready to engage in it as a means to an end, and while 
stubborn in defence of their rights and possessions, their 
object in attacking others has not been booty and temporary 
glory, but permanent enlargement of their boundaries and 

laws. I think I may say that eTerything I have said on these points will be 
found to be corroborated by Col. Dalton in his Ethnology of Bengal, and it was 
under him that I first was led, now more than twenty years ago, to take an 
interest in the questions discussed in this paper. With reference to the proofs 
given in the text as to the advent of the Kolarians from the East, I may here 
add another which has been kindly furnished me by Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie, 
who tells me that the same peculiar form of shouldered stone celts found in Chota 
Nagpore is also found in Burmah. 

^ H. H. Wilson, Glossary of Indian Terms, gives carpenters, masons, as a 
meaning of Takshak. The term ia frequently applied to the snake-worshipping 
people in Indian legend. 


facilities for trade. They live, it may be said, in public, 
in their families, as the young men and women leave 
parents at an early age, and are brought up in se 
lodgings, the young men in the village bachelors' ^k ^ 
the girls in a similar institution for young womemnAHr At 
care of a village matron, or are distributed .soimg iridomi 
and the women as efficient members of the Gcymmanity tn 
always an important factor in a Dravidian state. TJhIiIb 
the Kolarians, they possessed large herds of cattle, and £d 
not like them abstain from the use of milk. They wan 
good farmers and great builders, as is shown above by tha 
name Takshak. 

^ In their advance through India they did not, like tin 
Kolarians, proceed in small parties, scatterings themselvH 
through the forests in extensive and widely separated cku^ 
ings, but they moved in large masses like an army, aoooo- 
panied by their wives, children, and property. They songlit 
out comparatively cleared and settled districts, where large 
numbers could subsist, and formed their government on the 
model of their camps, generally placing the central provineei 
under the king, and settling there his more immediats 
followers. The outlying districts were assigned to the sub- 
ordinate chiefs, who with their respective forces woe 
appointed to guard the frontiers. They took the best landi 
for themselves, but in other respects treated the Kolarians m 
equals, leaving them undisturbed in lands they did not them- 
selves want, and in many parts of the country, especially in 
those which were once border tracts, the two races haTS 
completely blended together and formed new tribes. Thej 
used the Kolarian ** parhas '' as their local divisions, mnwiitg 
them together when they formed an area too small for the 
provinces into which they divided their territory. They 
strengthened the village organization by making the offioe 

^ Nothing corresponding to this and the following pazagxmpba about . 
customs can be found in I)alton*s Ethnology of Bengal, nor m ^ tm !•' 

any other work. The whole has been worked out by me from a oaraful « 

tion of the internal constitution of DniTidian states still Kwiattawkg jn ClMto 
Nagpore, and of the great Uaihaibunsi kingdom of Chattiigliar, 
the M ahrattas in the last century. 


naUk ^®*^^™^^ non-elective, and obliging the tenants, as part 
.' th^ir duty to the state, to cultivate a portion of the village 
ioil se^ apart for the king as the head of the government, 
ixhis produce was in the provinces directly under the king 
conveyed t^he royal granaries, and in the border and out- 
lying districts^^ those of the provincial chief. A separate 
Tillage accountant was appointed to look after these royal 
lands, and to collect all government dues ; and wherever 
Putwaris, or whatever be the local name of village account- 
ants, and large estates belonging to single owners, such as 
Talookdari tenures, are found, we may be certain that 
the government was originally organized by Dra vidian kings 
and chiefs, or that it has been under Dravidian rule. In 
short, as all revenue officers will recognize, it was the 
Dravidians who founded and consolidated the present land 
revenue system of India, which in its more republican 
aspects has been either altered by Aryan immigration or 
left in much the same state as that in which it came out 
of Kolarian hands. ^ 

Another distinctive feature of the Dravidian government 
was the high position assigned to the Senapati or commander- 
in-chief, the head of the frontier forces. He always got the 
largest and most important of the provinces. 

But besides the special characteristics above noticed, the 
religious belief of the Dravidian races showed a great advance 
on the worship of local spirits and ghosts general among 
the Kolarian tribes. The worship of the earth, symbolised 
under the emblem of the snake and phallus, seems to me 
to point to a generalising power in its authors far superior 
to that shown in totemistic animal worship. They must, 
it appears to me, have reasoned back from their own 
deep sense of the necessity of kingly rule, and an ultimate 
central authority, to the impossibility of conceiving how the 
earth, and all that lived, moved and had their being on it, 

^ A fuller account than is here given of the Dravidian state, and the Kolarian 
and Dravidian yilla^ communities, will be found in two articles of mine, one in 
the Asiatic Quarterly Review for April, 1887, on Chota Nagpur, its People and 
Resources, and another in the Journal of the Society of Arts of May 6, 1887, on 
Village Communities in India. 


could have begun or be maintained in orderly succesi 
without a preserving and maintaining cause. Hover 
this may have been, they found in the earth its* an 
object of worship, and adopted the snake, adore ''iindfir 
the name of Ses-nag, and the ''phallus" as iha Tinble 
sign of the great generative power they xefered as the 
father and mother of all things. They did not, however, 
while venerating the earth, cease to fear the local spiritB, the 
chief dread of the Kolarian tribes, and probably of their 
forefathers in early times. The tree, with its resident 
deity, was to them a more constantly familiar object of daily 
worship than the great earth spirit to whom they offered 
periodical sacrifices, when the seed was sown, when the 
young grain appeared, and when it was threshed out. But 
at the seasonal festivals the earth god was generally adored 
under a less holy name than that of the great Sea-nag, 
whose worship now, at least among the Gonds of Central 
India, only takes place once a year, and is celebrated in aecret 
only by initiated males. 

The Aryans, who were the last of the three races to settle in 
the country, were originally a pastoral people, whose wealth 
consisted chiefly in cattle, and who were by no means such 
good farmers as the Dravidians. They were no less brave 
and adventurous than the Kolarians, and quite as witty and 
vivacious, but were much more thoughtful and thorough- 
going than that careless people. They built no cities like 
the Dravidians, at least we hear of none in the Yeda, and 
while the Dravidians were superior to them in their practical 
elaboration of details and their love of order and organise* 
tion, the Aryans much excelled the other two races in their 
breadth of view and the other qualities required to build up 
a great nation. Their leading characteristics were richness 
of imagination, fertility of resource, earnestness in the pur- 
suit of the objects they wished to obtain, coupled with a 
strong tendency not to be too scrupulous as to the means 
used to reach their ends; love of knowledge for its own 
sake, shown in the extension of their inquiries far beyond the 
limits of the visible world and the requirements of every-day 





life i pride in their families and kindred, and a determination 
to pveserve them from contamination with inferior races; 
and above all^ a vivid sense of their own superiority and right 
to rule, ^n the higher minds of the race, the force of their 
imagination was tempered by a ripe judgment, their eager- 
ness for success by a strong tenacity of purpose, and their 
audacity of speculation by religious reverence and moral 
earnestness. They looked to heaven, the sun, and the great 
natural forces as the powers which gave life to and sustained 
all that was on the earth, and regarded the doctrine of the 
Dravidians that the earth was in itself and by its own 
inherent force the father and mother of all things as a 
deadly and debasing heresy. The duty of every Aryan was 
to maintain the sacred household fire when the daily sacri- 
fices were to be performed, but the god who was invoked 
as the most powerful helper and protector was Indra, the 
leader of the light- and life-giving powers, of the rain and 
winds. His name became changed to Sakra in Prakrit and 
Sakko in Pali, and he appears to be the special god of the 
warrior-tribes as opposed to the Brahmins. 

We cannot estimate with any approach to exactness the 
progress made by the Kolarians and Dravidians in clearing 
and peopling the country and forming settled governments 
before the Aryans came into it ; but there can be no doubt 
a great deal had been done. The hymns of the Bigveda 
show the stubborn resistance the Aryans encountered, and 
dwell upon the power and wealth of their adversaries. That 
these formidable enemies were snake- worshippers and con- 
sequently Dravidians or tribes who accepted their teaching 
and guidance, is, it seems to me, clear not only from later 
evidence, but also from the Rigveda itself.^ The writers call 
the people Dasyas, and apply various epithets to them, they 
call them black (krshna), short-nosed (an^so), unintelligent 
(akratu) intriguing, abusive (mrdhravac), avaricious (pani), 
unbelieving (a9raddha), and irreligious (avrata). They say 
they are a people who neither give ofierings nor spend their 

1 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. lOd-llS passim. 


substance in the service of the gods ; but the most sio-nifi 
epithet is that of " 9i9nadeva/' used in two passages i^ 
Rigveda.^ There has been some controversy about its^u** 
ing, but I would add to the arguments adduced bxMAiner 
in the Altindisches Leben to prove that it meaa phallna- 
worshippers, the great similarity between Hb sjllable ftp 
and seSy the name of the great snake-god. I have not beea 
able to find the latter word in Sanskrit, and my knowledge 
of the language is too limited to enable me to speak at all 
authoritatively on the matter, and I leave this philological 
question to better Sanskrit scholars than myself. I would 
also urge the significance of passages in the Rigveda ^ where 
Indra is praised for having taken the waters from the care of 
the snakes and Dasyas and made them " Aryapatni " instead 
of " Dasyapatni," belonging to the Aryans instead of to the 
Dasyas. It seems to me that the reference in these and 
similar passages is to the god of their enemies the Dasyas, 
and not, as has hitherto usually been taken for granted, to 
a mere abstract mythological being. 

Neither the stages of the process of welding the three 
races into one people, nor the date when it was begun, can 
now be accurately ascertained. All that we can say for 
certain is that the chief agent was the adoption of a common 
language, and that the Aryans, whose language was made 
tlie tongue of the people, were accepted as the popular 
leaders. There seems to have been but little actual con- 
quest, and that the Aryans secured their ascendency by 
abating, in some degree, their pride of race and submitting 
to intermarriages with the natives of the country, and tolerat- 
ing, if not accepting, as their own their religion in the 
North- West and the Punjab. The use of Sanskrit dialects 
as the language of the country must have begnn at a 
very early period. Dr. Sayce,^ in the Ilibbert Lectures for 
1887, on the origin and growth of religion among the 

» Riflrvcda, vii. 21. 5, x. 99. 3. 

2 Sec c'S])ecially Ki}?ve<ln, i. 32. ll,nndii. 12. 3, for the epithet DnyBpatai 
applied to the watttrs^ also lli<rveda, t. 30. o ; viii. 96. IS ; iii. 12, 6. JUnuMr, 
Altindisches Leben, pp. 117, 214. 

3 Sayce, Ilibbert Lectures fur 1887, pp. 18, 136-7. 


OT)i£ Babjrlonians, shows that commerce with India by sea must 
jg j. hav^>^been carried on as early as about 3000 B.C., when TJr 
^ Bagad^ the first king of united Babylonia, ruled in Ur of the 
ChaldeeK This is proved by the finding of Indian teak in 
the ruins of Ur. This must have been brought by sea from 
some port on the Malabar coast, for it is only there that teak 
grew near enough to the sea to be exported with profit in 
those early times, and there is none north of the Yindhyas. 
The clearest proof that there was trade between Babylonia 
and people who spoke an Aryan dialect, and lived in the 
country watered by the Indus, is the use of the word Sindhu 
for muslin in an old Babylonian list of clothes. Dr. Sayce 
does not state the age of this list, he merely says it is very 
old. The name does not merely make it probable that the 
Babylonian name for muslin was derived from the Sanskrit, 
but proves a much more important and significant fact, that 
the merchants who dealt in the muslin called it by the 
vernacular name of the country whence they brought it, 
and that if the country was called by a Sanskrit name, the 
people living in it must have spoken Sanskrit dialects, as 
Sindhu is and always has been the Sanskrit name of the 
Indus and the country forming its delta. The muslin must 
have been brought by sea ; for if Zend-speaking traders had 
brought it by land, they would have called the country by the 
Zend name Hindhu, altering the s into an A. There is also 
the well-known instance of the names used in the Book of 
Kings for apes, peacocks, ivory, and algum, or sandal-wood, 
brought by Solomon's ships from Ophir. These names, as 
shown by Max Miiller,^ must have been Hebraised from a 
dialectical form of Sanskrit in use on the Malabar coast, 
where the sandal- wood grows.^ The port whence the muslin 

1 Max Miiller, Science of Language, yoI. i. p. 204, ed. 1862. 

2 I find that Dr. Caldwell, in the Introduction to his Comparatiye Grammar 
of the Dravidian Languages, maintains that these names are really Dravidian 
words introduced into Sanskrit. If this is the case, it only strengthens my argu- 
ment as to the advance in civilization of the Dravidians before they were brought 
in contact with the Sanskrit-speaking people. That the Dravicuans of Patala 
were congeners of the Accads of Ur and the earlier £ridu is probable, as Dr. 
Sayce shows (Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 134-5) that the distinguishing 
symbol of the great Accad god £a was a snake, and that it was from Eridu that 
the culture and civilization of Babylonia made its way. 

TOL. XX. — [new sbriss.] 24 


was brought, and that from which the Sanskrit-speal 
traders reached the Malabar coast, was probably Pat&la, ly 
ing the port,^ which has been identified by Gen. Cunniii 
with the modem Hyderabad, in Scinde. It is menti^W 
Arrian as the only place of note in the delta o£«iA lafa^ 
and was the capital of the king of the Snake ^iMb who nm 
the country.^ It was thence that the sons of Ikahirlka,inA 
whom all the modem Bajputs of the Solar raoe obdm to\N 
descended, spread their power over the greater put A 
Northern India. But though there is strong proof thit 
Sanskrit was spoken at the mouths of the Indus long before 
the Bigveda was put together, there is great difficultj in 
showing that the tribes to which its authors belonged wen 
the people who first made their language that of the natiaiii 
living south of the northern Punjab.^ The authors of the 
Bigveda do not seem to have travelled down the Indus ss tu 
as the sea. They do not speak of the many mouths of tbe 
river, of the phenomena of the ebb and flow of the tidei 
which must have struck an observant people as yery strsnge. 
Though they had ships or boats, neither masts, sails, csUei^ 
rudders, and such-like appurtenances of a sea-going ytuA 
are named, nor do they talk of the sea as the authors of the 
Homeric Poems, or maritine people do. Judging from their 
poems it seems likely that they knew nothing practicslly of 
the sea, except that derived from the wide-spreading wsten 
of the Indus, a little below where it is joined by the five 
rivers of the Punjab. 

But though the Aryans of the Bigveda did not directly 
supply goods for a sea-going trade, they apparently dsilt 
with those who did, for, except on this supposition, it is hsrd 
to explain how the Semitic word Man&, denoting a definita 
quantity of gold (man& hiranyayft), found its way into the 

^ H. H. Wilson, Antiquities of Afghanistan, p. 211. 

* Ancient Geo^pby of India, pp. 279-287. 
' I^assen, yoI. i. p. 644. 

* Zimmer, Altindischcs Leben, pp. 21-26, 256. 

> Rigveda, yiii. 78. 2 ; Qraumaun, yiii. 67. 2 ; Zimintr, Altiadiaehei Lib«, 
pp. 60-51. 


p^ The whole evidence seems to point to a gradual im- 
^lydigration resulting in an intermixture between the Aryan 
[]} and native races. While the earlier immigrants were 
* coalescing with the natives, substituting their language for 
the numerous native dialects, a change readily accepted by 
people with strong commercial instincts, who found these 
differences of language great hindrances to trade and easy 
intercourse between neighbours, those they left behind in 
the North were completing their training as a nation, con- 
solidating their power, and preparing that great literary and 
religious organization which was to make the Brahmin caste 
all-powerful in India. 

That the Sanskrit-speaking people of Pat&Ia were not 
Aryans is shown by the Mah&bh&rata,^ where Vasooki, king 
of Pat&la, and Takshak, ancestor of the Adityas, are re- 
presented as the only representatives of the Snake race 
saved from the massacre made by King Janamejaya's orders, 
and they were only saved by the intercession of Astik, a 
holy Brahmin whose mother was Takshak's sister. 

The evidence as to an early and continual intermixture 
of races is overwhelming. The Aryans of the Bigveda, 
except the authors of some of the very latest hymns, such 
as the Purusha Sdkta,^ where alone in the Yeda the four 
castes are mentioned, knew nothing of the doctrine of castes, 
and those who left the parent tribes and went south probably 
soon lost their prejudices, if indeed any existed in those 
days, against advantageous marriages with high- placed and 
wealthy foreigners. We can form a very good idea of their 
progress from what we see going on now, and this knowledge, 
tested by an examination of ancient history and traditions, 
will enable us to understand the process by which the 
country was transformed from one under a number of com- 
paratively isolated Dravidian rulers to one divided into a 
number of contiguous states united by alliances and directed 
chiefly by Aryan intelligence. By this means the origin- 
ally alien races were formed into one people capable of 

^ MaMbharata, i. 1547-2197. 
* RigTeda, z. 90. 


acting together as a nation, a union which enabled the 
different kingdoms to become parts of the great exnpireiflt 
the best period of Indian history. 

The chief agents in the union of races whicb preceded 
this transformation were, as we may gather from a ooa- 
parison of ancient traditionary history with modem practiee^ 
the hermit pilgrims, the numerous young Aryan warrion 
who were willing to give their services to foreign nilei% 
and who proved so useful an addition to the forces of ihfl 
kings by whom they were employed, and above all the inte^ 
marriages between the two races and the requirements of 

The ardent desire for self-culture, and the love of dreamj 
meditation, followed when conclusions were formed hj 
energetic action, which were the ruling passions of eo 
many imaginative Aryan minds, and led numbers of peracms 
from a very early period to isolate themselves in the wilde^ 
ness, either alone or accompanied by bands of disciples; 
but these pilgrimages, like similar movements among other 
nations, led often to results very different from those aimed 
at by the devotees, who were at first at all events inspired 
merely by religious enthusiasm. Every one who has lived 
long among aboriginal tribes in India knows the ezoitement 
that is caused by the presence of a devotee, who is believed 
to be both a holy man and a worker of miracles, a power 
which all these men persuaded themselves and their followen 
that they possessed. Such a man soon became a popular saint 
and an important political personage. I remember especially 
a case which occurred a few years ago, when a helpless cripple^ 
carried about on a wooden board, gained a large followingi 
and excited so great a commotion over the country of Chota 
Nagporo, that Government was obliged to take notice of it. 
This man, Dubya Gosain, began to interfere in politics, and 
to excite the Sonthals, who were then somewhat unsettled 
in their minds, and it was therefore found necessary to 
remove him to Oude. 

But in the early times of which I am now speaking the 
ruling authorities doubtless regarded a man who had great 


influence with the supernatural powers as one to be eon- 
ciliated, and as far as possible made use of to support the 
Government, and in this way the devotees and their disciples 
became an important power in the state. If they had not 
brought disciples with them, they attracted them, as well as 
their own relatives, who heard of their good fortune and 
desired to partake of it. The success of the first devotees 
proved an incentive to others, so that schools of religious 
teaching and colonies of Brahmins were gradually spread 
over the country. In many early legends we read of the 
influence of men of this class, who, whether they were really 
intent on the moral and religious education of themselves 
and their hearers, or whether they looked chiefly to their own 
social advancement, spread the fame of Aryan excellence and 
Aryan ability, and the knowledge of the Aryan language, 
far and wide through the land. 

Again, the early Dravidian kings and their later successors 
were always looking out for promising recruits for their 
armies, to act as frontier soldiers or to be useful additions to 
their personal body-guard. I have often been struck in 
Chota Nagpore and in Chattisghur, in Central India, with 
the difierence of races in the frontier and central provinces 
of several tributary states and of districts which were com- 
paratively recently independent kingdoms. I have found on 
inquiry in several instances that these foreigners had been 
brought into the country from a distance on account of their 
fighting reputation, and this was doubtless often done 
formerly, even in very early times. The more ambitious a 
king was, and the more careful he was to guard his own 
kingdom from attack, the more anxious he would be to get 
good fighting men, and he could not get better soldiers than 
the Aryan warriors. 

The social, no less than the military qualities of these men, 
led to their being much sought after, and to their rapid ad- 
vancement and permanent employment, when once they had 
been attracted to the country. I have mentioned above the 
important position occupied by the commander-in-chief in a 
Dravidian state, and these posts and others of great authority 


were no doubt frequently filled by Aryan leaders. Bot Ae 
influence thus acquired by pilgrim Brahmins and militef 
chiefs implied a number of strong governments over tki 
country, but though these were the rule, almost all Mb 
suffered from periodical anarchy arising from misgoTemmeit; 
and then the leaders of warrior bands, somewhat in the mm 
way as the Pind&ris of later times and the Free CompuNi 
of mediaeval Europe, took advantage of the disorder wai 
conquered either permanently or temporarily distrioti far 
themselves. Instances of this kind can be brought forwvi 
by any one who has studied the history of Rajput tribet.' 

All these immigrations led to frequent marriages betmet 
the two races, the leaders marrying into the royal and nobk 
families, and their subordinates into those of less note^ ui 
these combined causes, together with the great commeicul 
and political advantages of a common dialect, led to tk 
substitution of Sanskrit for the various tongues of the nidn 

The frequent intermarriages recorded without any token of 
disapproval in the Epic poems, and the long list of powerfid 
base-bom castes in the law-books, show that there was littk 
if any restraint on these unions. Dritarashtra, king of tba 
Kurus, married a Gandh&ri princess, and the Pandavas in 
their marriages evidently united themselves with the Krishna 
or black semi-Hindooised aboriginal tribes. Thus they married 
Krishna, the daughter of Draupadi, king of the Panoh&Ia8» and 
Arjuna carried off Subhadra, the sister of the black demi- 
god Krishna. The list of base-bom castes in Mana' and 
Baudhayana includes races who exercised such an important 
influence on Indian history as the Magadhas living in a 
country which gave India its first imperial rulers in the 
Mauriya kings, the Avantiyas of Malwa, where the Andbra 
dynasty arose ; the Yaidehas of Tirhoot, whose king Janaka 
wtis the learned expounder of philosophy in the Upaniahadi; 
and the Licchavis of YaissLli, also in Tirhoot. 

^ Thus the Don in Aligarh in the N.W.P. were tornod out brtlie Binoojan 
and also hv the Powara from their lands in Moradabad. 8t$ JSUiot'a Bappl^ 
montary Gfossary X.W.P., s.v. Dor. 

' Manu, chap. z. 17. 21. 22; Baudhayana, 1. 2. 13. 


This shows that, according to the confession of the Brahmin 
expounders of the sacred law, the most influential people of 
India were of mixed Aryan blood. But the political 
influence of the Aryans as a separate race could not have 
been sustained unless the people had a well-defined national 
existence, and this was supplied by the Aryan conquests and 
permanent settlements in the north-west. Their wars of 
conquest as a separate people seem to have been confined to 
the country of the seven rivers, the modem Punjab and the 
northern valley of the Indus, but even here their annexations 
seem to have been small. The Gandh&ri to the west of the 
Indus became Aryanised, for the great Sanskrit grammarian 
Panini was, according to Hiouen Tsiang, a Oandh&ri; but 
they remained a separate tribe till a late period, while the 
powerful tribe of the Takkis, the founders of the great city 
of Takkasil&^ or Taxila, mentioned by Arrian as the most 
important city of the northern Punjab, held their own 
against Aryan attacks, and probably, like the Gandh&ri, 
submitted to their influence, allied themselves with them, 
and became to a certain extent imbued with Aryan ideas. 
The Aryans seem to have passed through these districts, and 
to have finally made only the small territory watered by the 
Sarasvati and Drishadvati rivers, called by Manu ^ Brahm&- 
varta, and by Buddhist writers' the Brahmin district of 
Thdna, the modem Thaneswar, a distinctly Aryan country. 
The wars which inspired the battle-songs of the Rigveda were 
not only with the Dasyas or people of the country, but also 
like the great battle of the ten kings recorded in the trium- 
phant song of Yasishtha,^ with other Aryan tribes. As in 
other countries in the world where pure Aryans have failed to 
form permanent governments, they seemed to want a cohesive 
force to enable them to act as a nation, and it was this they 
found in their union with the strongly organised tribes of 

* Cunningham, Geography of India, p. 110, gives the Sanskrit spelling of 
Takshasila, and interprets it ' The cat rock.' I have no doubt that the meaning 
is * rock of the Takkas,' which is confirmed by the Pali spelling Takkasil^. 

* Manu, ii. 17. 

* Mahavagga, t. 13, 14 ; Sacred Books of the East, yol. xvii. 

* Eigyeda, vii. 18. 


the country, and also in the organisation of the Brahmin 

It was the Brahmins who most conspicuously displayed 
the great industry and unwearying tenacity of the race. 
It was they who performed the greatest of recorded 
miraculous achievements in committing to memory ud 
handing down from generation to generation the vast 
mass of Sanskrit literature composed centuries before the 
Phcenician alphabet and writing were known in the coiintryi 
and it was the Brahmins who, in spite of what appeared 
to be total defeat, quietly waited for their chance during 
the many centuries of Buddhist rule, who again led the 
revival of eclectic Hindooism, and the final development 
of the caste system, which culminated in the eighth and 
ninth centuries in the absorption of Buddhism as Vishnnism 
into the Hindoo religion, the final triumph of the Brahmin 
hierarchy, and the destruction of Hindoo national life, the 
interest of the caste being substituted for that of the 

In the Bigveda we find the most influential Aryans to be 
the heads of families who had first sprung into notice ai 
bards and poets. They then became the priests, without 
whose aid the help of the gods could not be secured, and 
thence they quickly advanced to be hereditary advisers of 
both kings and people. This position was acquired and 
maintained by the careful system of education by which thej 
taught their sons to think and act with the same combined 
energy, activity, studied policy and perseverance that their 
fathers did, to remember and preserve carefully and exactly 
every word their fathers and those who had preceded them 
as teachers had composed, and to emulate these literaTj 
successes by their own. These astute thinkers soon dis- 
covered the value of the Dravidian system of government, and 
saw that the best way of acquiring influence in the country 
was not by conquering the people, but by allying themselves 
with the ruling powers. Once their intellectual supremacy 
and their practical usefulness was accepted. Brahmin coun- 
sellors became a necessary cletueat in every native court, 


^ and the first duty of kings, as stated by Manu,^ was to 
follow the example of the Aryan chiefs and people by 

I attaching to themselves a Brahmin "purohit" or family 
priest, who soon became practically prime minister and the 
real ruler of the country. 

But the question of the principles on which the govern- 
ment was to be conducted, the adjustment of religious 
differences, and the distribution of power, soon led to serious 
disputes, which are best set forth in the legendary contest 
between Vasishtha and Vi9vamitra, and that between the 
Brahmins and the Eshatriyas, or warrior caste. As is well 
known, Vasishtha and Vi9vamitra are both Vedic bards, one 
the author of the 7th and the other of the 3rd Mandala of the 
lUgyeda. Vasishtha was the bard of the Trtsus, and Vi9Ta- 
mitra of the Bharatas, the great enemies of the Trtsus.^ 
y]9vamitra had once been the bard of the Trtsus,^ and, as 
Zimmer^ shows, he probably joined the Bharatas to revenge 
himself against his former friends, and he was the leading 
spirit in the confederacy of the north-western tribes against 
the Trtsus, which led to the battle of the ten kings. In the 
legendary story ^ Vi9vamitra tried to steal from Vasishtha, the 
purohit of the Ikshv&ku king of Ayodya, the sacred cow. 
Vasishtha recovered it by force, and when Vi9vamitra went 
to the Himalayas, and returned with the weapons of Siva, 
Vasishtha burnt them up. Trisankhya, the Ikshv&ku king, 
asked Vasishtha to procure his ascent to heaven, though he 
was not of Aryan blood ; Vasishtha refused, and Trisankhya 
applied to Vi9vamitra, who consented to offer the necessary 
sacrifice, though he himself was not a Brahmin. The 
Brahmins, including Vasishtha and his sons, refused to 
attend, as they would lose their caste by eating in heaven 
with a Kand&la, or outcaste. Vi9vamitra drove them out 
and forced the gods to receive Trisankhya as a true-born 
Aryan. The whole story shows the opposition between two 

^ Manu, vii. 78. 

* Rigveda, vii. 33. 6. 
' Rigveda, iii. 53. 24. 

* Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 127. 
^ Lassen, vol. i. pp. 721-725. 


parties, one strictly Brahminical, represented by Yanikdi, 
who wished to bring the people completely under Brahmiaial 
rule, to enforce the caste distinctions between Aryaiu al 
non-Aryans, to restrict the right of offerings sacrifioeittl 
acquiring learning, with the advantages thence letoltin^ 
to those who were of pure Aryan birth, and received ■ 
Brahmins into the sacred caste. The other was the psrtf ci 
compromise, who wished to give Aryan privileges to Ae 
ruling classes of the native races, and to take their gods iiti 
the Aryan pantheon. The party of compromise, who wen, 
as Yi9yamitra describes the Bharata in the Rigvedsy^ tbi 
far-seeing people, won the day. The advantage of aeomiog 
the alliance of the ruling classes of the native races wen toi 
great to be neglected by those who looked at the question in 
its widest aspects, and they were formally received into the 
higher castes ; while as for the common people, and tluv 
who preferred not to give up entirely their ancient cnA 
the religious difficulty was settled by the acceptance d 
the worship of Siva as not dishonouring to Aryans. Siva- 
worship meant that of the lingam or phallus, which VM 
his distinguishing emblem, and the adoption of the 
earth gods of the Dravidians. In considering this qoM- 
tion it must be remembered that the part of the coontij 
whence the Bharatas under Yi9vamitra came to fight tbe 
Aryan Trtsus, was on the upper waters of the Indas and 
Asekni, or Cbinab, near the point where they issue from the 
mountains. This is proved by the enumeration of two tribei 
called the Yaikarna,^ or the people of two races^ among the 
confederation. These people are theKura-Krivi,' subseqaeatly 

^ Rip^veda, iii. 63, 24. 

' Ziinmer, Altindisches Jjcben, pp. 102-104. 

^ I must say that it appears to me likely that the Yaikana people of two rum 
were Aryaniscd Dravidians, formed hy union between Aryan and Draridian tribal 
Grassmann thinks tlie Anu mentioned among their allies to be non-Airaoi. It 
would be consonant with Vi^vdmitra^s policy to unite the Bharatas with ntti** 
tribes desiring an alliance with the Aryans. The Torra^a and Tadw w«t 
perhaps non- Aryan members of the confederacy. Granmann ealla t^htw aoa* 
Aryans, and in Kigyeda, iv. 30. 17. 18, they are said to hare conqnend iht 
Aryan Ama and Tschitaratra by the help of Indra, who also claims to be Aar 
special protector in Kigveda, x. 49. 8. If they were non-Aryans, ther hil 
cerUiinly taken the Aryan gods for their own, and had allied themaelTes wits tkit 
people, taking the Aryan warrior god as their patron deity. At any nls ^f 


il 80 celebrated as the Kuru Panc&la, who once lived in the 
U district called Yikarna, said by Hemachandra to mean 
ij £ashmir, and as the Krivi are also mentioned in the Big- 
.g Teda as living on the Indus and Asikni below the mountains, 
^ this must be the country close to their settlements. This was 
^, the country of the Takkas, and of their capital Takkasila ; 
I and the weapons of Siva which Vi9vamitra brought was 
L doubtless the worship of the Snake gods, the ancestral gods 
of the Takkas and people of Kashmir. The Krivis, who 
became later, as we are told in the Satapatha Br&hmana,^ 
the Panch&las,^ brought this worship south, and the reverence 
for Siva was common both to them and to the Eusikas, the 
tribe to which Vi9vamitra belonged, who were founders of 
Kausambi.^ And Benares, the sacred city of the Hindoos, is 
now and always has been the principal seat of Siva worship. 
In the Mah&bh&rata, before the Pandavas could enter on the 
contest for the hand of the daughter of Draupadi, the Panch&la 
king, they were obliged to worship Siva, and Jarasandha,^ the 
powerful king of Magadha, who is apparently a real historical 
character and the greatest conqueror of early times, introduced 
the worship of Siva into his kingdom, as far south as the 
Vaitumi on the borders of Orissa. Strict Brahmins held 
aloof from it in its grosser forms, but to the mass of the 

were at feud with other Aryan tribes, and when they joined the Vi^vdmitra faction 
probably became more estranged from the orthodox body under Vasishtha and his 
school. The present Jadon or Yadabunsis trace their descent from Krishna, who 
is claimed as ancestor by all Rajputs of the Lunar race. Many of these tribes, 
like the Haihaibunsi and Nagbunsis, are undoubtedly descended from the snake 

^ ^atapatha Br^hma^a, 13, 6, 4, 7. 

' There seems to be a strone probability that the name Panchdia marks a 
special connection with $iya ana Snake-worship. Bothlingk-Roth quote Mah&- 
bnarata xii. 10377» where Panch&la is used as an epithet of Siva. They think 
Panch means five, but cannot explain the end of the word (ala). I would 
suggest that the name means the five-fingered claw or five-headea snake (ala 
means a claw in Pali, and the spittle of a venomous serpent in Sanskrit). Siva 
has five heads, and Sir M. Monier- Williams in his work. Religious Life in India, 
p. 321 , says : ** The great majority of serpent images are five-headed. I have often 
seen images of serpents coiled round the Linga, and five-headed snakes forming a 
canopy over it.*' The extended five fingers of the claw (dla) would be very like 
the canopy formed by the expanded hood of the snake. If this connection between 
the word ranchala and the five-headed snake be accepted as correct, the national 
name would mean the people of the five- headed snakes or the serpent people. 

> Lassen, vol. i. p. 645. Monier- Williams, Religious Life in India, p. 434. 

* Lassen, vol. i. p. 610. 


people Siva was only another name for fhe gmt&B ^"^^^^^ 
the chief of their gods. ■ ?®"° 

In considering the question whether non-AijMi^B ^^^ 
avowedly absorbed into the Aryan coznzniinity in Mdjf^B *^ 
it must be recollected that this absorption is still gQii{*H ^^ 
the present day, and this among a x)eople so oonaenwH 
the Hindoos is strong evidence of the antiquity of tibefH 
tice. The process by which non-Hindoos belonging 1i^^ ^ 
ruling classes of aboriginal tribes are now received n^^K 
warrior caste is one with which all who have lived a^l 
among the un-Hindooised people of India are familiir. oH 
change is not, as I believe it was in early agei* *HB 
avowed, but it is so little concealed as to be a perfeedjijlH 
secret. The chief or leading man, who wants to beoottS 
good Hindoo, takes a Brahmin as family priest intDlB 
service, to perform the prescribed sacrifices and teach liH 
to live in an orthodox way. The next step is to anflfH 
for marriages between the members of his family aol AlB 
daughters of families of good repute among^ the Bq|^B 
clans, these marriages being paid for according to ibH 
necessities of the bride's parents and the rank of ^1 
family. There are of course difficulties as to the ^BtB 
marriages, but with money, patience, and perseveranoe thul 
can be overcome, and each succeeding alliance become! MB I 
easy. ■ 

That a similar process has been going on for very |mw ■ 
centuries there can, I would submit, be no donbt^ if dieco^ I 
elusions advocated in the previous pages of this essay h I 
accepted as correct. But in comparing the present witb tb I 
past, we must recollect the great change that has taken pho* I 
in the conditions of the problem. When the ftTnnlg n m^tiia 
of races began, the legal fiction that the very great majority 
of the people of the country were of Aryan birth had not 
been invented. All the races stood separate and apart» nor 
was the very great superiority of the Aryan race an nnivei^ 
sally recognised axiom. Brahmins were not like tbeir 
present successors, persons who could confer social distill^ 
tion on those whom they made into Aryans^ bat ratlitf 


lionarles who sought out converts from religious and 
lonal or from political motives. The first class were 
^sented by the teachers of the Brahmin schools, and the 
id by the political Brahmins, of whom the legendary 
i^v&mitra was the type. The object of the last class was 
i|Iielp on the Brahmin conquest, and their own personal 
rancement as family and ceremonial priests in the courts 
|kings and the houses of great men, in much the same way 
>^ the present representatives of the class continue to do. 
^^In those days, when a pupil was accepted as an Aryan 
^^^odent by a Brahmin teacher, or when a member of the 
,-^f lading families was admitted to the rights and duties of an 
^ dult Aryan, a ceremony of initiation was performed, and 
i^^Vithout this the initiation was not complete. This was 
^^/listinctlv called a second birth,^ which transformed the 
^ jfeoipient from one " who was on a level with a Sudra before 
^^ Jiis new birth in the Veda," ^ into a twice-born (dvi-ja) 
.Aryan. In the elaborate ceremony of the Dikshaniy& or 
initiation sacrifice, prescribed by the political Brahmins in 
^ the Brahmanas, we find the process of physical birth actually 
imitated. The person initiated is said to be again made an 
embryo, and in doing this he is first cleansed from the 
impurities of his former birth by being sprinkled with water 
and anointed with fresh butter ; he then goes into the hall of 
sacrifice as into the womb ; there he sits like a foetus with 
closed hands, covered with a cloth to represent the caul, over 
this is the jar&yu of the skin of the black antelope, to repre- 
sent his mother's body. After sitting for a short time, he 
takes off the jar&yu, still retaining the caul-cloth, and 
descends into the bath, and on his coming out of it the 
sacrifice is complete as far as he is concerned, though there 
are many ritualistic observances and much recitation to be 
gone through both before and after by the officiating priests. 
The sacrifice is said to be offered to all the gods, beginning 
with Agni and ending with Vishnu, the first and last of the 

1 Gautama, i. 8. Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 
395-8. Account from the Aitareya BrUhma^a of the Dikshai^iiysl sacrifice. 
> Manu, ii. 172. VauBhtha, ii. 6. 



gods. The principal part belongs to Agni, because the 
G&yatri or S&vitri verse is Agni's metre. The significanoe 
of this will be shown in the examination of the imtiatioo 
ceremony of a pupil by his teacher. 

Though the Br&hmanas are probably quite as old as if not 
older than the treatise of Gaut&ma, the earliest of the extant 
law books, the latter and the earliest sections of the laws of 
Manu evidently represent earlier stages of progress than fte 
sacrifices set forth in the Br&hma^as, which only represent 
the latest process reached by ritualistic evolution before they 
were written. The law books include both the past and the 
present, and look back to a time when the Brahmin mission- 
aries and teachers were not influential priests and trusted 
advisers of powerful persons, holding distinguished positioiii 
in royal courts, and desirous of accenting their superioritT 
and effectually securing the allegiance of their royal patroni 
by an imposing ceremony, showing that they, the non-Aryu 
kings, had finally broken with the past, and made the Aiyin 
people their people and the Aryan gods their gods. The 
teacher in the law books is a sojourner in the wilderness, or 
in strange lands, with a more or less numerous following ai 
pupils, hence the initiation ceremony they adopted was veiy 
different from and much simpler than the complicated rite 
above described. The Br&hmanas and law books both agree 
in calling the ceremony a second birth, but the philosophicil 
teachers had by the time their treatises were written learnt 
to treat the birth not as a physical birth in the materialiitie 
sense of the Brahmanas, but as a spiritual birth from the 
darkness of ignorance into the light of Yedio knowledge. 

It is declared to be the duty of all Aryan young men to 
place themselves under a teacher and learn the Vedas. The 
reception of the pupil by the teacher is called the S&vitri,' 
and should ordinarily take place from the eigbth to the 
twelfth year, according to the caste of the student, but msy 
be delayed by a Brahmin to the sixteenth and by a Kshatriva 
and Yaisya to the twentieth and twenty-second year aooord- 

' Gautama, i. 11-14. Manu, iL 88. 


ing to Gautama, and to the twenty-second and twenty-fourth 
according to Manu. 

The teacher from whom the sacrament must be received 
becomes to the accepted pupil a father, more venerable than 
his natural father/ and the S&vitri verse his mother.^ The 
sacramental rite consists almost entirely in the petition of 
the would-be student to the teacher to recite the S&vitri 
verse,* and its recitation by the pupil after hearing it from 
the teacher. 

When we turn to the Eigveda, to see what is the Sftvitri 
verse, which was evidently from the first the most important 
part of the ritual, we find it to be a verse of the last hymn 
of the third Mandala of the Rigveda,* supposed to be written 
by Vi9v&mitra. It says: "We desire the longed-for light 
of the god Savitar (an epithet of the sun), who answers our 
prayers." All that the reciter of this verse undertakes to do 
is to worship the Sun- god. 

From the above analysis of the initiation ceremonies we 
find that a solemn and public declaration of the determina- 
tion to worship the Sun-god was held to be equivalent to the 
new birth of the person making it. The explanation of this 
conclusion must be found in the Aryan sense of the sanctity 
of family life. It would in their eyes be impossible to give 
an alien the unrestricted and avowed right of marrying the 
daughters of Aryans and consorting with Aryans as one of 
themselves unless he joined the Aryan family. Consequently 
the recipient of the sacrament was adopted as an Aryan, and 
the "patria potestas" was metaphorically transferred from 
his alien parents to his new father, the teacher, and his 
mother, the Aryan gods. It was impossible that the rite 
with its attendant consequences could ever have originated 
among pure Aryan tribes. Every Aryan young man must 
have been considered by his fellow-tribesmen from his birth 
to be entitled to all Aryan rights, and to owe reverence to 

^ Manu, ii. 146. 

« Manu, ii. 170. 

3 Gautama, i. 46-65. Gobhila Gfihya Siitra, ii. 10. 38. 

* Rigveda, iii. 62. 10. 


his natural father and mother, and it was only necessary far 
those who had not already got Aryan parents to aoqniie 
them before they could rank as Aryans. When the leading 
Aryans first grasped the idea that it would be easier to 
conquer the po\¥erful non-Aryan tribes by admitting them 
to the Aryan community than by fighting them^ there mi 
not the same objection to the change that there would have 
been in the minds of people so saturated with the ideii 
engendered by the caste system as the present Hindoos^ and 
even the most ancient expounders of the law. To people 
who knew nothing of caste divisions, it appeared quite 
natural to receive into the circles of Aryan tribes non- 
Aryans who left their tribal gods and tribal relations, and 
became Aryans in their religion and customs, especially 
when, by allowing this, formidable enemies might be con- 
verted into friends. 

It has been shown above that this movement was probably 
begun by Yi9V£lmitra and the reformers of his school, and 
the selection of a verse of his Mandala of the Rigveda for 
the declaration of adherence to the Aryan gods, tends to 
confirm the substantial truth of the legend conneoting him 
with the transfer of non- Aryan kings into the ranks of 
twice-born Aryans. 

The result of this resolution to accept non-Aryans ai 
Aryans was that the royal races among the Dravidiani^ 
with the conquering race of Ikshv&ku at their head, 
were accepted as Bajanya, or of royal blood, this 
being the first name of the caste afterwards called 
Kshatriya. They took their theology from the Brahmine^ 
acknowledged the Brahmin supremacy, though in many 
cases they asserted their equal rights to all Brahmin 
privileges, and claimed to be equally learned with them. 
This is shown by the discussions of Prav&hana Ghdvali, 
king of the Fanchsilas, with the Brahmin AruQa Gau- 
tama ; ^ of Janaka,^ kiug of Yideha, with Yajuavalkya ; and 

* Chnmlogya Upanishad, v. 3. 

* I3riliadaranyika UpauisUad, It. 1. 4. 


of Ajaitasatru,^ ting of K&si or Benares, with G4rgya 
B&l&ki, recorded in the TJpanishads. 

As for the Brahmin caste system as a rule of society, it 
had in the countries of Kosala and Magadha, where Buddhist 
history begins, obtained very faint influence, and was 
probably little known outside the immediate neighbourhood 
of the land of Brahmavarta, and perhaps those parts of the 
country of the Kuru-Panch&las, Matsyas and Surasenas, 
between the Jumna and Ganges, called by Manu Aryavarta, 
and there certainly Aryan blood has for many ages pre- 
dominated among the upper and upper-middle classes. 

After the alliance between the two races, there was little 
alteration in the organisation, but much enlargement of the 
kingdoms into which the country was divided, and a great 
deal of authority was placed in the hands of Brahmins 
as prime ministers. Thus we find that the chief ministers 
of Bimbisaro, king of Magadha, and Prasenajit, king of 
Kosala, the two most powerful kings of India in Buddha's 
lifetime, were Brahmins. As for the Brahmins as a class, 
they, especially in the eastern part of the country, seem to 
have given up ritualism, substituting metaphysical and 
ethical speculation for the elaborate ceremonies and sacrificial 
forms set forth in the Br&hmanas. The Upanishads, with 
their great prototype, the Bhagavadgitcl, were the outcome 
of the movement. The chief Upanishads, as well as the 
Satapatha Br&hmana, were, to judge from internal evidence, 
written in the land of Kosala Yideha, where the intellectual 
activity of the nation seems to have been concentrated from 
the eighth and seventh centuries before Christ, culminating 
in the two great religious systems of Buddhism and Jainism. 

The country of Kosala- Yideha, including the territory 
of K&si or Benares, lay east and north-east of the Kuru- 
Panch&las, and extended from the Himalayas to the Ganges 
eastward from the western boundary of Benares. S&keta, 
the ancient capital of Rama, the hero of the Bamayana, and 
of the Ikshvakus, was in this country on the river Ghogra, 

^ Brihadaranyika Upanishad, it 

VOL. XX. — [new SBHIB8.] 26 


about forty miles from Kapilavastu, where Buddlia was 

Prasenajit, who was its king, was nearly related to Bimbi- 
earo, king of Magadha, and both were of the Snake nice, 
the latter being the fifth of the ten N&ga king^ who, accord- 
ing to the tradition . and the hereditary list of kings of 
Magadha preserved in the Vishnu Pur4na,^ reigned in Raja- 
griha after Sisunaga, the first king, had left Benares to his 
son. It was probably from this son that Prasenajit was 
descended, as Benares was in the time of the Buddha under 
his government. They both probably belonged to the power- 
ful tribe of the Chirus, whom tradition and history alike 
agree in showing to have been the ancient rulers of Magadha. 
Buchanan, in his Eastern India, states their pretensions at 
considerable length,- but identifies them with the Kolarian 
tribes, and thinks the Suars or Sauris succeeded them. Sir 
TI. Elliot, in his article on the Chirus, in his Supplementary 
Glossary, shows Buchanan's error, as he points out that the 
Chirus claim descent from the Great Serpent, which clearly 
proves them to be Dravidians and snake worshippers. That 
they ruled Behar to a late period is proved by Sir H. Elliot,' 
who mentions the great joy expressed by the emperor Sher 
Shah at the conquest, by his general Khawas Khan, of 
Muhurta the Chiru Zemindar of Behar. Their Baja still 
lives, or did so when I was in charge of the district in 1862, 
at Chainpur, in the Sasseram subdivision of the Sbahabad 
district, at the foot of the northern encampment of the 
Rohtas hills, and the Rajas of the adjoining district of Pala- 
mow, up to and after the time of our conquest, were Chiroai 
Sir H. Elliot states that they were the aborigines of Ghazi« 
pur, part of Gorakpur, the southern portion of Benares and 
Mirzapur and of Behar ; but if they are, as he, I think, 
rightly says, the same tribo as the Sivira or Seorees (the 

^ The gen(!ral accuracy of this list is shown by its agreement with autbentie 
history, as ^ivcii in Buddhist authors. 

^ ^iont^omerv Martin's Eastern India, vol. i. pp. 406, 462, 494; vol. ii. pp. 

345, 348, 372, 460. 
^ Elliot's Supplementary Glossar}', s.v. Cheroo. 


SabarsB of Ptolemy and the Sauvlrfts of Baudhftyaoa ^), 
they were anciently a much more widely extended tribe, 
as is shown by General Cunningham,^ who identifies them 
with the Suari of Pliny, who places them next to the 
Monedes. The latter are evidently the Kolarian Mundas, 
while the Suars are not, as General Cunningham states, of the 
same race, but a Dra vidian tribe who lived in close proximity 
to the Eolarian tribes. General Cunningham shows that 
this tribe extended through Central India to Rajputana, 
where there is a tribe of Surrias mentioned by Tod, who are 
probably the same as the Central Indian Suars or Sauras and 
the Behar Chirus, and Buchanan, or rather Montgomery 
Martin, who used Buchanan^s papers, shows in the quota- 
tions above cited that the Sauri and Chirus once ruled the 
whole of Behar, and that their dominion extended as far 
north as Gorakpore. 

Prasenajit and Bimbis&ro between them ruled, with the 
exception of the territory of the Vaggians, the southern 
districts of Oude, those in the south-east of the north-western 
Provinces, with Behar and Western Bengal down to Orissa. 
Their neighbours to the west were in the north the Kuru 
Panchalas, and in the south Haihaibunsis, who as their 
name imports were also sons of the Snake. They ruled in 
Mandla, and according to family tradition in Ujain,* Bimbi- 
sdro of Magadha was in alliance with the kings of Kausambi 
and Ujain. 

The Sakyas, the tribe to which the Buddha belonged, 
were an outlying tribe in the east of Eosala, on the Eoh&na 
river. Prasenajit seems to have exercised a sort of control 
over them and their allies and neighbours, the Koliyas ; but 

1 Baudhaydna, i. 2. 13. Biihler, in his note, calls them the inhabitants of the 
South -Western Panjab, but they certainly were amone the early inhabitants of 
Chota Nagpur and Orissa. The tribe of Sauras is still found there, and the name 
of the Chota Nagpur country in Hiouen Tsiang is Kama Surama or that of the 
Suvamas of mix^ race. This shows that they were in his time and earlier 
powerful in that country. 

* Ancient Geography of India, pp. 60, 109. 

* According to an account of the Haihaibunsi kings and their dominions, pre- 
pared in 1579 A.D. by the Dewan of Raja Luchmon Sen, given to Mr. Chishobn, 
bettlement Officer of Belaspore by the Dewan's descendants, the rule of the 
Haihaibunsi kings formerly extended as far west as Quzerat. 

«K ^^ f 1 

t Jl 'l iribn 

f 111" ""' " i ' ' ' I 


anv aa I <UI fMnad «• ■bow, 1WT • 

is IW adtie* pvw «• O* Tajpaa* a» tW S«^Mk 

■ rMMi,jMBK"A-i<. rfia-iu. 

• HwTidHwk««riUBM,i«LnuLr.i*. 

• Van MMW>lr«KMUd«iM(*UdnUtMtlHh»kMlUftM. ■!■««< 

M tfcb MfcjMt Mlgki b gato*! turn • oitinl Md cmM — laJMiJn i| ih 


temple by the Buddha when they were talking of the 
designs of Prasenajit and Bimbisiro on their country^ that 
he told them among other things '' to honour, esteem, and 
revere the Vajjian shrines in town and country, and not to 
allow the proper offerings and rites as formerly given and per- 
formed to fall into desuetude." What these shrines were is 
clear from many places ; thus it was in the '' Makuta band- 
hana," the shrine of the Malli, that the Buddha was buried. 
It was in the sacred grove common to the Sakhyas and Kolyans 
that he is said to have been born, and the sacred grove of the 
Malli at Kusinagara in which he died. That these groves 
were the Kolarian Surnas or parts of the ancient forest left 
untouched for the residence of the forest deities there can be, 
I think, no doubt. In the account of the birth of the Buddha 
given in the Jataka,^ which is the simplest and seemingly the 
oldest account, the grove is said to be '' the grove of s&l- 
trees called Lumbini, between the two cities (of Kapila and 
Koli or Devadaha) used by the people of both towns on 
festive occasions," and in the story of his death,^ when he 
felt his end approaching, he left P&v& for Kusinagara, the 
neighbouring capital of the Malli, saying to Ananda his 
beloved disciple, " Let us go to the S&la grove of the Mallis, 
the Upavattana of Kusin&ra," and directed on his arrival 
that the bench or slab which was apparently used by the 
chief of the Malli on great occasions should be placed for 
him between two s&l-trees so that his head might lie to the 
north (Uttara-stsakam), as dead bodies among the Kolarian 
tribes are laid out. Mr. Rhys Davids has kindly pointed out 
to me that Upavattana is interpreted by Bothlingk, on the 
authority of Hemachandra and Amarasinha, the first a Jain, 
and the second a Buddhist author, to mean " wrestling- 
place." The s&l- trees were the indigenous trees of the 
forest, and the fact of their being mentioned distinctively 
as the trees of these groves, is additional proof that they 
were the Samas of two towns to which they were at- 
tached, left by the Kolyans and Mallians who had first 

^ FaiiBb5ll, Jataka, toI. i. p. 52. 

' Sacred BooIlb of the East, vol. zi. p. 85. 


cleared the forest, and like Samas they were close to the 
Akra or open space where ceremonial and festive dances and 
popular games were held. The Buddha's mother, who wu 
a native of Koliya, if she really visited the Sama at the 
time of his birth, did so no doubt from a wish to place herself 
and child under the special protection of the local deities, 
and even if, as is most probable, she never went there at that 
time, the story was circulated to show that he was specially 
dedicated to the gods of his mother's race. As for the Sama 
at Kusin&ra, it was evidently chosen by the Buddha and his 
followers for the dramatic scene of his death, because of itf 
importance among the Mallians, and well illustrates his 
advice to the Yajjians as to their native shrines. 

Besides these two sacred groves, a third is mentioned, the 
Mah&vana at Yaisali.^ 

Another proof of the hold that the worship of local deities 
living in special trees had obtained among all classes of people 
is shown by the sacred trees attached to the two great religioui 
teachers, the Buddha and the Mahavira, the Jain. The 
Buddha or his followers took the Bo or Pipal tree, under 
which he had attained absolute knowledge of the truth, as his 
tree, and those of Mahavira the Asoka (Asoka Jonesii ') tree, 
a tree indigenous to Eastern Bengal, where the earliest 
Kolarian settlements were, as that under which he entered 
on the ascetic life. Emphasis is laid on the fact that the 
Buddha's pipal tree at Budh Oaya was an especially 
sacred tree by the story in the J&takas' of the offering 
Sujata's maid Punn& was taking to present to the god 
living in this especial tree when she found the Buddha 
sitting under it. 

The Yajjian constitution is also essentially Kolarian. 
They chose their chiefs for life, and the Licchavis, at least-, 
apparently frequently chose foreigners,^ while foreign tribes 
like the Yidehas were received as members of the com- 

^ Mahavagga, vi. 30. 6 ; Sacred Rooks of the East, toI. zL p. 59. 
^ Sacred books of the East, vol. xxii. p. 259. 
3 Buddhist Birth Stories, translated oy Hhys Davids, pp. 91-94. 
« llockhill's Life of Buddha. 


ing to Gautama, and to the twenty-second and twenty-fourth 
according to Manu. 

The teacher from whom the sacrament must be received 
becomes to the accepted pupil a father, more venerable than 
his natural father,^ and the S&vitri verse his mother.^ The 
B6tcramental rite consists almost entirely in the petition of 
the would-be student to the teacher to recite the Sslvitri 
verse,* and its recitation by the pupil after hearing it from 
the teacher. 

When we turn to the Eigveda, to see what is the Sftvitri 
verse, which was evidently from the first the most important 
part of the ritual, we find it to be a verse of the last hymn 
of the third Mandala of the Rigveda,^ supposed to be written 
by Vi9v&mitra. It says : " We desire the longed-for light 
of the god Savitar (an epithet of the sun), who answers our 
prayers." All that the reciter of this verse undertakes to do 
is to worship the Sun- god. 

From the above analysis of the initiation ceremonies we 
find that a solemn and public declaration of the determina- 
tion to worship the Sun-god was held to be equivalent to the 
new birth of the person making it. The explanation of this 
conclusion must be found in the Aryan sense of the sanctity 
of family life. It would in their eyes be impossible to give 
an alien the unrestricted and avowed right of marrying the 
daughters of Aryans and consorting with Aryans as one of 
themselves unless he joined the Aryan family. Consequently 
the recipient of the sacrament was adopted as an Aryan, and 
the "patria potestas" was metaphorically transferred from 
his alien parents to his new father, the teacher, and his 
mother, the Aryan gods. It was impossible that the rite 
with its attendant consequences could ever have originated 
among pure Aryan tribes. Every Aryan young man must 
have been considered by his fellow-tribesmen from his birth 
to be entitled to all Aryan rights, and to owe reverence to 

^ Manu, ii. 146. 

' Manu, ii. 170. 

3 Gautama, i. 46-56. Gobhila Gfihya Siitra, ii. 10. 38. 

« Rigveda, iii. 62. 10. 


his natural father and mother, and it was only neceasaiy fif 
those who had not already got Aryan parents to acquire 
them before they could rank as Aryans. When the leading 
Aryans first grasped the idea that it would be euier to 
conquer the powerful non-Aryan tribes by admitting them 
to the Aryan community than by fightings them, there WM 
not the same objection to the change that there would haTe 
been in the minds of people so saturated with the ideH 
engendered by the caste system as the present HindocN^ and 
even the most ancient expounders of the law. To peopk 
who knew nothing of caste divisionSy it appeared quite 
natural to receive into the circles of Aryan tribes non- 
Aryans who left their tribal gods and tribal relatioDBi and 
became Aryans in their religion and customs, especially 
when, by allowing this, formidable enemies might be con- 
verted into friends. 

It has been shown above that this movement was probaUy 
begun by Yi9v4mitra and the reformers of his sohool, and 
the selection of a verse of his Mandala of the fiigveda fiv 
the declaration of adherence to the Aryan gods, tends to 
confirm the substantial truth of the legend connecting bim 
with the transfer of non- Aryan kings into the rauka of 
tmce-born Aryans. 

The result of this resolution to accept non-Aryana ai 
Aryans was that the royal races among the DraYidiani^ 
with the conquering race of Ikshv&ku at their head, 
were accepted as Rajanya, or of royal blood, this 
being the first name of the caste afterwards called 
Kshatriya. They took their theology from the Brahmin^ 
acknowledged the Brahmin supremacy, though in many 
cases they asserted their equal rights to all Brahmin 
privileges, and claimed to be equally learned with them. 
This is shown by the discussions of Prav&hana Gbivalif 
king of the Fauchalas, with the Brahmin Ani^a Gau- 
tama ; ^ of Janaka,^ king of Yideha, with Y&jnavalkya ; and 

* Chandogya XJpanisbad, v. 3. 

^ Brihadaranyika Upaiiishad, It. 1. 4. 


of Ajdtasatru,^ king of K&si or Benares, with Gftrgya 
B&I&ki, recorded in the Upanishads. 

As for the Brahmin caste system as a rule of society, it 
had in the countries of Kosala and Magadha, where Buddhist 
history begins, obtained very faint influence, and was 
probably little known outside the immediate neighbourhood 
of the land of Brahmavarta, and perhaps those parts of the 
country of the Kuru-Panch&las, Matsyas and Surasenas, 
between the Jumna and Ganges, called by Manu Aryavarta, 
and there certainly Aryan blood has for many ages pre- 
dominated among the upper and upper-middle classes. 

After the alliance between the two races, there was little 
alteration in the organisation, but much enlargement of the 
kingdoms into which the country was divided, and a great 
deal of authority was placed in the hands of Brahmins 
as prime ministers. Thus we find that the chief ministers 
of BimbissLro, king of Magadha, and Prasenajit, king of 
Kosala, the two most powerful kings of India in Buddha's 
lifetime, were Brahmins. As for the Brahmins as a class, 
they, especially in the eastern part of the country, seem to 
have given up ritualism, substituting metaphysical and 
ethical speculation for the elaborate ceremonies and sacrificial 
forms set forth in the Brahmanas. The Upanishads, with 
their great prototype, the BhagavadgitsL, were the outcome 
of the movement. The chief Upanishads, as well as the 
Satapatha Br&hmana, were, to judge from internal evidence, 
written in the land of Eosala Yideha, where the intellectual 
activity of the nation seems to have been concentrated from 
the eighth and seventh centuries before Christ, culminating 
in the two great religious systems of Buddhism and Jainism. 

The country of Kosala- Yideha, including the territory 
of K^si or Benares, lay east and north-east of the Kuru- 
Panchdlas, and extended from the Himalayas to the Ganges 
eastward from the western boundary of Benares. S&keta, 
the ancient capital of Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, and 
of the Ikshvakus^ was in this country on the river Ghogra, 

^ Brihadaranyika Upamsliad, ii. 

TOL. XX. — [new 8BKIB8.] 25 


about forty miles from Kapilavasta, where Buddha vai 

Prasenajit, who was its king, was nearly related to Bimlii- 
s&ro, king of Magadha, and both were of the Snake noe, 
the latter being the fifth of the ten Nftga kings who, aoooid- 
ing to the tradition . and the hereditary list of kings of 
Magadha preserved in the Yishnu Pur&na,^ reigned in Baji- 
griba after Sisunslga, the first king, had left Benares to hit 
son. It was probably from this son that Prasenajit wm 
descended, as Benares was in the time of the Buddha under 
his government. They both probably belonged to the powei^ 
f ul tribe of the Chirus, whom tradition and history alike 
agree in showing to have been the ancient rulers of MagadhSi 
Buchanan, in his Eastern India, states their pretensions st 
considerable length,^ but identifies them with the Kohaian 
tribes, and thinks the Suars or Sauris succeeded them. Sir 
H. Elliot, in his article on the Chirus, in his Supplementary 
Glossary, shows Buchanan's error, as he points out that tlie 
Chirus claim descent from the Great Serpent, which clearly 
proves them to be Dravidians and snake worshippers. That 
they ruled Behar to a late period is proved by Sir H. EUiot,' 
who mentions the great joy expressed by the emperor Sher 
Shah at the conquest, by his general Khawas Khan, of 
Muhurta the Chiru Zemindar of Behar. Their Raja atiU 
lives, or did so when I was in charge of the district in 1862, 
at Chainpur, in the Sasseram subdivision of the Shahabad 
district, at the foot of the northern encampment of the 
Rohtas hills, and the Rajas of the adjoining district of Pals* 
mow, up to and after the time of our conquest, were Chiru 
Sir H. Elliot states that they were the aborigines of Obaii* 
pur, part of Gorakpur, the southern portion of Benares and 
Mirzapur and of Behar ; but if they are, as he» I think, 
rightly says, the same tribe as the Sivira or Seoreea (the 

^ The general accuracy of this list is shown by its tgreement with 
history, as given in Budtmist authors. 

* Montgomery Martin's Eastern India, Tol. i. pp. 406, 462, 494 ; roL ii. pf. 
345, 348, 372, 460. 

3 Elliot's Supplementary Glossary, s.y. Cheroo. 


SabarsB of Ptolemy and the Sauvlr&s of Baudh&yana ^), 
they were anciently a much more widely extended tribe, 
as is shown by General Cunningham,^ who identifies them 
with the Suari of Pliny, who places them next to the 
Monedes. The latter are evidently the Kolarian Mundas, 
while the Suars are not, as General Cunningham states, of the 
same race, but a Dra vidian tribe who lived in close proximity 
to the Eolarian tribes. General Cunningham shows that 
this tribe extended through Central India to Rajputana, 
where there is a tribe of Surrias mentioned by Tod, who are 
probably the same as the Central Indian Suars or Sauras and 
the Behar Chirus, and Buchanan, or rather Montgomery 
Martin, who used Buchanan's papers, shows in the quota- 
tions above cited that the Sauri and Chirus once ruled the 
whole of Behar, and that their dominion extended as far 
north as Gorakpore. 

Prasenajit and Bimbis&ro between them ruled, with the 
exception of the territory of the Vaggians, the southern 
districts of Oude, those in the south-east of the north-western 
Provinces, with Behar and Western Bengal down to Orissa. 
Their neighbours to the west were in the north the Kuru 
Panch&las, and in the south Haihaibunsis, who as their 
name imports were also sons of the Snake. They ruled in 
Mandla, and according to family tradition in Ujain,^ Bimbi- 
sHro of Magadha was in alliance with the kings of Kausambi 
and Ujain. 

The Sakyas, the tribe to which the Buddha belonged, 
were an outlying tribe in the east of Kosala, on the Kohftna 
river. Prasenajit seems to have exercised a sort of control 
over them and their allies and neighbours, the Koliyas ; but 

^ Baudhay&na, i. 2. 13. Biihler, in his note, calls them the inhabitants of the 
South -Western Panjab, but they certainly were amone the early inhabitants of 
Chota Na^nr and Orissa. The tribe of Saoras is still »>und there, and the name 
of the Chota Nagpur country in Hiouen Tsiang is Kama SuTama or that of the 
Suvamas of mixra race. This shows that tuey were in his time and earlier 
powerful in that country. 

* Ancient Geography of India, pp. 60, 109. 

* According to an account of the HaUiaibansi kings and their dominions, pre- 
pared in 1579 A.D. by the Dewan of Baja Luchmon Sen, given to Mr. Chisholm, 
Dettlement Officer of Belaspore by the Dewan' s descendants, the rule of the 
Uaihaibunsi kings formerly extended as far west as Guzerat. 


the great Yajjian or Yrijjian confederacy, oonBistiiig of 
nine tribes of Licchavis and nine tribes of Mallia^^ whom 
capitals were the celebrated city of Yais&li in the laochaTi 
and Kusin&gara in the Mallian country, were apparentlr 
independent of both the kings of Kosala and Magadhi, 
though it seems to have been a chief object with them both 
to annex the territories lying nearest to their respectiTe 
states, Prasenajit that of the Sakhyas and Malliana, and 
Birabis&ro that of the Licchavis. In pursuance of tlw 
policy, which was ultimately successful, Prasenajit married 
Y&sabha,^ the daughter of Mah&D&mo, a Sakhyan chief, 
and Mulliksl,' a Mallian maiden, while Bimbisftro married 
Chellaua,^ the daughter of Chetuka, chief of Vaisali, and the 
first cousin of Yardham&ua, the great Jain teacher. 

Both kingdoms and the Yajjian republic were popoIoDi^ 
the people thriving and well-to-do, and the traders wen 
very prosperous and infiuentiaL Their importance is shown 
by the powerful support given to the Buddha by the great 
banker Anath&pinda, of Sravasti, the capital of Kosala, sad 
the constant references made in the Jfttaka and other worfa 
to the rich merchants of Benares who traded with Orissa os 
the one side and the Western Sea on the other. We gain 
from Buddhist writings a much more intimate insight into 
the ethnology of the country than can be acquired frooi 
Sanskrit works with reference to the rest of India.^ Then 
arc, as I shall proceed to show, very strong indications tbat 
the Yajjians, who were certainly the earliest settlers in the 
country, were of Kolarian race, who had lived there long 
before the arrival of the Dravidians and Aryans. We find 
in the advice given to the Yajjians* at the SUit ^hjImU 

^ Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxii. p. 266. 

^ Fausbiill, Jataka, toI. It. pp. 143-163. 

' Fausboll, Jataka, vol. iii. p. 106. In this last account MsIlikA m dariiri 
from Malakdro, and she is said to be the daughter of a gudeiier« but tta tew 
derivation is given in the Bhaddasala J&taka, vol. iv. pp. I43-I689 in msknwol 
Mallika, t)ie wife of Bhandulo, I^rasenajit^s commander-in-chief, 

* Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxii. p. xv. 

* Yer}' probably a great deal more information than has been luthaito emhuiri 
on this subject might be gained from a critical and careful *****ninat»iTn ol Al 

< Sacred Books of the East, vol. xi. p. 4. 


temple by the Buddha when they were talking of the 
designs of Prasenajit and Bimbis&ro on their country, that 
he told them among other things '' to honour, esteem, and 
revere the Vajjian shrines in town and country, and not to 
allow the proper offerings and rites as formerly given and per- 
formed to fall into desuetude/' What these shrines were is 
clear from many places ; thus it was in the ** Makuta band- 
hana," the shrine of the Malli, that the Buddha was buried. 
It was in the sacred grove common to the Sakhyas and Kolyans 
that he is said to have been bom, and the sacred grove of the 
Malli at Kusinagara in which he died. That these groves 
were the Kolarian Surnas or parts of the ancient forest left 
untouched for the residence of the forest deities there can be, 
I think, no doubt. In the account of the birth of the Buddha 
given in the JsLtaka,^ which is the simplest and seemingly the 
oldest account, the grove is said to be " the grove of s&l- 
trees called Lumbini, between the two cities (of Kapila and 
Koli or Devadaha) used by the people of both towns on 
festive occasions," and in the story of his death,^ when he 
felt his end approaching, he left PsLvft for Kusinagara, the 
neighbouring capital of the Malli, saying to Ananda his 
beloved disciple, " Let us go to the S&la grove of the Mallis, 
the Upavattana of Kusin&ra," and directed on his arrival 
that the bench or slab which was apparently used by the 
chief of the Malli on great occasions should be placed for 
him between two s&l-trees so that his head might lie to the 
north (Uttara-stsakam), as dead bodies among the Kolarian 
tribes are laid out. Mr. Rhys Davids has kindly pointed out 
to me that Upavattana is interpreted by Bothlingk, on the 
authority of Hemachandra and Amarasinha, the first a Jain, 
and the second a Buddhist author, to mean ^' wrestling- 
place." The s&l-trees were the indigenous trees of the 
forest, and the fact of their being mentioned distinctively 
as the trees of these groves, is additional proof that they 
were the Samas of two towns to which they were at- 
tached, left by the Kolyans and Mallians who had first 

1 Fausbdll, jataka, vol i. p. 52. 

' Sacred Books of the East, vol. xL p. 85. 


cleared the forest, and like Samas fhey were oloae to tte 
Akra or open space where ceremonial and festive danoa vi 
popular games were held. The Buddha's mothery who vm 
a native of Koliya, if she really visited the Sama at the 
time of his birth, did so no doubt from a wish to place hanii 
and child under the special protection of the local dxidm, 
and even if, as is most probable, she never -went there at dill 
time, the story was circulated to show that he was spedillj 
dedicated to the gods of his mother's race. A# for the Sana 
at Kusin&ra, it was evidently chosen by the Buddha and lui 
followers for the dramatic scene of his death, because of iti 
importance among the MalUans, and well illoatimtes ba 
advice to the Yajjians as to their native shrines. 

Besides these two sacred g^ves, a third is mentaoned, ik 
Mah&vana at Yaisali.^ 

Another proof of the hold that the worship of local deitiei 
living in special trees had obtained among all classes of peopb 
is shown by the sacred trees attached to the two great religioal 
teachers, the Buddha and the Mahavira, the Jain. TIm 
Buddha or his followers took the Bo or Pipal tree^ undflr 
which he had attained absolute knowledge of the trath, as hk 
tree, and those of Mahavira the Asoka (Asoka Jonesii') tie^ 
a tree indigenous to Eastern Bengal, where the onriinrt 
Kolarian settlements were, as that under whioh he entend 
on the ascetic life. Emphasis is laid on the fact that tht 
Buddha's pipal tree at Budh Gaya was an especially 
sacred tree by the story in the Jfttakas' of the ofiering 
Sujata's maid Punnd was taking to present to the god 
living in this especial tree when she found the Buddha 
sitting under it. 

The Yajjian constitution is also essentiaUy Eolariaii. 
They chose their chiefs for life, and the Licchavis, at hmi^, 
apparently frequently chose foreigners,^ while foreiffa tribes 
like the Yidehas were received as members of the coib- 

^ Mabarag^ vi. 30. 6 ; Sacred Books of the Eait, toL zL p. 59. 
' Sacred Books of the East, toI. xxii. p. 269. *^' 

' Buddhist Birth Stories, translated dy Rhyi Davida. bb 01. fU 
* RockhiU's Life of Buddha. *^*^' 


munity. They managed their affairs by a council of elders,^ 
and it was apparently as the chosen chief of the Licchavi 
tribes that Janaka of the Upanisbads came to be called king 
of Videha. 

A further very important question to be considered with 
reference to the population of the country is the position 
of the two Aryan tribes of the S&khyas or Sakkos and the 
Vaidehas or Yidehas. The legendary story of the Sakkos ^ 
states that they were descended from the King of Fat&la 
on the Indus and belonged to the Ikshv&ku race. The four 
elder sons of the king had to leave the kingdom because 
he had promised the succession to the son of a younger 
wife. They left accompanied by their five sisters and settled 
in Kapila, which was made over to them by the celebrated 
Rishi or sage of that name. As they could find no wives 
of their own race in this remote country, they married their 
sisters, and continued ever afterwards to marry in their 
own clan, the only exception being as to marriages with the 
Eoliyas. This was justified by the story that the eldest of 
the five sisters became a leper, and was shut up in a hut 
in the neighbouring forest. Here she was found by R&ma, a 
prince of Benares, who had also been driven out as a leper, 
but had cured himself with forest herbs. He cured her too, 
married her and became the father of a numerous progeny. 
This story clearly points to the intermarriage between the 
first Sakkos and the chiefs of the tribes they found in posses- 
sion of the country, and this seems to have been repeated so 
often that the two tribes became practically one, though they 
both retained the memory of their native origin. There is 
no further information as to the early history of the Sakkos, 
but they probably were Aryan or semi-Aryan remnants 
of the great Ikshvftku invasion, and their name, as well 
as that of the neighbouring city of S&keta, seems to have 
had some reference to the god Sakko, the name under 
which the Aryan god Indra was worshipped by the Pali- 

1 Sacred Books of the East, vol. xL p. 3. 

3 Sumangala-YUasint, Pali Text Society's edition, pp. 261-262. 


speaking tribes. Perhaps the Sakkos may have been oJU 
by that name, as they, as a distinctively warrior tribe^ 
worshipped Sakko, the warrior god, in contradirtinetiBi 
to the aboriginal tribes who worshipped the local ddtia 
Certainly Sakko is continually named as the chief of tk 
devas, in contradistinction to the BrAhma ' or incorporeil 
angels, in the early Buddhist writings, and he is also plaori 
quite apart from the N&ga gods. 

They probably belonged to a much earlier immigntioi 
than that of the Yaidehas, as they kept themselvee as a XM 
quite apart from the Brahmins; though there were nuBT 
Brahmins living in their country,^ they do not seem to im 
mixed with them as the Yidehas did with their Brahmm 
neighbours, or in any way to have acknowledged their 
authority. The Buddha, in the Brfthmanadhatnmika Satta,' 
criticised the Brahmins very freely, speaking as a oompbte 
outsider, and giving an account of their history very similtf 
to that I have now attempted to prove ; there is no trace it 
any of the stories of his life of his having been brought up 
among ritualistic Brahmins, though he must have stndifld 
their philosophy very deeply, as well as the solutions pro- 
posed, on the moral and religious questions that WM 
agitating the thoughtful minds of the country, by the 
numerous Brahmin teachers, who, with their discipkn 
are mentioned as having been scattered through Kosdi 
and Magadha. 

The Sakkos seem to have lived in a sort of proud isolatioo« 
regarding themselves as something very much superior to all 
about them, and did not join themselves with other tribee 
except the Koliyans, or enter the Yajjian confederacy.' 
They were apparently looked upon by their neighboon 
as decayed nobility, with whom alliances were to be soogiit 
on account of the greatness of their ancestors. I do nol 

^ See long list of wealthy Brahmins Hying in the Sakya eoantry in the VliaMte 
Sutta, Sacr^ Books of the East, yol x. ; Sutta Nipata, p. 108. 

3 Sutta Nipata, pp. 47-62, sections 19-24. 

' They are not mentioned among the Vajjians in the Kalnt Svtn, vbof Ai 
Yajjian tribes are said to be nine Licchayis and nine Halluoi (Saond BoeboC 
tiie East, yol. zxii. p. 266). 


I Bee how^ the story of the marriage of V&sabha, Mah&- 
I n&mo's daughter, with Prasenajit, can be otherwise ex- 
I plained. It was evidently exceedingly disliked by the 
I Sakkos, though they were afraid to refuse, and the sub- 
sequent contempt shown by them to Yidadabha or 
Yirudhaka, her son, led to their destruction by him when 
he came to the throne. The Buddha himself was obliged 
to admit that they deserved all they got. The other 
Aryan colony in the Vajjian country was that of the 
Jn&trikas or N&tikas,^ known as the Yidehas or Yaidehas, 
the latter name probably meaning the foreigners,^ who 
were received into the Yajjian confederacy as one of the 
Licchavi tribes. They appear to have been the descendants 
of Mathava, the Yideha, and his followers, who is said 
in the Satapatha Br&hmana^ to have civilized the country 
east of the Sudanira or Gunduk with the help of his family 
priest, Gotama R&hftgama, and the sacred fire (Agni Yaisv&« 
nara) of the Aryans. They came into the country when the 
ritualistic system was fully developed, and always, as is 
shown by the relations between them and the Brahmins 
in the Upanishads, and between the Brahmins and the Jains, 
remained subject to Brahmin influence. This is further 
shown by the strange story of the birth of Yardham&na, after- 
wards the Mahavira, the Jain, who was the son of Siddharta, 
a Yidehan chief, but is represented as the son of a Brahmin.^ 
They joined cordially with their neighbours, and became 
very powerful in the union. They apparently did not object 

^ Faiisboll, J&taka, toI. It. Introdaction to Bhaddasala JStaka, paanm, 
1 must say I do not believe that V&sabha was, as the story makes oat, illegitimate. 
If she had been, Vidadabha wonld not, when the discovery was made, hare 
succeeded to the throne. The story of the illegitimacy is evidently introduced to 
show the influence of the Buddha, who advised the king to acknowledge his son. 

^ Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxii. Introduction. 

3 Or, like the name Vaikarna, meaning of two races, it may mean the people of 
two countries, and may imply an alliance between the immigrant Aryans and the 
aboriginal inhabitants. * The account of Vais&li, given in tne Dulva, quoted in 
Kockhill's Life of Buddha, p. 62, seems to favour the latter view. Tne people 
living in the three districts of the town could intermarry, but the people of the 
first district could marry only in their own district, those of the second in the 
first and second, and those of the thifd in all three. 

^ ^atapatha Br&hma^a, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii p. 105. 

^ Sacred Books of the East^ voL xxii. ; Kalpa Sutra, pp. 218-229. 


to marriages with other tribes, as the Sakkos did, and it ii 
probably for this reason they are said by Manu ^ to have lort 
their caste. The marriage of Bimbis&ro with Chdluii 
Yardham&na's first cousin, seems to have been approved 
by her parents. But early Buddhist history, beaides giving 
us information as to the land of the Kosalas and Yidehai^ 
throws great light on the early history of Magadha. Tke 
rule of the N&ga race seems to have been thoroughly eoa- 
solidated in that kingdom, for Sesun^ga, the first king wIm 
retired from Benares, and came to Rajagriha in M^g^^^ 
was the great-great-graudfather of Bimbisftro, and judgbg 
from the great prominence given to the Snake gods in ill 
early Buddhist writing and sculptures, Brahmin infl""""* 
seems to have been far less strong than in the neighbouing 
country of Eosala Yideba, where the Brahmina seem to 
have found a more congenial home among the easy-goiog 
Kolarian tribes than among the sterner Dravidians. Hw 
protection of so powerful a monarch as Bimbia&ro seens 
to have been one of the chief causes of the auocees of the 
religious revolution caused by the Buddha's teaching. 
Bimbisslro seems after a little while to have someiriiat 
relaxed his zeal for these doctrines, and to have inclined 
to his relation, Mahavira, who lived for some years in Bajs- 
griha, apparently while the Buddha was absent at Sravasti, 
Prasenajit's capital, and Bimbis&ro's son, Aj&tasatta, fint 
favoured the Jains and Buddhist heretics nnder Devadatta, 
but afterwards extended his protection to the Bnddha and 
his disciples, who from henceforth seem to have been pro- 
tected by the successive kings of Magadha, and from their 
monastery of Nalanda, near the capital, to have gone fi>rth 
to convert India. 

Everything was favourable to their progress, the public 
mind was everywhere stirred by anxiety on reUgiont 
questions. The one question every one was anxious to solve 
was, where are we going in the future, and what will be our 
future fate after death P Every one accepted the immortality 

1 Manu, X 17. 


of the soul as an axiom, and also believed that men must be 
reborn after death. How to escape from rebirth in a lower 
state, or to reach a higher stage of existence in the next 
world, was the problem. The Brahmins prescribed sacrifices 
to save the souls of ancestors, and both Brahmin, Jain, and 
other ascetics said that by penances and austerities men 
could raise themselves to a level with the gods, and be 
freed from the danger of rebirth in a lower state. The 
Buddha, on the other hand, in a spirit of stern common 
sense, which must have been very attractive to the practical 
minds of his Dravidian hearers, said : The only way for a 
man to release himself from the chain of existence with its 
fatal consequences is by his own efforts. He, and he alone, 
can subdue the desires which are the causes of changes of 
existence, and transform himself from a sinful to a sinless 
being, and when once that end is attained and his nature is 
absolutely purified and denuded of all desire for changes, the 
law of rebirth and compensation in a future life for evil 
deeds and mistakes in the past ceases to affect him. This 
manly creed evidently gained largely increasing numbers of 
followers, and its progress was watched no doubt carefully 
by the politicians. They finally in the time of Asoka, found 
Buddhism so popular as to make it a wise political step to 
proclaim it as the state religion of the vast Mauriyan empire. 
That empire, as I have endeavoured to show, had been built 
up by the gradual assimilation of the different people in- 
habiting the country, by using the best of the national laws 
and customs of the component races to perfect the methods 
of government, and by adapting such laws and customs to 
gradually increasing areas. 


Art. IX. — The Customs of the Ossetea, and the Liffit Of 
throw on the Evolution of Law. Compiled from PffifM 
Maxim Kovalefsky's Russian Work on ** CbnfeNyorvy 
Custom and Ancient Law** and translaied with Jfotai 
by E. Delmar Morgan, M.B.A.S. 

The following paper, of which a part only was read Mon 
the Asiatic Society on March lOth^ is founded on a book 
published in Russian by Prof. Maxim Eovalefikj. bit 
the author gives the results of his investigations into tk 
manners and customs of the Ossetes, with special re&ma 
to the light thrown by them on the evolution of law. Hv 
late Sir Henry Maine, who may be justly regarded as oo 
authority on ancient law and early oustoms, has well Mid ii 
a passage quoted by Prof. Kovalefsky on his title-page^ "I> 
order to understand the most ancient condition of aooiety iD 
distances must be reduced, and we must look on mankindv * 
to speak, at the wrong end of the historical teleaoopa"' 
But this would be impossible in most parts where the wattf 
of invading hosts and migrating nationalities have eflboel 
almost every trace of early customs, and the historian aij 
look in vain for materials to assist him in his inqaiiji 
Fortunately there are tracts of the earth's surfooe lemovai 
beyond the influence of the destructive power of wmwHw^ 
where primitive customs and beliefs have heen handed down 
from father to son in almost unbroken continuity. Aim^j 
these tracts are the higher valleys of mountain chains when 
the inhabitants of the plains have found safety in their 
struggles for self-preservation. In the highlands ol the 
Caucasus, as in other mountainous regions, remnanta of 
Aryan tribes have found it possible to suhsist, thourii not 
in large numbers, preserving their independence and per- 

^ Dis»ertation$ on Early Law and CuiUm^ but I hare not Imnd tiis 

thig work. 



tions in the highest degree in- 
philosopher. To these reference 
supply the missing link in the 
ese we should turn in order to 
ridical notions — the embryology 
ig under circumstances precisely 
) sketched, aro the Ossetes, in- 
ma on both Bides of the main 

the last century and the begin- 

RuBsia had seriously taken in 
lountaineers, scientific travellers 

midst and published the first 
«ople. Id this way the world 
■ G-iildenstedt, Reineggs, Dubois 
th. The last of these devotes 
•age aa Gaucase " to the Ossetea 
ly of his ohservations are con- 
SFB. But at the period we are 
IS not readily accessible to men 
intured to stray far from the 
laian armies entered that region. 
r scientific facts anything like 
] even for many years after the 
a had been accomplished little 

by ethnologists on the various 
iriaed in that remote hordorland 
a only within the last decade or 
jugation of the tribes^ and the 
ority in their midst, that travel- 
trate into all parts, armed with 
)dge and gifted with that thirst 

marked a characteristic of the 
long the most recent of these 

M. Vsevolod Miller, to whom 
is work, and to whose " Ossete 
Bde in the following pages. 

BbUUin, onlj nuiGDdaied in IBSS. 

I ■ 

■1 ^ 


I I' 


. I 
• 4 




petuating customs and traditions in the highest degree in- 
teresting to the historian and philosopher. To these reference 
must be made if we would supply the missing link in the 
history of civilization, to these wo should turn in order to 
trace the earliest dawn of juridical notions — the embryology 
of law. Such a people, living under circumstances precisely 
analogous to those we have sketched, are the Ossetes, in- 
habiting the centred Caucasus on both sides of the main 
ehain. Towards the end of the last century and the begin- 
ning of the present, when Russia had seriously taken in 
hand the conquest of the mountaineers, scientific travellers 
made their way into their midst and published the first 
reliable accounts of these people. In this way the world 
was indebted to the works of Giildenstedt, Reineggs, Dubois 
de Montp^reux and Klaproth. The last of these devotes 
several chapters of his " Voyage au Caucase " to the Ossetes 
and their country, and many of his observations are con- 
firmed by more recent writers. But at the period we are 
speaking of the Caucasus was not readily accessible to men 
of science, and but few ventured to stray far from the 
high roads by which the Russian armies entered that region. 
Neither was the demand for scientific facts anything like 
what it has now become, and even for many years after the 
subjugation of the Caucasus had been accomplished little 
attention was bestowed even by ethnologists on the various 
tribes and nationalities comprised in that remote borderland 
of the Russian empire. It is only within the last decade or 
two, since the complete subjugation of the tribes^ and the 
establishment of settled authority in their midst, that travel- 
lers have been able to penetrate into all parts, armed with 
the requisite stock of knowledge and gifted with that thirst 
for learning more that is so marked a characteristic of the 
age in which we live. Among the most recent of these 
travellers we must mention M. Vsevolod Miller, to whom 
Prof. Kovalefsky dedicates his work, and to whose " Ossete 
Studies " reference will be made in the following pages. 

^ Schamyl, the last independent chieftain, only rarrendered in 1859. 


Before entering on a description of their customs it nv 
be well to state who these Ossetes were, and how the? am 
to occupy their present country. There are at least tfi 
opinions concerning their origin. Some maintainy argiof 
from the Semitic character of certain of their customs, tbi 
they are of Jewish descent, much in the same way ts tb 
Afghans are said to be for similar reasons descended fisa 
the lost ten tribes of Israel. But analogies in customs nl 
juridical types, as Prof. Eovalefsky remarks^ may hate bea 
caused by an identity of economical conditions^ necessitatiif 
certain habits of life common to nationalitieSy however wiUf 
these may be separated. For instance, the patriarchal bmilr 
and the custom by which the brother-in-law marries tk 
widow of his deceased brother are not only common to tb 
Jews, but to all nations at an early stage of deyelopmoL 
We find the semi-nomadic inhabitants of Oentral Asia it 
the present day leading a patriarchal existence with their 
flocks and herds. The brother-in-law's marriage marks the 
period in the life of nations when they are emerging hm 
a state of polyandry into individual marriage. It wsi 
known to the Hindus and Greeks, and may be ohserad 
among the Kirghiz and other Turko-Tartar tribes to thk 
day. Concubinage, again, said to be peculiar to the Oaseta 
was an institution of the Hindus and Greeks, as well as of 
the Romans and Celts, and the position of children bon 
of such ties answered very nearly to that of the Osssle 
" Kavdasards.'* 

The Ossetes have also been classed with people of GtemiaBie 
origin, chiefly because certain words in their language had 
a German ring about them. For instance, thrir woid 
*' Khokh," a high mountain, has a dose resemblance to tfas 
German ** hoch,^' high. But here again we may be easOf 
led to form erroneous conclusions on imperfect data.^ M. 

' The Ossete word for river is 'don/ occurring in Aidoiiy 

Ghizeldon, etc. But we find the same word for riTer in England, 

Kussia. It is suppoBod that the Russian Don owes its nama to the 

whoso territory ran up to this river formerly dividing Europe and A^^ pioi^^, 
too, the name of the tatter continent itself originated with this 
as they were called. 


t| Sjogren, who made a careful study of the Ossete language, 
^ has taught us that such analogies are misleading ; he came 
pj to no positive conclusions about it. The more recent con- 
j tributions to the philology of the Ossetes by M. Miller, 
^ supported by his archseological and historical discoveries, 
have apparently established the Iranian origin of this people, 
and this opinion now generally prevails.^ 

M. Eovalefsky adduces additional evidence bearing on 
I the Iranianism of the Ossetes in their curious funeral rites, 
observing that some of their graves are above the ground, 
the bodies not being allowed to touch the earth, a form of 
burial in close sympathy with the religious sentiments of the 
Iranians as expressed in the Yendidad ; ^ and otherwise 
inexplicable as opposed to sanitary considerations. But 
among the most important facts brought to light are those 
resulting from M. Miller's examination of the Greek 
inscriptions found in Southern Russia, and comprised in 
M. Latyshers collections, proving that Iranian colonies were 
distributed throughout the plains at the northern foot of the 
Caucasus at a very early period, probably at the time of the 
great migrations of nations.^ 

The Ossetes speak of themselves as ''Iron," and their 
country as "Ironistan." By their neighbours, the Georgians, 
they are called Ossi, and their territory Ossetia. As far 
back as 300 B.C. they are mentioned in the Georgian 
Chronicle as powerful allies, and from their mythical 
ancestor Wovos, son of the King of the Khazars,^ the 
Ossetes of the present day claim descent. The classical 

^ Professor Max Miiller in his Lecture* on the Seienee of Language classes the 
Ossete as an independent member of the i^ryan family of languages ; cf. Telfer's 
Crimea and Transcaucasia, toI. ii. p. 2, note. 

^ The Yendidad, forming part of the Zend Ayesta, the religious writings of the 
Farsees, contains the most explicit rules for the disposal of dead bodies. They 
were to be laid on the highest places where they could be best seen by birds of 
prey and dogs. The bodies were to be fastened in such a way that the bones 
could not be taken by birds and beasts of prey to trees or water, and they were to 
be laid on stone or some metal, so that the rain should not dissolve any part of 
them into the earth. See £leeck*s Avetta, from Prof. Spiegel's German 
Translation, Fargards t. and ri. 

' Among the inscriptions in Greek characters referred to in the text were some 
in an unknown language. These M. Miller discovered to be Ossete. 

* Klaproth, Voyage an Caucase, ii. 438. 


authors Gelonius ApoUinarius, Josephus flavias and Plinf 
all agree ia placing the Alani, with whom the Oasetes Ixn 
been identified,^ in the plains north of the Caucasiu, wbentt 
they were driven by Turko-Tartar and Cherkeas tribes into 
the mountains. In earlier times the Osaetes ^rereso nmnensi 
that they could bring into the field armies of teni d 
thousands of men in their wars with Armenians, G^igiiMk 
Persians, Arabs, and later with the Russian Slavs under 
Sviatoslaf.^ Their tzars or princes are mentioned hf 
Byzantine writers probably with reference to such of tbeir 
leaders as had raised themselves to eminenoe among tlieo, 
and the excavations that have been made prove that aa 
active trade was once carried on between the Ossetea and the 

Admitting then, as I think must be admitted, that dw 
Ossetes are an Aryan race of high antiquity, their cuatou 
and institutions will afford excellent data for the atodent of 
archaic jurisprudence, supplying important evidence to aolfB 
problems connected with the beginnings of human aoGietT» 
and serving as an additional link between the £ast and the 
West, between India and Ireland. By contrasting OskU 
customs with types of ancient law prevailing^ among HindUi 
Germans, Colts and Slavs, to say nothing of Greeks and 
Romans, we shall obtain the necessary materials for aaaigning 

> Cf. Travels of Josafa Barbaro (Hakl. Soc.), p. 6. Dp. Smith the ^ 
editor of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Homan Empire, rrpTTWoii doubt 
this point, chiefly upon the testimony of Lucian and Ammianiu, who dHerdit 
the Alani as resembling the Huns, and inhabiting a comitiy too far to the wA 
namely, that occupied m modem tiines by the Nogai Tartaxe. But then &eto an 
by no means inconsistent with the identity of the Alans and Oaeetes from aU «e bov 
of the latter people now, and their accepted Iranianism agreee with the ivmuk d 
Firdusi, who says that the Alans ori^nally came from the Pmnmnamm. nl 
were the people mentioned in Chinese annals as Yen-thsai {ef, GibbonTlSIt. ad. 
by Smith, vol. iii. p. 315; Yule's Marco Polo, xL 164). With lesmd to tlM 
doubt expressed by Col. Yule as to whether the Ossethi or Oaeotca uetiM fr— 
as the Aas or Assi, we may mention that this people are iiiTariablT eaUed Am 
or Assethi b^ the Russians, throu&^h whom we hare in recent Tean beesH 
aenuaintod with them, though in wnting the name it ii spelt Oaaif Ometti. Ihi 
oeing pronounced A, Some interesting particulan of tifeae Alana or A^ uk 
of their service in China under the Tartar Khans, will be foand in Tnle'a^ter 
pp. 316-318. Prof, de Lacouperie obligingly informs me that then anssfWH 
interesting statements in Chinese documents about A-lan, A-lan-: 
Yen-thsai, Sukteh, Uen-na-sha, etc 

— , _ _ __ , _ — — — , — . ^^ 

''' About 966 A.D. Cf, Karamzine, Histoire de la Biunea Park. IBia. ^^L 
p. 216. ^ *■* *"* 


the period of their origin, and convince ourselves of the 
probability of recognizing any of their customs as the 
general heritage of the Aryan race, or the product of specific 
conditions such as locality, vicinity of Eabardinians, Tartars, 
and Georgians, for it must be remembered that many of the 
Ossete customs are not primitive, but have been grafted 
on the original stock by successive influences from without, 
while the main body owing to the isolated position of this 
people have remained intact. 

The Ossetes of the present day inhabit part of the plain 
on which the town of Vladikavkaz^ is built, but their settle- 
ment here is of recent date, their older habitations are in the 
higher valleys of the Terek and its tributaries, and on the 
southern slope of the range along the defiles of the Great 
and Lesser Liakhva and Ksan. Their territory borders on 
the north with Lesser Eabarda, on the east with Chechenia, 
on the south with Georgia and Imeritia, and on the west 
with the lands of the Tartar mountaineers and Great Eabarda. 
In numbers the Ossetes are roughly 100,000 of both sexes.^ 
They are divided into several communities occupying the 
several defiles of the tributaries of the Terek. Thus proceed- 
ing from west to east : along the Urukh and its affluents are 
the Digorians ; along the Ardon and its tributary streams are 
the Alaghirs {i,e. Eastern Ossetes) ; the defiles of the Sandon 
and Fiagdon give shelter to the Kurtatians, those of the 
Ghizeldon and its feeders are inhabited by the Taghaurians, 
who are also met with on the left bank of the Terek itself. 
The Ossetes of the southern slopes of the main chain of the 
Caucasus, having come under the influences of Georgia, 
belong to the district of Dushet in the government of Tiflis, 
and that of Rachinsk in the government of Kutais. These 
Southern Ossetes are known locally as Tualtsi or Tualta. 
Their language is divided into two principal dialects — 

^ I shall follow Mr. EoTalefsky's work closely. The immediate environs of 
Vladikavkaz are inhabited by Ingasn, a thieyish tnbe, and other people ; the first 
Ossete settlements are two or three stations from the town. 

' According to an article on the Ethnology of the Caucasus, in Petermann*s 
Mittheilungen, vol. zxvi. 1880, the Ossetes north and south of the range number 
110,914 altogether. 

VOL. XX. — [new BBBns.] 26 


Digorian and Ironian, while that spoken by the Taflltn v 
a subdialect of the Ironian ; and according as they ipeik 
one or other of these dialects, they are called Digoiiiai^ 
Ironians, and Tualtsi. They have no general na^mA- 

The main fact of their history that has come down ton 
is their conversion to Christianity by St. Nina,^ aasisted \ff 
Bishop John at the beginning of the fourth century. Bit 
this only affected a few of the Southern Ossetes. The spai 
of Christianity north of the range is of much later date^ ml 
is usually associated with the name of the Georgian QoMt 
Tumar,^ to whom is also attributed the erection of nomfiroM 
churches and chapels, all more or less in a ruined statepia 
the valleys of the Terek and its tributaries. HiBtonaiM» 
however, consider it more probable that ChristiaDity wis sot 
established in Ossetia before the end of the twelfth centoij 
under Georgian auspices. The first germs of feudalism alio 
came from Georgia, though there are no materials for asiigB* 
ing the precise date when the Tualtsi fell under feadil 

' The story of tho blessed St. Nina and her conTerrion of the G«oigim* 
Chrifitianity in tlio reign of King Mirian (a.d. 266-342) is given at Mmek^tk 
by tlie lute M. Brosset, a distinguished scholar and OnentiSiit^ in hiahiiloiTif 
Georgia, founded chietiy on the chronicle of Wakhnsht and unpnbliihed 3ifS& 
This is very briefly what he says : '* St. Nina, who was on her father^i odt it 
Cappadocian origin, was brought up at Jerusalem nnder the oai« of a iiJjpiM 
Armenian Avomuu, Niafor, by whom she was instructed in all the mysterieioftki 
Christian faith. Having learned that the seamless robe of onr Savioiir had ta 
taken to Mtzkhetha, then the capital of Georgia, she determined on aettiiig Ml 
in search of it. ]3ut before doing so she ^isit^ some part of Greece, where dN 
m:ide a convert of the beautiful princess Kiphsin6 of tne Imperial Court, aft^ 
wards martyrized together with her thirty-three companiona in Armenia, wkiAs 
she had ilea lor refuge from the lust of the Emperor. St. Nina, haring oeipd 
from her persecutors, had a vision, inspiring her to nndectake the convenioaflf 
the Georgians. After long wanderings and many eufferingi ahe reached MitUwthii 
where the people were revelling in Magian superstitions and aacrifleing to thdr 
gods Armaz and Ztiden. Her prayers for this miseuded people were aanran^ 
by a sudden torniido of frightml violence. Great hailstones foil and dsitrojc' 
the idols, shattering them into thousands of pieces. In the midst of *>»^ dvM^ 

tion St. Nina alone remained unhurt. Assisted b^ a conTerted Jew, AUathVi 
who like a second St. Paul had become an ardent disciple of the faith, she bcgH 
preaching Christianit)' openly, and when King Minan retnmed fr«m aa n- 
successful expedition into Greece, where his army had heen defeated by tki 
Christian emperor Constantino, she was summoned to his preaenoe and eipniBii 
the doctrines of her religion. But it was not till aome time after hia QaMa 
Nana had embraced Christianity that the king abandoned his gods and beooM a 
convert, when he and all his people were nnptiTrd ** Ttiumel^ HiafeoifB di ^ 
Georgie, pp. 90-132. 

' According to Brossct, Tamar reigned twenty •seTen yean from 1134 to ISll 
or 1212 A.D. 


influences. One thing only is certain, viz. that at the time 
of the subjugation of Ossetia by Russia, the Tualtsi were 
under two princely Georgian families— the Eristavs^ and 
Machabele. Their power appears to have been derived in 
the first instance from their appointment as satraps over 
certain districts. In course of time their office became 
hereditary or the privilege of the same family or tribe, they 
were gradually transformed from government officials into 
feudal seigneurs possessed of extensive rights, just as the 
hereditary earls of the Carlovingian empire became feudal 
owners. Assuming plenary rights of jurisdiction, police, 
and taxation, the Eristavs took advantage of their extensive 
functions to make the peasants personally dependent upon 
their families, while the large grants of land they received 
for their services gave them further power. Their vast 
landed possessions partook of the character of feudal fiefs, 
the inhabitants submitting to rank as vassals holding their 
land on condition of discharging military and other services, 
and paying taxes to their lords. In course of time the 
Eristavs extended this system to all their lands, and became 
lords of the greater part of Southern Ossetia. Only the 
inhabitants of the more inaccessible defiles were able to 
resist these encroachments, and even their liberties were 
trenched upon by the Eristavs, who blocked the entrances 
to their glens, and compelled them to pay toll for the right of 
egress. Occasionally there were attempts at risings against 
this despotic power, but these only gave the Georgian tzars 
the pretext of interfering and depriving the Eristavs of their 
power, and even confiscating their estates, which they would 
then re-grant to others. 

In the same degree as Georgia and its culture exercised 
a preponderating influence over Southern Ossetia, Kabarda 
with its comparatively recent Muhammadanism and feudalism 
afiected Northern Ossetia and the Tartar mountaineers.^ 

> From eri * people ' and tava * head ' or * chief.' 

' The Tartar mountaineers occupied country previously inhabited by Ossetes, 
so that their language and customs retained much that is peculiar to this people. 
This fact may be obsenred in their numeration and topographical names. 


The Earbardinians, who had professed Christianity as late 
as the campaign of Peter the Great against Azof, adopted 
IMuhammadanism towards the middle of the eighteenth 
century, and became in a few years zealous proselytes under 
the influence of the princes of the Kumyks,^ particularly 
the Shamkhals of Tarkhu,^ who intermarried with the 
Eabardinian princes. By preventing the Ossetes, and 
particularly the Digorians, from having access to the plain 
country to the north of the Caucasus, the Kabardinians 
gained a great ascendency over them, for it had been the 
practice of the Ossetes to pasture their herds on these plains 
at certain seasons of the year, and in times of scarcity of 
provisions they obtained supplies here of such necessaries as 
millet and salt. The Eabardinians, too, on their side, were 
in the habit of driving their cattle to the Ossete highlands 
in summer when everything was parched and consumed in 
the plains. A mutual interdependence of the two people 
was the natural result of these relations, so that when the 
Kabardinians, who were the stronger and more warlike, 
became Muhammadans, they lost no time in bringing pressure 
to bear on their neighbours the Ossetes in order to extend 
the teaching of the Koran. 

Of all the inhabitants of Northern Caucasia, the Kabar- 
dinians are probably the most remarkable for their individual 
prowess and gallant bearing, which have earned for them the 
title of ' the gentlemen ' of the Caucasus. Their aristocratic 
institutions have some points of resemblance with the 
medisoval knight brotherhoods of Western Europe. To their 
influence is attributable the introduction of feudalism into 
Ossetia. Feudalism, remarks our author, was never a 
legalized expropriation of the soil by a handful of nobles; 

^ On the Caspian littoral. 

-^ Tiirkhu or Tarki, a small nlace on the Cflspian, 4 da}V march north of Derbend, 
is still tlie residence of the ohanikhals. Nut many years ago the writer Mw the 
l:ist of this royal race on hoard the Caspian steamer — an imposing-lookiiig 
individual in a I()n<r white coat and hi^h white shiH-^pakin hat (papakha). Heu 
now a pensioner of Kussia. Tarkhu is said to occupy the site of the ancient 
Srniender, a town of the Rulers, destroyed by the Kussians under Sviatoelaf in 
A.D. 968. Cf. Dom, Ueber die Einfalle der Alten Bussen in Tabaristaa, pp. vi. 
122, 309. 


during its continuance the peasantry were the legal owners 
of the soil hy the tenure of perpetual hereditary leaseholders, 
not, however, as individuals, but in communities. It is only 
by bearing this fact in mind that we can conceive how it 
was that feudalism was not a phenomenon peculiar to the 
Germanic-Roman world, but an indispensable stage in the 
development of society, coincident with the transformation 
of separate nationalities from a military-aggressive to a 
military-defensive system, and common alike to the East as 
well as to the West. In Muhammadan India feudalism was 
as well known as in Christian Europe, but nowhere did 
it break up or obliterate the village communes and the 
beginnings of communal land tenure.^ 

The foundation of the Eabardinian organization was laid 
by the conquest in the thirteenth century of the north- 
western Caucasian plain by invaders from the Crimea, who 
derived their descent from an almost mythical personage of 
the Arab race, named Inal, who, according to tradition, once 
ruled over Egypt, and who, after having been defeated by 
the Sultan Mahomet II., removed to the Ehanat of the 
Crimea. From four of the immediate descendants of Inal 
sprang the four princely families of Kabarda — the so-called 
* psheh ' — the Atajukhins, Eaitukhins, Misostofs and Bek- 
murzins. The Eabardinians found the plain country on 
the banks of the Kuba occupied by the Cherkesses, a 
people of Adighei descent, who had only recently freed 
themselves from the yoke of the Tartars and were ruled 
by their own princes* These princes, according to their 
estate, were included by the Eabardinians in one of the 
two following classes, * tlatokoltlesh ' (i.e. men of good 
birth) and 'dejnugo.' The former in the person of their 
elected representative ' kodza ' alone shared with the 
Eabardinian ' psheh ' in the government of the country. 
All the land in Earbada came under one or other of the 
above-mentioned three classes, without, however, interfering 

^ For a full statement of M. Eovalefsky's views on this interesting subject, he 
refers the reader to his work on Communal Land Tenure and his a&ress to the 
Archaeological Congress at Odessa. 


with communal rights. The rest of the population fell more 
or less into subjection, and were split up into eight sub- 
classes, the lowest of whom were the slaves and *kholops' 
or villeins, and the highest the men of good estate, * worki' 
or * uzdens,' these last named being in a position of vassalage 
to the princes. In return for their land the uzdens did 
military or court service, accompanying their lords on their 
journeys and attending upon them at home. The above 
slight sketch of the Kabardinian social organization will 
assist us in understanding that of the Ossetes, modelled upon 
it. From the information collected by the Russian goveni- 
ment in 1844 on Ossete * adati ' or customs, it appears that 
tliere wore four classes of Ossetes : the highest or nobility, 
called by them * wozdanlag ' ; the middle, * farsaglag ' ; the 
lowest, * kavdasard ' ; lastly, the slaves, * gurziak.' The [ 
origin of these two last-named classes is easily explained, in 
tlie one case by the early wars with Georgia, which supplied 
the Ossetes with slaves, * gurziak ' (lit. Georgians), and in 
the other by the custom prevailing till now of keeping J 
concubines, * numuluss,' the children begotten of these 
* kavdasards ' ^ becoming, together with the rest of the 
chattels, the property of the house, or were divided among 
its inhabitants. It is far more difficult to explain the causes 
which led to the formation of the class known to the Ossetes 
as farsaglags (farsag, collateral, and lag, a man), who had 
special privileges, and it is only by studying the traditions 
both family and popular of this people that M. Kovalefsky 
has been able to throw light on this subject. 

The oldest of the Ossete communities, the Alaghirs,* had 
no social distinctions. All equally claimed descent from 

^ Tlie Xavdasnnls, ns Prof. Kovalefsky informs me, were not only the sons of 
the owner of tlic concubiiH', ])\it also cliildren boffotten of her by other persons to 
wlioni sbt» bad been but, a custom dosoly anab>p;(nis to the Niyoga mnrrifl<;e of 
India. Similar relations also existed in Ireland at the time of the Brehou law. 

2 On tbe wall of a very aneient church in the Alajjhir defile are fn-scoff 
re])res(ntini]: li\e anned nun, ^vith an inscription in (rreck letters. Accordin^rto 
tradition these liirnres r«])resent Osa Hjiji^ntar and his four hrothors; Kartlo:*. 
eliitf ot tbo (Jeor^rian peo])le, from whom thev takt; their name Karthli ; Lei^jr*^, 
frnin whom the l.esirbians arc descended; Imeritos, the ancestor of tlje 
Tintritians; mid Miuirrelos, chief of tho Mingrcliaus. Seee Vestnik Innp. Kuss. 
Geogr. S(X'. 18.3.*), ii. s.v. pp. 4-5. 



Osa Bagatar,^ their mythical tribal chieftain, who, upon the 
invasion of the Persians and Georgians, retired to the 
Alaghir defile, where his sons built a stone wall as a defence 
against their neighbours, the remains of which may be seen 
at the present day. For a long while the Alaghirs lived at 
peace among themselves, till the Eabardinians settled on the 
neighbouring table-land. Then individual families in the 
hope of plunder formed alliances with the Eabardinians, 
helped them in their cattle raids, and were in consequence 
proscribed by the Alaghir community. The outlaws, so- 
called "Abreks," settled in the Kurtat defile, where they 
at first lived peaceably, preserving their democratic organiza- 
tion. But tribal feuds soon sprang up, resulting in the 
migration of part of the population from the Kurtat to the 
Taghaur defile, which had hitherto been unoccupied. The 
Taghaur^ colonists became the pioneers of Eabardinian 
civilization, and were the first to adopt that class organiza- 
tion peculiar to Kabarda. From the ranks of the free men 
or farsaglags are dissociated not only the domestics or 

* kavdasards,' born of concubines, and the * gurziaks ' 
captured in war, but a privileged class whose members bear 
a title similar to that borne by the Kabardinian uzdens — 

* wozdanlags,' the * aldars ' of the present day. New comers 
from Alaghir, Kurtatia and Southern Ossetia swell the ranks 
of this ready-made organization, whether as kavdasards, 
farsaglags, or as members of the privileged class. In this 
way, while the Eurtatian community continues its demo- 
cratic organization, Taghauria adopts feudalism. In Kur- 
tatia, as well as in Alaghir, the communal system is 

1 According to the Georgian Chronicle already quoted, Osa Ba^tar was slain 
by Wakhtang, king of Georgia (466-499), in single combat. Upon his death 
the hostile armies engaged, and the Ossetes were completely routed. The engage- 
ment is said to have taken place in the Dariel Pass. Cf. ^rosset, l,e» p. 158. 

^ The Taghaurians ure settled on the left bank of the Terek, and in the 
defiles of the Saniban and Ghizel, parallel with it, included in the Vladikavkaz 
territory. Their traditions preserved in songs and tales make frequent allusion 
to their bloody feuds with the Kabardinians. According to Tolstoi, for whose 
accuracy however I cannot vouch, the Taghaurians derive their name from a chief 
whose ruined fortress stood at the source of the Ghizel. They are mostly Muham- 
madans, and continued to hold tu this faith alter the other Ossetes had adopted 
Christianity. Cf. an article by Tolstoi in the Yestnik of the Imp. Buss. Geogr. 
8oo. 1854, part ii. b.y. pp. 3-6. 


maintained at first by tribes and afterwards by Tilligei; 
in Taghauria, on the other hand, this joint tenure exifti 
side by side with the individual ownership of the rndfli 
or aldar families. These colonize their lands with nev 
emigrants from Alaghir, Kurtatia and Southern Ooetii, 
who begin by establishing themselves on the commimal 
principle, but soon become dependent upon the ludflo^ 
whose lands they are occupying, and by virtue of this &ct 
they become liable to them for personal 8ervice» rent and 

The relations of the classes in Taghauria to one anotlur 
down to 1867, when serfdom was abolished, stood thos:— 
The highest in the social scale are the wozdanlags or aldsn; 
their position is derived, not by purchase or service, bat 
is the peculiar inherent right of eleven families, dating hm 
very early times. Their privileges are very extensive 
They alone may have dominion over the bondsmen and 
kavdasards, dispose of them at their will and pleasure, vA 
punish them without the interference of any court of lav. 
They receive from the farsaglags tribute and services^ idIs 
the details of which it is unnecessary to enter, but whid 
were analogous to the incidents of vassalage in medienl 
times. The freemen (farsaglags) had certainly the riglit 
of removing at will from one uzden or aldar to another, 
as the Russian peasant had before Boris Qodunof attaohfld 
him to the soil by his celebrated enactment of Turirf 
(St. George's) day. But on removal the farsaglag oooU 
take nothing with him ; his house and chattels remaining 
the property of the lord. On the other hand, the aldar WM 
bound to protect his vassal from injury, and obtain redrea 
for him should his cattle be stolen. One of the modes bf 
which in Western Europe the middle class emancipstel 
itself from the power of the aristocracy was by the acqui- 
sition of lands from bankrupt noblemen. The same prooev 
in Ossetia gradually gave the farsaglag proprietary righl^ 
and freed him from his obligations and duties to the aUsb 
In this way eight of the eleven wozdanlags or aldars kMt 
their rights over their farsaglags^ and surrendered thtf 



during its continuance the peasantry were the legal owners 
of the soil by the tenure of perpetual hereditary leaseholders, 
not, however, as individuals, but in communities. It is only 
by bearing this fact in mind that we can conceive how it 
was that feudalism was not a phenomenon peculiar to the 
Germanic-Roman world, but an indispensable stage in the 
development of society, coincident with the transformation 
of separate nationalities from a military-aggressive to a 
military-defensive system, and common alike to the East as 
well as to the West. In Muhammadan India feudalism was 
as well known as in Christian Europe, but nowhere did 
it break up or obliterate the village communes and the 
beginnings of communal land tenure.^ 

The foundation of the Eabardinian organization was laid 
by the conquest in the thirteenth century of the north- 
western Caucasian plain by invaders from the Crimea, who 
derived their descent from an almost mythical personage of 
the Arab race, named Inal, who, according to tradition, once 
ruled over Egypt, and who, after having been defeated by 
the Sultan Mahomet II., removed to the Ehanat of the 
Crimea. From four of the immediate descendants of Inal 
sprang the four princely families of Eabarda — the so-called 
' psheh ' — the Atajukhins, Kaitukhins, Misostofs and Bek- 
murzins. The Eabardinians found the plain country on 
the banks of the Kuba occupied by the Cherkesses, a 
people of Adighei descent, who had only recently freed 
themselves from the yoke of the Tartars and were ruled 
by their own princes. These princes, according to their 
estate, were included by the Eabardinians in one of the 
two following classes, ' tlatokoltlesh ' (i.e. men of good 
birth) and *dejnugo.' The former in the person of their 
elected representative * kodza ' alone shared with the 
Eabardinian ' psheh ' in the government of the country. 
AH the land in Earbada came under one or other of the 
above-mentioned three classes, without, howeveri interfering 

^ For a full statement of M. EoTalefsky's views on this interesting subject, he 
refers the reader to his work on Communal Land Tenure and his acmress to the 
Archseological Congress at Odessa. 


with communal rights. The rest of the population fdl nflR 
or less into subjection, and were split up into eight nb- 
classes, the lowest of whom were the slaves and 'khokp' 
or villeins, and the highest the men of good estate, 'woiti 
or ' uzdcns/ these last named being in a position of vaanlift 
to the princes. In return for their land the nxdeni iai 
military or court service, accompanying their lords on thor 
journeys and attending upon them at home. The above 
slight sketch of the Eabardinian social organization wiD 
assist us in understanding that of the Ossetes, modelled npn 
it. From the information collected by the Russian goren- 
ment in 1844 on Ossete ' adati ' or customs, it appears thit 
there were four classes of Ossetes : the highest or nobiHtj, 
called by them ' wozdanlag ' ; the middle, ' farsaglag ' ; the 
lowest, ' kavdasard ' ; lastly, the slaves, ' gurziak.' The 
origin of these two last-named classes is easily explained, ti 
the one case by the early wars with Georgia, which sappliei 
the Ossetes with slaves, ' gurziak ' (lit. Georgians), and in 
the other by the custom prevailing till now of keeping 
concubines, ' numuluss,' the children hegotten of thoe 
' kavdasards ' ^ becoming, together with the rest of the 
chattels, the property of the house, or were divided amoof 
its inhabitants. It is far more difficult to explain the caniM 
which led to the formation of the class known to the Onetei 
as farsaglags (farsag, collateral, and lag, a man), who had 
special privileges, and it is only by studying the traditioiii 
both family and popular of this people that M. Eovalefiky 
has been able to throw light on this subject. 

The oldest of the Ossete communities, the Alaghirs^* hid 
no social distinctions. All equally claimed descent from 

^ Tho KnvdnMinlfl, nR Prof. KovnlofHkv informs me, were not only tlw moi d 
the owner of th(> conrubine, but alflo children be^ttcn of her hj other penoM tB 
T^hom who Imd bo<'n lent, a custom closely nnnIofn>UB to the Niyoga nuirngtoi 
India. Similar relntionn also existeil in Inland at the time of toe Brehon lav. 

' On th(? wall of a very anrient church in the Alaj^hir defile mn Ihetoit 
repreH'ntin^r i\\v arme<l mcii, ^-ith an inscription in Greek letten. Aeeoidnqr to 
tradition tht'se fipirett represent Osa liajratar and hia four hmthen; KaitlM^ 
chief of the Georgian people, from whom they take their name Karthli ; LMgw* 
from whom the liesphiimR are de80<-nd€<l; Imeritoe, the ancestor of tiM 
Imeritians: and Min^n-ehm, chief of tho Mingrelians. Seee Veataik lam. 
Gcogr. Soc. 18o<3, ii. 8. v. pp. 4-5. 


Osa Bagatar,^ their mythical tribal chieftain, who, upon the 
invasion of the Persians and Georgians, retired to the 
Alaghir defile, where his sons built a stone wall as a defence 
against their neighbours, the remains of which may be seen 
at the present day. For a long while the Alaghirs lived at 
peace among themselves, till the Eabardiniaus settled on the 
neighbouring table-land. Then individual families in the 
hope of plunder formed alliances with the Eabardinians, 
helped them in their cattle raids, and were in consequence 
proscribed by the Alaghir community. The outlaws, so- 
called "Abreks," settled in the Kurtat defile, where they 
at first lived peaceably, preserving their democratic organiza- 
tion. But tribal feuds soon sprang up, resulting in the 
migration of part of the population from the Eurtat to the 
Taghaur defile, which had hitherto been unoccupied. The 
Taghaur^ colonists became the pioneers of Eabardinian 
civilization, and were the first to adopt that class organiza- 
tion peculiar to Kabarda. From the ranks of the free men 
or farsaglags are dissociated not only the domestics or 
' kavdasards,' born of concubines, and the * gurziaks ' 
captured in war, but a privileged class whose members bear 
a title similar to that borne by the Eabardinian uzdens — 
* wozdanlags,' the * aldars ' of the present day. New comers 
from Alaghir, Eurtatia and Southern Ossetia swell the ranks 
of this ready-made organization, whether as kavdasards, 
farsaglags, or as members of the privileged class. In this 
way, while the Eurtatian community continues its demo- 
cratic organization, Taghauria adopts feudalism. In Eur- 
tatia, as well as in Alaghir, the communal system is 

* According to the Georgian Chronicle already quoted, Osa Bagatar was slain 
by Wakhtang, king of Georgia (466-499), in single combat. Xfpon his death 
the hostile armies engaged, and the Ossetes were completely roated. The engage- 
ment is said to have taken place in the Dariel Pass. Cf. Brosset, I.e. p. 158. 

^ The Taghaurians are settled on the left bank of the Terek, and in the 
defiles of the Saniban and Gbizel, parallel with it, included in the Vladikavkaz 
territory. Their traditions preservwi in songs and tales make frequent allusion 
to their bloody feuds with the Eabardinians. According to Tolstoi, for whose 
accuracy however I cannot vouch, the Taghaurians derive their name from a chief 
whose ruined fortress stood at the source of the Ghizel. They are mostly Muham- 
roadans, and continued to hold to this faith alter the other Ossetes had adopted 
Christianity. Cf. an article by Tolstoi in the Yestnik of the Imp. Kuss. Geogr. 
8oo. 18d4/part ii. s.v. pp. 3-6. 


The Earbardinians, who had professed Christianity as kte 
as the campaign of Peter the Great ag^nst Axof, adqrtd 
^Muhammadanism towards the middle of the eighteo^ 
century, and became in a few years zealous proselytes wAs 
the influence of the princes of the Euxnyka,^ particoliiij 
the Shamkhals of Tarkhu,* who intermarried with tb 
Kabardinian princes. By preventing^ the Ossetes* u^ 
particularly the Digorians, from having access to the ^Hi 
country to the north of the Caucasus, the KabardiDiiBi 
gained a great ascendency over them, for it had been tb 
practice of the Ossetes to pasture their herds on these pliitf 
at certain seasons of the year, and in times of scarcitjti 
provisions they obtained supplies here of suoh necessarieBti 
millet and salt. The Eabardinians, too, on their side, vfre 
in the habit of driving their cattle to the Ossete higfalsn'* 
in summer when everything was parched and consumed is 
the plains. A mutual interdependence of the two peopk 
was the natural result of these relations, so that whentbe 
Kabardinians, who were the stronger and more warlike^ 
became Muhammadans, they lost no time in hringing pr ew i w 
to bear on their neighbours the Ossetes in order to ezteoi 
the teaching of the Koran. 

Of all the inhabitants of Northern Caucasia, the Esbtf- 
dinians are probably the most remarkable for their individail 
prowess and gallant bearing, which have earned for them the 
title of ' the gentlemen ' of the Caucasus. Their aristoentiD 
institutions have some points of resemblance with the 
medisDval knight brotherhoods of Western Europe. To their 
influence is attributable the introduction of feudalism into 
Ossetia. Feudalism, remarks our author, was never > 
legalized expropriation of the soil by a handful of nobki; 

^ On the Casnian littoral. 

^ Turkliu or Tarki, a small place on the Cai«piaii, 4 days' march north of DcriMai 
is 8till the residence of the Shamkhals. Not many years ago Hbm vritar «« tht 
last of this royal race on board the Caimian steamer — an impoaii^-lookiK 
individual in a'lon^ white coat and high white sheepskin hat (papakha). Hen 
now a pensioner of Kussia. Tarkhu is said to occupy the aito of tto aadMl 
Scmenuer, a town of the Bulsrars, destroyed by the Knasians nndar STfafeodaf ii 
A.D. 968. Cf . Dom, Ueber die Einfalle der Alten Bunen in Tabuiiln. pp. vi- 
122, 309. 


during its continuance the peasantry were the legal owners 
of the soil by the tenure of perpetual hereditary leaseholders, 
not, however, as individuals, but in communities. It is only 
by bearing this fact in mind that we can conceive how it 
was that feudalism was not a phenomenon peculiar to the 
Germanic-Roman world, but an indispensable stage in the 
development of society, coincident with the transformation 
of separate nationalities from a military-aggressive to a 
military-defensive system, and common alike to the East as 
well as to the West. In Muhammadan India feudalism was 
as well known as in Christian Europe, but nowhere did 
it break up or obliterate the village communes and the 
beginnings of communal land tenure.^ 

The foundation of the Kabardinian organization was laid 
by the conquest in the thirteenth century of the north- 
western Caucasian plain by invaders from the Crimea, who 
derived their descent from an almost mythical personage of 
the Arab race, named Inal, who, according to tradition, once 
ruled over Egypt, and who, after having been defeated by 
the Sultan Mahomet II., removed to the Ehanat of the 
Crimea. From four of the immediate descendants of Inal 
sprang the four princely families of Kabarda — the so-called 
* psheh ' — the Atajukhins, Eaitukhins, Misostofs and Bek- 
murzins. The Kabardinians found the plain country on 
the banks of the £uba occupied by the Cherkesses, a 
people of Adighei descent, who had only recently freed 
themselves from the yoke of the Tartars and were ruled 
by their own princes. These princes, according to their 
estate, were included by the Eabardinians in one of the 
two following classes, ' tlatokoltlesh ' (i.e. men of good 
birth) and *dejnugo.' The former in the person of their 
elected representative ' kodza ' alone shared with the 
Kabardinian ' psheh * in the government of the country. 
All the land in Earbada came under one or other of the 
above-mentioned three classes, without, howeveri interfering 

^ For a full statement of M. Kovalefsky's views on this interesting subject, he 
refers the reader to his work on Communal Land Tenure and his addresa to the 
Archaeological Congress at Odessa. 


stock. Settlements formed in tliis way took the name of 
the locality in which they were situate^ or the tribe which 
founrled them, while a few took patronymic names, a sure 
indication of their tribal origin. 

Klaproth says that the Ossete settlements (*kan' or 'gau') 
are usually small and placed so close together as to be easily 
mistaken for a continuous village.^ Every family, says 
Iloineggs, forms a separate settlement of a few households, 
living contentedly together till increase of numbers and 
scarcity of food oblige some to migrate, who then take a new 
name.- But these observations relate to a bygone time, for 
the modern traveller meets with continuous settlements 
comprising a few dozen households not related to one 
another, though frequently bearing the name of one of the 
families composing them. With the exception of those 
communities ^ which were started not very long ago by the 
Ilussian Government, when they transferred the inhabitants 
of the highlands to the plains, the large majority of Ossete 
settlements may be included in one or other of the following 
categories: (1) auls {i.e, villages) occupied by families related 
to one another, bearing the same family name, owning land 
on the communal system, and not unfrequently having a 
community of goods, these however are the exception; (2) 
auls in which the lands are apportioned among the several 
families composing them ; and (3) auls inhabited by a few 
families who, according as there are many or few living 
together, have either lost or retained their system of common 
holdings. These last are the most numerous in Ossetia. 

The Ossete *dvor' or enclosure, an indispensable part of 
every aul, has been fully described by M. Sokief, himself 
an Ossete by origin. He says there are two types of these 
buildings ; the first are the so-called * galuans,' probably 
many centuries old, mentioned in the oldest heroic legends,^ 
u proof of their antiquity. Their very appearance carries 

^ Voytfgc ^tt Caucase, vol. ii. p. 262, note. 

- Cf. Jhsrriptiou of Mount Caucasus, translated by Wilkinaon, i. 248. 

^ New Christian, New Muhammadan or Anion coaunanitiefl. 

* i'.(/. in the 2s art legenda. 


you back to the mediaeval age. Everything in them is 
adapted to defensive warfare; the wide court enclosed by 
high stone walls, the tower standing in the centre or at one 
of the corners like a stunted pyramid several stories high, 
built of enormous blocks of stone cemented together (the 
mode of making this cement is now forgotten). Connected 
with the tower are the other buildings ; the ' khadzar ' or 
general dining-room and kitchen, the apartments occupied by 
the several families, and apart from the rest, but also within 
the enclosure, the ' kunatskaia ' standing open all day long 
for strangers. These * galuans ' were common enough in 
the time of Reineggs,^ who says that on the upper part of 
the wall are fixed long projecting pointed poles, on which 
hang horses' heads and other bones^ and there are nooks in 
the stone one above the other to serve as a retreat in case of 
sudden attack, while access from without was impeded by heaps 
of stones and bones, leaving room only for a narrow footway. 
Recent travellers only occasionally light upon these singular 
edifices on the northern and southern side of the range. 
By far the most general type of Ossete building, however, is 
that made of small unhewn stones, not cemented together, 
and having the interstices filled with dry. earth to keep out 
the external air. These houses have no towers attached to 
them, and are sometimes built of wood in parts where the 
country has not been disafibrested. The galuans were 
situated in the mountains, where, like the feudal baron, the 
Ossete built his castle on some inaccessible crag of great 
natural strength for defensive purposes. The second type 
of building lie close together, frequently at the foot of the 
mountains, in valleys on the banks of rivers. Hence the 
early travellers were led to suppose that the Ossetes formerly 
inhabited the mountains, and only afterwards began inhabiting 
the valleys and. defiles. 

The internal arrangements of the Ossete settlement are as 
follows : The principal position in the house is taken by the 
so-called 'khadzar' so frequently mentioned in the Nart 

1 Cf. U. YoU i. p. 243. 


traditions ; it is here that the persons composing the hoose- 
hold pass the greater part of the day, its size, therefore, 
must be adapted to the number it has to contain. The 
khadzar serves both as kitchen and dining-room. Nearly 
the whole of the day the cook presides in it, except during 
the hours devoted to meals, breakfast, dinner, and supper, 
when the older men first, next the younger, the older women, 
and lastly the girls, take it in turns to occupy the khadzar. 
In the centre of this room is the hearth, Le. a square bole in 
the roof for the smoke to escape ; beneath it, attached to a 
cross-beam, is suspended an iron chain, the so-called ' rakhis,' 
to which is fastened a copper caldron for cooking the food. 
To the right of the hearth stands a long wooden bench, only 
occupied by the men, never by the women, for whom there 
is another bench to the left of the hearth. The food is 
served on a low three-legged round table known to Ossetes 
as * fing.' These details are necessary in order to under- 
stand the part played by the ' khadzar ' in the family cult of 
this people. Adjoining the khadzar is a range of buildings 
for the separate families, called *uat,' i.e. sleeping- rooms. 
Before marrying the bachelor must see about a habitation, 
or he will not find a bride. In a few days, with the help of 
his friends, this is ready. It is usually placed in a corner of 
the enclosure, for custom obliges the man to enter his wife's 
apartments secretly, unobserved by the members of the 
household.^ Ttiere are as many of these separate apartments 
as there are married couples, including the parents if they 
continue living together. The bachelors have no sleeping- 
rooms, but usually pass the night at their work or on the 
road in the courtyard or the ' kunatskaia.' This last-named 
usually stands near the entrance to the yard, apart from the 

1 Tills is still the case in Ossetia, and also among the PiihaTes and Ehevran, as 
Vroi. K. inlorms mo. In a Khevsur house the hall where. the fire is burniDgii 
oi'i^upicd by women and the u])pcr storey by the men, and there is a small secret 
staircase by which the men descend to the women's apartments in the nifffat bj 
the aid of an old woman, the mother of the bridej^oom. The idea prer^ing ti 
that the woman is an impure being, and this appears from their exclusion mm 
any place consecrated by religion. There is eviuently a connexion between the 
vi(>ws taken by Christianity on the one hand, and specially by the Greek chnrch, 
and the A vesta. The whole history of Georgia points to a dose connexion 
between the Shahs of Persia and the rulers of Georgia. 


other buildings. If the stranger should not happen to be a 
relative, there is no place for him in the khadzar or the 
specially- reserved apartments ; he may only be received in 
the kunatskaia, the doors of which are never closed, but 
stand open day and night for the admission of any one 
claiming hospitality and whatever his relations with the 
family may be. 

Having gained some acquaintance with the Ossete house, 
let us now see what its importance may be, first as a 
religious and secondly as a proprietary bond. It is well 
known how important a part was played by the hearth in the 
domestic cult of the Hindus, Greeks, and Romans, what its 
significance was in the marriage rite, in sacrifices performed 
by the head of the family in honour of departed ancestors, 
and generally on all ceremonial occasions, e.g, on the adop- 
tion of a son into the family, at the administration of oaths, 
or in sheltering from justice the runaway felon. The same 
cult of the family hearth is met with in Ossetia, and to this 
day it is their sacred place. Fire is always burning on it, 
this duty devolving on the women, and a common saying 
among Ossetes if they wish ill to a person is, ** May your fire 
be extinguished ! " this being tantamount to saying, " May 
your family be removed ! " Not only is the hearth an object 
of veneration, but the chain suspended over it to support the 
caldron is intimately associated with the most important acts 
of their lives. The sacred character of this chain is shown 
by the prohibition strictly enforced by custom not to touch 
it without special cause, and also by the fact that touching 
the chain is a usual mode of enforcing an oath or validifying 
the marriage rite. If an Ossete desire to place his evidence 
beyond doubt, he takes hold of the chain, saying at the same 
time, " I swear by this pure gold of Safa," Safa apparently 
holding in their religious observances the place of Vulcan, a 
kind of celestial smith who forges the family chains.^ In 
precisely similar way on marriage the bride loosens the tie 

^ Perhaps answering to Yishnn, the god of the hearth in the Rig-Veda, ef. 
Joom. Boy. Asiat. Soc. Vol. XIX. Pt 4, p. 609. 


which binds her to her own family and unites heraelf to that 
of her husband by certain formalities^ in which the grooms- 
man strikes the chain with his dagger, having first wound it 
three times round the bride. The same triple ceremony is 
observed in the husband's house on the third or fourth day 
after the wedding, usually called the ''bridal night." In 
his turn the fugitive criminal seeking shelter from the law 
finds security if he succeeds in winding round his neck the 
family chain, for by doing this he identifies himself with the 
family cult and, as it were, places himself under the pro- 
tection of those ancestors, reverence to whom is connected 
with the worship of the hearth chain. Under these circum- 
stances it is not surprising that the stealing of the chain or 
the mere throwing it aside by a stranger should be regarded 
in the light of a sacrilege requiring blood idemnity. The 
veneration of the chain does not, however, entirely replace 
that of the hearth itself, and to this day the Ossete when 
sacrificing throws on the fire the first morsel or the first 
drops of blood, every sacrifice requiring according to his 
notions fire to be made acceptable to God. 

We know that the cult of the family hearth wherever 
it is met with is closely connected with ancestral worship^ 
a fact doubtless attributable to the views held by prinoitive 
man on the supernatural life. He believed that the dead 
had the same wants as the living, that they needed food and 
drink, and he saw in ofierings of this food a means of 
constant intercourse between past and present generationsi 
while an apparent acceptance of the food o£fered to them 
is supplied by its destruction by fire.^ This is why the 
burning of the sacrificial animal, or a part of it, and the 
libation on the fire of wine, is so frequently met with in the 
Hindu, Greek and Roman ritual. All those more or less 
fragmentary facts on which we found our conclusions of the 
close connection between the hearth and ancestral worship 
are fully represented by analogies in the contemporary life 

1 The laws of Manu, however, prescribe the eating of the sacrificial food ai the 
duty of the higher caste of oiiiciating priests who might alone do Uiia. Cf% Sir 
W. Muir. 


of the Ossetes. The funeral oration by a relative of the 
deceased, in which the All- merciful Barastyr (a kind of Pluto) 
is invoked to take him under his care, that he may for ever 
partake of the bliss of Paradise, where his horse may pasture 
near him, and he may taste of joys such as no earthly lord 
had, and become the object of envy of those who had no such 
pleasures, either because of their sins or the poverty of their 
relatives preventing them from celebrating the sacrifices, and 
therefore leaving their departed to charity or stolen crusts. 
All this evidently indicates their belief that the future well- 
being of the dead depends on the quantity of food and drink 
supplied them by their descendants; this is why the relatives 
provide the departed with a bottle of arrack and some cakes, 
lest he should hunger and thirst on his way to the other 
world ; breaking the bottle, and pouring the contents over 
his grave, and throwing the cakes on one side of it, pro- 
nouncing the words, " May this food and this drink last thee 
till thou reachest paradise (dzenota) ! '' Fear lest the deceased 
should have nothing to eat in the next world haunts the 
Ossete for a whole year after the death of a near relative* 
Weekly on Fridays at sunset the widow visits her husband's 
grave, taking with her meat and drink. The first week 
of the new year a special service is held in his honour, and 
a gigantic loaf, large enough to last a man a whole month, 
is baked. Two sticks are crossed, and upon these are set the 
clothes of the departed, his weapons being also attached. 
This dummy figure is set upon a bench specially constructed 
for the purpose, and around it are scattered the favourite 
objects of the dead person ; in front of the bench are placed 
a bowl of porridge and a bottle of arrack, specially designed 
for the departed. For a few minutes the assembled family 
retire from the spot to give him time to taste the food, in 
accordance with the custom according to which the elders 
partake of food apart from the younger members of the 
family. Among Muhammadans these ceremonies are ob- 
served on the first week of the New Year, while Christians 
celebrate them on Good Friday (sixth week in Lent). The 
only difference is that in the latter case the food offered to 

VOL. xx.~[nbw skbiss.] 27 


the dummy figure is of«a Lenten kind. One of the old men 
or one of the old women proclaiming a toast, either in arrack 
or beer, says as follows : '* May he (the deceased) be serene, 
and may his tomb be serene ; may he be famous among the 
dead, that none may have command over his food, and that 
it may reach him intact, and be his for ever ; that increasing 
it may multiply as long as the rocks roll down our hills, and 
the wheels roll over the plains, neither growing monldy 
in summer, nor freezing in winter ; and that he may divide 
it according to his good will among such of the dead as have 
no food ! " 

The same idea of the necessity of feeding the dead explains 
those frequent memorial ceremonies which have been esti- 
mated to cost each family at least 2000 rubles a year, and 
lead sometimes to their complete ruin. Christians celebrate 
no less than ten of them, Muhammadans seven, some lasting 
several days. On these occasions, says Y. Miller, the food 
eaten is said not to benefit him who eats, but the dead in 
whose honour the feast is held, so that a person after a 
substantial meal at one of these feasts, on returning home 
has the right to demand that his usual dinner be served to 
him. There is no greater insult for an Ossete than to tell 
him that his dead are hungry. The dead too require firing 
besides food and drink, and it is for this reason that at the 
New Tear, or strictly speaking on the last Friday in 
December, the house-owner stacks bundles of straw in his 
yard and sets them alight, with the words, " May our dead 
be serene, may their fire not be extinguished ! " and he 
believes that in this way he supplies the dead with new fire 
for the coming year. From all that precedes we cannot but 
come to the conclusion that, like the ancient HinduSi Greeks 
and Romans, the Ossetes liken the life beyond the grave to 
that on earth. This appears not only from the practice 
of feeding the dead by the living, but from the care taken 
by Ossetes to supply the dead on burial with all the requisites 
for the future life. They bury him in his best clothes, in 
order that he may present a respectable appearance in the 
next world, however poorly he has been obliged to live in 


this. And though at present under Muhammadan and 
Christian influences they only place with the corpse the 
food already mentioned, there was a time when, judging 
from the excavations made by Miller and Kovalefsky, it was 
customary to bury with the deceased his arms and ornaments, 
his horse- trappings, his domestic utensils, his three-legged 
table, or * fing,' and a variety of other articles. We know 
that the fear of leaving the deceased without a wife in the 
future life gave rise to the Indian custom of burning widows 
(Suttee), fire which, as we have seen, is the means of trans- 
mitting food to the departed, being made in this case to 
render him a further service. In Ossetia, though there is no 
trace of widow-burning, it is to this day customary for the 
widow to cut o£f her tress of hair and lay it upon the 
deceased, signifying by this act her sincere wish to belong 
to her husband in the life to come. The slaughter of the 
horse over the grave of the deceased is, we know, not unusual 
in the funeral rites of Aryan nations. Of this custom all 
that survives in Ossetia is the participation of the horse in 
the funetal ceremony ; the eldest relative of the dead person 
leading it, being called ' bakh-faldisag,' literally ' horse 
dedicator'; and the allusion in the funeral oration to the 
belief that the departed will gallop his horse safely across 
the bridge separating Paradise from Hell. These, how- 
ever, are sure indications of an earlier transmission of 
the horse to the deceased, probably by slaughtering it over 
his grave. The custom now is to strike the horse three 
times with the tress of hair which the widow takes from her 
husband's breast, where she had previously laid it, and 
handing it to the ' bakh-faldisag,' or horse dedicator, says, 
** Here is a whip for the deceased.'^ In striking the horse 
the relative says, " May you both, horse and whip, be dedi- 
cated to the deceased ! *' ^ 

This identification of the future life with the present 
induces the conviction that the dead in the life beyond the 

1 Some interesting paiiiculan of the sacrificial horse in the Hindu funeral 
rites will be found in the article already referred to. Cf. The Jint Mandala of 
the Rig Veda, Joum. Roy. Asiat. Soc. Vol. XIX. Ft. 4, pp. 621 seqq. 


grave continue to exert themselves for the welfare of their 
families. The popular tales frequently speak of this or that 
dead person asking and obtaining leave of Barastyr, the 
king of the dead, to visit his relations on earth. Having 
met them, he assists in their raids, and before taking his 
departure gives up his share of the spoil, at the same time 
disclosing his identity. From these tales it appears that the 
souls of the departed may only remain on earth till sunrise, 
when they must return to their abode beyond the grave. 
The Ossetes hold communion with them in the evening with 
lighted candles. For a whole year the widow continues to 
expect the nightly visits of her husband ; every evening she 
prepares the couch, placing beneath it a copper basin and 
ewer of water, lights a whole candle and sits patiently 
waiting his arrival till cock-crow. In the morning she rises 
from her bed and taking the ewer and basin with soap and 
other appurtenances of toilet, proceeds to the spot where he 
usually performed his ablutions, and stands several minutes in 
an expectant attitude as though waiting on him. Departed 
ancestors are supposed to participate in all the" family 
ceremonies and festivals, whether at births, marriages, or 
attestation of oaths, the Lares and Penates being always 
invoked on these occasions, and the force of the oath depends 
in a great measure on the fulfilment by the witnessing parties 
of those funeral obsequies in honour of their departed whose 
names are invoked at such ceremonies. While the souls of 
the dead are supposed to leave their bodies by night and 
visit their friends, the living are in like manner believed to 
be capable during sleep of riding o£f on horseback or on 
benches to a field dedicated to the departed, and known by 
the name of *Kuris.'* Here it is said grow all kinds of seeds, 
including those of happiness and misfortune. This field is 
jealously guarded by the dead, and may only be visited 
with impunity by the souls of the worthy, who may take the 
seeds they require, a sure pledge of a good harvest and 

^ There is a stranp^e Rimilarity between tbis name and that ^ren by the nativef 
in some districts of India to the prehistoric graves. Cf. Mr. Bidie s account of 
his visit to the graves near Pall&varam in Notet of th$ Quarter ^ Joam. &0T. 
Asi&t. Soc. Vol. XIX. Pt. 4, p. 693. 


happiness during the ensuing year. Others return covered 
with wounds like plague spots caused hy the arrows shot at 
them by the dead. These wounds are incurable, and though 
they sometimes heal of themselves, it occasionally happens 
that the sufferer is waked from sleep by grievous bodily 
pains, and after long torments dies. These popular super- 
stitions relating to the ' Euris ' are in later times mixed up 
with the struggles of the Ossetes and their Eabardinian 
neighbours ; the victor in these fights joyfully seizing a 
sheaf of corn and beating out a handful of the grain scatters 
it in the direction of his country, signifying that he has won 
from his enemy a good harvest for the ensuing year. But 
this latter form of tradition loses the close connexion with 
the family cult which characterizes the earlier form, and 
a comparison of the two shows how popular legends of a 
purely religious character receive in course of time an 
historical colouring, their original source becoming obscure 
in the popular imagination.^ 

Like other peoples worshipping the family cult the Ossetes 
venerate family and tribal burial-places, 'zapatsy,' and regard 
them as holy. Every Ossete desires to be buried near his 
family in order that he may watch over his posterity ; and, 
therefore, the expression, " May you not be buried in your 
own grave ! " is regarded in the light of a deep affront. On 
the other hand, descendants attach great importance to their 
dead lying near them in family burial-places, and this 
explains the fact that the Tualtsi or Southern Ossetes, 
when removing from Georgia, brought their dead with them. 
It is no vain wish that causes the Ossetes to desire hourly 
intercommunion with the departed, for they believe that all 
that is good in life comes from the dead, and accordingly 
offer up prayers to them, complaining of their misfortunes, 
and inviting them to participate in their merry-making. In 
some parts of Ossetia the dead are said to select one of their 
number more famous than the rest for his brave deeds 
during life as the special object of veneration. Of these 

1 Cf. Shanaief in Sbornik Svedenii KaTkazkikh gortsef, toI. iii. p. 27) and 
Tol. iv. p. 26. 


defunct heroes may be mentioned Nogdzuar (i.e. new saint) 
in Kani, the so-called Khetadjidzuar in the Alaghir defile, 
and in all the Nart traditions. In the mountains near 
Kakodura the most esteemed of these divinities is Tbauatsilla, 
the god of plenty and contentment. There can be no doubt 
that some of these gods were historical personages, such as 
Khetag, the chief of the Khetagurof family in Nar, and the 
author of the belief in Khetadjidzuar. According to tradition 
he came from the Kuban, having abandoned hie ancient 
house owing to disputes with his brothers. Many miracles 
are attributed to him, and he is usually impersonated not as 
a warrior-hero, but as a righteous God-fearing man. Thus 
on one occasion he is represented to have been miraculously 
protected from falling into the hands of his brethren by the 
intervention of a god through the instrumentality of a forest 
which surrounded him on every side, and the legend affirms 
that this forest has remained ever since exactly as it was 
when it covered him, an impenetrable thicket. It is still 
said to belong to Khetag, and every bird or animal killed in 
it as well as all fruits gathered there must be eaten on the 
spot and never carried home, for, like the funeral feasts 
already spoken of, good is in this way done to his souL 
Khetag is the patron of the inhabitants of the Nar and 
Alaghir defiles, and intercedes for them before the good and 
evil spirits, etc. In the same way Nogdzuar is the patron 
and protector of the inhabitants of Kani, Tbaoatsilla of those 
of Kakodur,^ Dziri, and Dzivshei in the Kurtatian defile, 
and Farnidjidanet in Gualdon. And while every family 
and village has its own god and ancestral tutelary spirits, 
they have also collectively good genii who under the name 
of * Bunatikhidsai ' may be compared with the * domovoi ' * 
or house-spirit of the Russians, and the Banshee of the 
Irish. The Ossete domovoi usually haunts the store-closet, 
taking the form of a sprite or a hag with tusks, or a white 
sheep, and so on. But it can only be seen by the sorceress 
on New Year's eve. The bride before leaving the parental 

^ Cf. Shannief s collection of the legends and tales of the Ossetea. 

^ Cf . Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, London, 1872, pp. 129 seq. 


roof asks the domovoi to intercede with the patron of the 
house and appease his wrath at her removing to the care 
of the domovoi of her husband. These 'brownies' are the 
familiar spirits of the weaker sex, who may pronounce their 
name, which they are forbidden to do in the case of other 
spirits. In the week after Christmas the Ossetes keep a 
festival in honour of the domovoi, when they take a cake 
and prepare their best meat and wine, beer and brandy, 
placing these in an empty room and esteeming it a singular 
piece of good fortune if any of the food and wine is eaten 
and drunk, of course secretly, by one of the household. In 
the same way Safa, the god of the hearth-chain, is honoured 
as a familiar spirit, and his assistance invoked for the 

The domestic cult, common as we have said to all people 
of Indo-Germanic race, is closely analogous with that of 
Iranian people, and particularly with the Persian ' fravashi.' 
The second part of the Zend Avesta is the best commentary 
on the Ossete worship of the dead. The intercommunion 
between the dead and the living kept up by sacrificial 
offerings on the one hand, and protection and assistance on 
the other, is k remarkable characteristic of the Avesta writ- 
ings. These represent the souls of the dead continually 
intent upon the thought — Who will honour us and per- 
petuate our fame? Who will sacrifice in our memory? 
Who will provide the food we stand in need ofp The 
fravashi bestows his blessing on the person sacrificing in the 
following words : ** May there ever be in his dwelling-place 
herds of cattle and men, may he have a good horse and a 
strong chariot, may there always be in his family a God- 
fearing man respected by the people and worthy to sacrifice, 
etc. ! " Pleased with his descendants, who have not left him 
without food, the fravashi hastens to their assistance, fights 
on their side in the battle, brings them a plentiful harvest, 
abundant water, strength and riches. Their malevolence, 
says the Zend Avesta, against those who offend them is 
terrible. They are likened to winged birds gifted with 
every imaginable attribute of excellence. They are generous 


manly, merciful, mighty, strong, and yet light as air. Such 
also are the conceptions of the Ossetes with regard to their 
dead souls, which are frequently likened to shooting-stars. 
In Little Russia they say of a falling star, * a man is dead, 
his soul has flown away,' and in Ossetia, referring to the 
same phenomenon, *the dzuar,' their guardian spirit, *has 
flown past/ 

The Ossete household, or, what is the same thing, the 
family community, is not merely a religious bond of union, 
it is also a proprietary tie, a community of ownership, 
difiering in this important distinction from every other kind 
of community in that its members are related to one another, 
working together with joint means for a common object, 
and jointly sharing the property so acquired. The Ossete 
* dvor,' or household, is a group comprising in various parts 
of Ossetia 20, 40, 60, and even as many as 100 members or 
thereabouts. These persons have a head or chief,^ usually 
the oldest in age, who, when incapacitated through illness 
or infirmity, appoints his successor or is succeeded by the 
next in age. They rarely elect a chief, as is the custom 
among the Southern Slavs. The name given to this head 
man is ' khitsau,' i.e. chief, or ' unafaganag,' governor. He 
represents the household in all its relations with neigh- 
bouring villages or the authorities, and he manages all the 
family afiairs, both economical as well as religious and moraL 
To his keeping are entrusted the family honour in the sense 
of avenging insults and oflences committed against any of its 
members, he must provide all that is necessary for its sup- 
port, increase its property either by purchase or exchange, 
and add to its capital ; he, too, may, if necessary, alienate its 
possessions. But the * khitsau ' is controlled by individual 
members of the family, and his acts are closely watched by 
these latter. His acts of alienation or borrowing only be- 
come binding when the assent of all the full-grown men has 
been tacitly given. For if there be a protest on the part of 

^ Of Sir H. Maine's Early Law and Cu$totnj chap. yiiL, on East Eoropeui 

House CummuDities, p. 246. 


any one of the relatives, the act of the headman becomes 
null and void and the contract of no effect. 

As in the Servian and generally in the Southern Slav 
' family/ as well as in that of Great Russia, together with 
the headman or chief, the so-called 'domachin'or 'glovar/ 
there is also a * domachikha ' or * stareshikha/ so also in 
Ossetia, besides the ' khitsau/ we find the so-called ' avsin ' 
literally ' aunt.' This woman is the head of the female half 
of the household ; in her hands is centred the management 
of the store-closet or kitchen, the laying in of provisions for 
the family and the care of the keys. She is usually the 
oldest of the women, wife or mother of the ' khitsau,' some- 
times his widow. The leading position occupied by these 
two, the 'khitsau' and 'avsin/ frees them from field and 
domestic work. Washing the linen, mending the clothes, 
and the preparation of the food fall to the lot of the younger 
women, who divide this work among themselves. 

The family property includes both immovables as well as 
movables. Unlike the customs of the Great Russians and 
Southern Slavs, Ossete law obliges every member of the 
family to divide his earnings with the rest, and makes no 
distinction between property acquired tmth and that acquired 
icithout the assistance of the family capital. While in India 
this is the first question put by the judge who recognizes 
individual rights over booty obtained in war or the produce 
of the chase, but in such earnings as those of a dancer takes 
into accoimt the fact of her having been educated at the 
family expense, the Ossete customs transfer all private 
earnings to the common fund. If a priest, for instance, or 
an officer in the Russian service, does not divide his wages 
with his relatives, that is because he does not live under one 
roof with them. Were they all living together, they would 
be bound to contribute, and this is proved in the case of 
Ossetes serving in local garrisons who have not severed the 
family tie. This trait in Ossete customs shows their archaio 
character and the strength of the consanguinity which till 
lately prevailed among them. Before, however, there had 
been any serious interference with their institutions on the 


part of the Russians, a tendency towards individualization 
had hegun to be developed among them, and their language, 
that true indicator of the current of popular ideas, had 
formulated the inception of an era of individualization in 
Ossetia by the following proverbs : " Those who do not suit 
one another had better divide," and " Sisters-in-law {i.e. 
husband's sisters) are apt to be quarrelsome/* 

In considering the proprietary relations of the Ossetes, 
we are reminded that ownership by communities of persons 
related by consanguinity preceded individual ownership, but 
simultaneously with this joint ownership, we meet with the 
beginnings of ownership by the individual, corresponding 
with the peculium of Roman law. The objects of this 
separate property in the earliest times may have been a suit 
of armour, an article of dress, extending afterwards to 
immovables, acquired by the expenditure of peitsonal labour 
whether in the form of occupation or first tillage of land. 
These various classes of ownership are to this day to be 
observed in Ossete life, since the period of Russian dominion 
in a more or less expiring form, previous to it, according to 
the accounts of travellers, in full force. 

Movables as well as immovables are alike the objects 
of family ownership in Ossetia ; arable lands, enclosed 
meadows, forest but rarely, and lastly pasturage, might 
be owned by the family, the individual, or by the tribe. 
Pasture, however, invariably bore the impress of communal- 
village property. Among movables were: the products of 
industry, cattle and horses used in ploughing, domestic and 
cooking utensils, the hearth chain, the copper caldron for 
cooking the food, etc., also articles of luxury such as valuable 
presents made to the family, silver and gilt vases, and 
amassed capital usually lying idle in the form of silver coin 
stowed away in chests. Flour mills, cheese presses, stores, 
stables, cattle sheds, and other buildings used for economical 
purposes are by custom regarded as the general property 
of the family, and in this category must be placed irrigating 
dykes and beehives. But land and its usufruct generally 
retain their primitive tribal character, for though separate 


families may have the temporary use of it, upon the 
extinction of the family and the lapse of ownership, land 
always reverts to the tribe. This is a characteristic of the 
lex Oentilie in ancient Roman law, and the Allemannic 
Vrundy or the right of all the cousins to share the possessions 
of an extinct family. In the Irish ' orba,' or the reversion 
of property upon the failure of heirs to the source whence 
it was originally derived, i.e. to the tribe, we have the same 
thing. Another characteristic of contemporary Ossete life 
may best be expressed by the German term Flurzwang} 

This is not merely an obligatory and perpetual rotation 
of crops, but a rigid observance of stated seasons for the 
various works of husbandry, rendering it possible to pasture 
private allotments at the same time as the communal land 
after the annual crops have been harvested. This custom 
offers points of analogy to the 'lammas lands' in England, 
and recalls to mind the Suevi of Caesar's Commentaries, half 
of whom tilled the land, while the other half fought, taking 
it in turns to be warriors and agriculturists. " No Ossete," 
remarks a writer on Ossete customs, " ventures to begin 
mowing his grass before the month of July, when a general 
assembly of all the inhabitants of a village takes place for 
the holiday called ' atenek,' at which the elders after long 
consultations decide whether the time has come to begin 
mowing." The ploughing is regulated in the same way, 
four distinct periods being assigned for this kind of field- 

Not only are there traces of a simultaneous carrying on 
of agricultural work in Ossetia, but actual evidence of such 
a state of things at the present day in the practice of 
neighbouring farms to unite to form mutual loan associations 
to supply one another with farming implements or labour, 
e,g. in Southern Ossetia, where large teams are yoked to 
heavy ploughs. But let it suffice to mention one result of 
this Ossetian flurzwang in the facilities it affords for making 

1 This system prevails in all parts of the Caucasus, hoth in the east as well as in 
the west, and gives rise to some curious rules in the grape country, where a day is 
fixed for beginning cutting the grapes. 


a simultaneous use of corn-fields and meadows after harvest- 
ing operations are concluded. We find this custom developed 
in Europe in mediaeval times still maintained in France, 
where it is known as vaine-pdture. We notice a survival of 
it in English common law, which prosecutes private persons 
for enclosing lands over which there had existed rights of 
pasture for the benefit of the community. We also see it in 
llussia, where the village community is in full force, occur- 
ring on lands held in severalty, and clearly proving that these 
lands were formerly subject to tenure in common. In 
Ossetia the only exceptions to the right of free pasture are 
met with in mountainous districts, where strips of cultivated 
land are jealously fenced in or surrounded by stones by their 
first occupiers, and even these are not always reserved for 
private use unless pastured by the owner's cattle, whose farm 
must necessarily be in close proximity. All other lands, after 
the corn and hay have been harvested, are subject to free 
pasture, and remain so till the time of spring ploughing 
comes round. This system of joint property extends even 
to the use of the produce, for we find it stated no further 
back than 1850 that every Ossete requiring hay for his cattle 
might take it from any stack. But this right had to be care- 
fully watched to prevent its abuse by wealthy proprietors, 
i.e. owners of large herds. It was, in fact, supplementary 
to free pasture, and was designed for the benefit of the cattle 
in spring, when the allotments again passed under cultivation 
and the meadows were bare of grass. As soon as the first 
note of the cuckoo was heard, the Ossete might supply his 
needs with his neighbour's hay, but if he took it before that 
time he had to pay thrice its value. 

Agrarian communism, which formerly characterized the 
tribal communities of the Ossetes, is to this day a dis- 
tinguishing feature of their family relations. In some farms 
where everything is held in common harvesting operations 
are performed by the commune and supplies of food are dealt 
out to all the members of the house, each one receiving a 
share of the weft and yam. In other households, again, 
individual ownership has taken the place of corporate pro- 


perty, the land being annually distributed among the families, 
each one cultivating its own distinct allotment and taking 
entire possession of the crops. Whereas land, as we have seen, 
still bears the character of tribal property, the plantation or 
garden belong to the household considered as a whole and to 
the separate families composing it. From the earliest historical 
period the manor-house was not reckoned among immov- 
ables, but had the character of movable property, and the 
process of individualization beginning with the latter affected 
the manor long before land could be appropriated by in- 
dividuals. This was the view taken by German law of the 
seventeenth century, which defined movable property as 
everything that could be destroyed by fire,^ and ancient 
Irish law gave the plaintiff the right of seizing everything 
removable belonging to his debtor which might provide him 
*' a proper house." While the * khadzar,' or dining-hall, 
and the ' kunatskaia,' or strangers' room, form part of the 
corporate property, separate buildings added afterwards for 
newly-married couples are regarded as the subjects of in- 
dividual ownership and may even be alienated. In the same 
way, separate stories of one house occupied by different 
owners were divisible according to ancient German law, 
differing from the Roman law, which required a partition- 
wall between the different parts of the house. 

The buildings connected with husbandry are as a rule the 
property of the whole house, but there is nothing to forbid 
one of its inmates from erectii^g a shed or warehouse on his 
own land or on that belonging lo the household, in the latter 
case, of course, with its consent. 

With reference to movables certain distinctions must be 
drawn. In a former work Prof. Kovalefsky ^ has pointed out 
that there are exceptions to the general theory that all kinds 
of movables ceased simultaneously to be the objects of pro- 
prietary right by the community, whether of the tribe or its 
offshoot the joint household. Even such things as food and 
dress might be the objects of joint ownership by small 

' Of. Maine, Sarfy Law and Custom, p. 336. 
' See his Obtchinoye Zemliya, ch. 1. 


families living together. The principle appears to have 
been that anything obtained by combined eflTort, e.g. the 
wild animal killed in the chase, became the property of all 
the families taking part in it. War or the chase of men 
evidently demanded more than any other pursuit combined 
efforts on the part of those engaged in it, and the spoils 
obtained, whether cattle or slaves, became the objects of 
joint ownership. In the same way cattle stolen from a 
neighbouring tribe were the property of the household, and 
in earlier times of the tribe. Of this we have convincing 
proof in the popular traditions of the Ossetes, preserved in 
their heroic or Nart builinas,^ Their heroes Khamits, 
Sosryko, Urysmag, and others over and over again divide 
the captured herds with their tribe. Thus Urysmag return- 
ing from a foray on a neighbouring clan orders all the cattle 
to be apportioned among the households, and when this has 
been done, he distributes his own share among the Narts, 
reserving for himself only an equal portion with the rest 
and the best bull. A similar division takes place when the 
spoils are women. In the legend of Eauerbek, while this hero 
is absent on a foray, interminable quarrels and dissension 
reign in his father's house as to who will have the girls. At 
length Eauerbek returns miraculously cured of the wounds 
dealt him by his brothers, and his first act is to distribute 
the maidens among his uncles and brethren according to the 
desire of every one. There being none left for his father, 

^ The Nart tales are the sagas of Ossete national life corresponding to the 
Icelandic sagas. Klaproth was the first to mention them in his Vo^oft an 
Caurase. It was not till fifty years later in 1862, that Schiefner acquainted us 
more fully with these myths (see his Ossetische Spriichworter, etc.). According 
to this writer the Narts are half men and half angels or heroes, whose deeds are 
celebrated in the songs of the Ossetes, sung by them to the accompaniment of a 
musical instrument like a violin. These lays prevail amonr other mhabitmnts of 
the Caucasus, viz. the Ingush, Eumyks, Avars, and Kabarainians, by whom the 
Narts are represented as giants frequently contending with beings of a hiirher 
order, the Dzuar or gods, and sometimes vanquuhing these. The names of thete 
Nart heroes, of whom there are not many, are : Khamits, Urysmag, and his son 
Batyradz, Sosr>'ko, B6teko, Soslen, etc., and the same names occur with raria- 
tioQs in the Kai)ardiiiian legends and songs. The Narts are said to dwell in one 
village in the mountains on the river Sequoia, crossed by a bridge leading to the 
village. The best collection of these sagas is by V. Miller, who committed them 
to writing in 1880 from the lips of the Ossetes in Vladikavkaz, Alaghir, and 
Sadon. Cf. an article by Hiibschmann, Sage und Glaube der Osseten, in Zeit- 
schrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Band 21, Heft It. 


the hero again departs on a new foray, and returns this 
time bringing a most beautiful damsel whom he presents to 
his father to wed. 

We regret that time will not allow us to follow Prof. 
£oyalefsky in his remarks on the growth of individualization 
and partition of family property, illustrated as these are by 
references to the customs of Hindus and Celts, as well as the 
Southern Slavs and inhabitants of Great Russia. Ossete law 
knew no exceptions to the rule that all the earnings of a 
family went into the common purse till the period of the 
alienation of land. The captive of war became the slave of 
the whole household, the acquisitions whether of men or 
women were treated as common property, and even the spoils of 
war followed the same rule, though these last together with the 
produce of the chase were among the earliest forms of self- 
acquisition. The sword, the dagger, the gun of an enemy, 
the horns and skin of deer and mountain goat came to be 
recognized as the first objects of individual ownership. With 
regard to land, personal labour had less to do with proprietary 
rights than consent. It was the consent of the tribe or family 
that gave a title to outlying lands occupied by one of its 
members. An illustration of this is afforded by contemporary 
Russian law when the mir or commune consents to the settle- 
ment of separate families and the erection of huts in remote 
parts of their possessions.^ And this throws light on the 
origin of ancient * seizin.' It took place not on waste but 
on tribal lands, not by the choice of the individual, but with 
the consent of the tribe. That this is no mere theory is 
evident from the fact that where there is no consent of the 
tribe or commune, even though tacitly expressed, there is 
no real ownership. Under this form private ownership in 

^ Prof. Kovalefsky tells me, there are lands in the Ukraine (S.W. Bussia), 
known as Staraia Zaimotchnaia, i.e. anciently occupied hy colonists, corresponding 
with the German * bifang.' These are at present claimeid by the Crown and taxea 
accordingly. Some six or seven years ago, however, lawsuits were brought 
before the courts of Kharkof and Sumy to test the validity of these claims, and 
resulted in the acknowledgment of the proprietary rights of the peasants. The 
government upon this prohibited any further suits of this nature upon the pretence 
that the historical and judicial character of these lands have not been sufficiently 
investigated. The question is one of great importance. 


land is first met with among the Ossetes. If there be no 
consent and huts have been erected on land belonging to 
the aul or village, the community proceed to level the 
buildings and seize upon the property of the occupier, 
ti'eating him precisely as one who had possessed himsdf 
illegally of the property of others. 

Contract law, fettered as it has been in Ossetia by the 
joint family and the almost entire absence of personally 
acquired property, is in the growing stage. But the fiict 
of its being so backward makes it all the more interesting to 
the student, for it supplies precisely that material which 
is wanting in Koman and Oerman jurisprudence, having 
regard to the comparatively more modem epoch of then 
systems of law and the Aryan source of Ossete customSi 
AVho were the persons capable of contracting is the question 
which lies at the root of this branch of archaic law, and the 
answer we receive in Ossetia is very remarkable. Now it ii 
the head of the family, now his grown-up sons, who may 
exercise control over the family property ; though the head 
of the family has full powers to dispose of its possessionB, hii 
contracts are voidable if the full-grown males of the house- 
hold are opposed to them. He may sell the property only in 
the event of the interests of the family requiring snob sale; 
but none may gainsay him if his object be to provide funeral 
feasts and sacrifices. When there are two buyers of a 
property, and one be a relative, it is the latter who must have 
the preference. One lot of land may be sold while another 
may not. For instance, the enclosure may not be alienated, 
but the recently constructed hut may. A cow, an ox, s 
horse, every kind of movable may be sold, but the caldron 
in which the food is cooked and the chain by which it if 
suspended may not. These contradictions are difficult of 
explanation, but a key to their solution is afforded by a 
comparison of Ossete customs with the laws of the Hindus 
and the Celts, whose institutions were likewise based on con- 
sanguinity and the indivisibility of the family property.^ 

^ Cf. Mayne, ep. eit., cliap. yiiL 


The principle both in India and in Ireland was that the 
joint family alone could bind itself by contracts, but that 
these were only valid if every one of its members assented 
to the transaction. The head of the family was, in fact, the 
trusted representative of the others, and was bound by the 
assent of all and every one of its members ; as a father and 
husband he had uncontrolled authority over their fortunes. 
This union in one person of dual functions led in practice to 
this, that his rights of disposing of the whole property were 
only disputed in the event of his acts being prejudicial to the 
family interests. According to the commentators of Hindu 
law, alienation by the head of the family was valid, provided 
that it was occasioned by necessity. This necessity might 
be construed in various ways. It was advantageous in a 
year of famine to sell the joint property in order to 
provide for the wants of the family ; but it was also profit- 
able to arrange ancestral feasts and sacrifices and give 
presents to the clergy who attended them. Hence endow- 
ments for the benefit of the clergy were recognized as a valid 
ground for alienating the family property by Hindu and 
ancient Celtic laws. Another cause of free gift arose when 
the father of a family transferred his rights to one of his 
near relatives, with the stipulation that he should have 
maintenance during life, and be sacrificed to after death. 
In Hindu law it was always understood that the aged 
were to be supported by the family, but in Irish law this 
is one of the four express modes of alienating the family 

Commentators have explained that the origin of this kind 
of transaction lay in personal insecurity and the impossibility 
of finding room for the amassed supplies. If a man did not 
prefer transferring his property to the church on the same 
conditions, he had no other course open to him except to 
renounce in favour of one of his near relatives. If he had 
sons, one of them would undertake the management of the 
family ; but if childless, he might have recourse to more 
distant relatives. As soon as the transferee accepted, the 

TOL. XX. — [new 8BKIB8] 28 


pr-'ptr:y passed into his hands as manager and the transferR 
\^:i> eri:::'.*-ii to maintenance. This gift was conditional, aai 
v:.e r.on-T'rriormance bv the son or relative of the obligatki 
:.y i.:-A taken upon himself voided the contract. Thefatte 
w.. u'.i :ben return to the former position of master ana 
niiir.ii^er. or would enter into a similar affreement wi4 
ii ::■:■: her rol alive. 

A'al :he alx»ve is applicable to one of the more usual kini 
c f iriiis in Ossetia. It is done in favour of a son or » 
I re: lit r, or. when both are wanting, a more distant relative 
tikes it. The causes which give rise to it are not merely old 
fj^o. hut ir.oapacity on the part of the elder to manage tfce 
h. v.>^hold. Instead of a formal resignation, the co-parceners 
;:>u;i'.'v inlorni him of their wish, and indicate the peiwn 
w:... . should replace him. This latter in accepting the duties 
is lou::d to maintain the donor till his death, supplying him 
with ou'thing and everything he may require. If this 
iOiAiitivn bo not complied with, the father has the right to 
displace the mauajrer and resume his functions as master of 
the household. The same thing would occur when the donee 
or trar.sitrte hivs a house of his own and the donor tem- 
porarily lives with him. On returning to his own dwellings 
place lie takes back from his relative all the property which 
lie had previously delivered. When this transaction took 
place between lather and son-in-law, the latter removed to 
the house of the donor and was called "midgama" (*.^ 
inner, di^mestio man). But this only happened if the father 
had no sons and did not wish to give the property to a more 
distant relative. The assent of all the family was frequently 
askeil lH^fi>re concluding this kind of agreement. The custom 
we have described is common not only in Russia, but in 
Styria and other countries. Wherever it is met with there 
is never a formal election by a family assembly of the elder, 
as frequently happens in Servia and generally among the 
Southern Slavs. It may therefore be regarded as one of 
those nuasiires taken with the object of retaining the patri- 
archal character which at first distinguished the joint family, 
and to prevent its transformation into the * artel ' or the 



association founded on common labour with an elective 

The starting-point in the history of the joint family 
is when all the property, both movables as well as im- 
movables, forms a common stock, and all the personal 
earnings, however acquired, belong to its members 
collectively. In this position of affairs the chief alone 
could make contracts, or, to be more accurate, no transaction 
affecting either the personal or real property could take 
place without his authority and consent. " What belongs 
to many," says the author of the Vivada Chintamani, " may 
be given with their assent." ^ The beginnings of a joint 
property with reference to private acquisitions become in 
course of time considerably modified; the dowry of the 
wife passes under the absolute control of her husband ; 
everything acquired at odd times ceases to go into the 
general fund. At a later period the principle is adopted 
that only what is acquired with the assistance of the family 
capital belongs rightly to the family, the remainder be- 
coming the property of the individual. The individualiza- 
tion of rights over property leads to the formation of a 
distinct class of possessions. Yarn over and above what is 
required for the family remains in the hands of the spinner 
and her husband, spoils of war in the hands of the captor, 
wages belong to him who serves, rent to the lessor, etc. 
The wage earner, who has returned from foreign parts, does 
not consider himself bound to divide his earnings with the 
family, but expends them in the purchase of what he 
requires, sometimes settling on occupied land, which he is 
the first to cultivate, and thus becomes its owner.^ In this 
way immovables as well as movables become the objects of 
self-acquisition, and we see the earliest form of individual 

* The • artel * is a well-known institution in St. Petersburg, Moscow, and other 
large cities of Russia. All the work of the foreign houses of business except merely 
clerical work is performed by artels. The members of these bodies are respon- 
sible one for the other, and all losses arising from the dishonesty or negligence of 
one of the members is payable out of the common funds. See an able pamphlet 
by M. Luginin, '* Lee Artels,*' written for the Cercle St. Simon in Paris. 

^ Cf. Hindu Law and Usage, etc., p. 290. 

* Cf, Early Law and Custom, p. 838. 


landed property. For the alienation of this * allodial ' land, 
as we may call it, there would be none of the difficulties 
incident to the transfer of family land, because the owner 
having full dominion over it may sell or give it to whom- 
soever he pleases, may pledge it on loan or borrow upon 
it without mortgaging, the mere fact of his recognized 
ownership being sufficient security to the creditor. The 
ancient codes are all in favour of the free disposition of self- 
acquired property by the owner, and mediaeval charters and 
customs take the same view. Ossete law, like that of other 
Aryan races, draws a distinction between ancestral and self- 
acquired property as regards its alienation ; the first is called 
^afidiban* (paternal estate), the second particularly articles 
valued by the family, such as old swords, guns, copper 
kettles, are known as * khazna,' and excluded from the 
number of things which may be freely alienated. Separate 
property is derived from personal earnings and occupatio 
as well as from family partition. The owner of a divided 
share has an unlimited power over it, and may make any 
kind of obligation and agreement concerning it. Proofs 
of this are numerous in any of the sources of ancient and 
mediaeval law, as well as in those customs which regulate 
transactions of this nature among the Russian peasantry and 
the Balkhan and Austrian Slavs. Among the Ossetes we 
of course meet with the same phenomenon. The more fre- 
quent partitions which have taken place in recent years are 
tlie cause of a growing tendency to barter property in 
Ossetia, whether movables or immovables ; at the same time, 
contracts multiply and become more diversified. Certain 
kinds of property, however, remain outside the infiuence of 
civil law, and these are not land, but movables, the caldron 
and hearth chain. This seems strange at first sight, but if 
we remember that these articles had the same relationship to 
the family cult as the graves had in ancient Greece and 
Home, and that these latter might not be alienated, it will at 
once be evident why the stamp of infamy was fixed on the 
man in Ossetia who infringed this prohibition. 

Summarizing then the peculiarities of Ossete contract law. 


we may say that, like other cognate systems of jurisprudence, 
it starts from the assumption that the father is chief of the 
family, and that its property is inalienable. From this the 
following conclusions may be made : (1) the father as repre- 
sentative of the family may alone contract ; (2) his contracts 
are only valid provided the other members assent ; (3) no 
alienation without consideration may take place except in 
case of necessity ; (4) such necessity arises when funeral 
ceremonies have to be arranged, and all gifts by way of 
charitable endowments ; (5) as well as when the donee is a 
relative of the same or another household ; (6) with reference 
to self-acquired property, contracts may be made by indi- 
vidual members of the joint family; and (7) upon the 
partition of the family property all the members are at 
liberty to make any contracts they like. 

The questions discussed in the foregoing pages are the 
keystones in the history of the law of contracts. If the 
assent of all the full-grown members of a family be necessary 
to make the contract binding, their presence at its conclusion 
is easily explained. We can now understand whom the 
Swedish law had in view when it spoke of the *fastars,' 
usually twelve in number, whose presence was necessary in 
every transaction relating to property, whether in the sale or 
exchange, in the payment of the dowry of a bride, etc. ; and 
we can also understand who were the twelve witnesses referred 
to by the Russian * pravda ' or law in the presence of whom 
the creditor declared his claims, as persons immediately 
interested in the proceedings. In course of time the memory 
of the causes which called forth this interesting institution 
passes away; the meaning of the 'fastars* and the twelve 
witnesses as representatives of the joint family is forgotten. 
If the institution continues, it is to satisfy another want, 
public consent ; but how different are these witnesses to their 
early prototypes, how far from taking that immediate part 
in the deed which was expressed when the fastars held the 
lance, that symbol of dominion over the thing ceded ! The 
Ossetes only knew the later form of the representation of 
the family at the completion of the contracts ; their customs 


require the presence of witnesses, and recognize their right 
to prove the act before arbitrators .... 

Formalities, such as were required in ancient German 
and Boman law, find no place in the Ossete transfer of 
property. Except striking together the palms of the hands 
and the publicity given by the presence of witnesses, no 
ceremony was required. This mode of concluding the 
contract is mentioned in the Zend-Avesta, and is therefore 
interesting with reference to the Iranianism of the Ossetes. 

With regard to real contracts, some of these were accom- 
panied by the delivery of a kind of vadium, or pledge. Like 
the Russian peasant, the Ossete, in selling his horse, delivered 
the bridle to the buyer. In the betrothal the kinsman who 
had arranged the match places in the hand of the eldest 
relative of the bride a pistol, a gun, and sometimes gives him 
an ox, such payments being completely analogous with the 
ancient German handmoney, or arrha, which passed at the 
betrothal. But in transactions relating to immovables we 
find none of that ceremony known in the old German law 
under the name of ^ gleba,' and in that of ancient Russia as 
'diem' (»>. turf). The custom observed in beating the 
bounds in cases of disputed boundaries, in Digoria with a 
stone in the hand, and in Taghauria with a lump of earth, 
finds nothiug analogous in the sale of immovable property. 
The only ceremony in the case of the latter was the funeral 
feast in commemoration of the ancestors of the seller. These 
commemorative banquets remind us of ancient Ghreece, where 
neither house nor land could be bought without sacrificial 
ofierings, and prove an identity of origin for Greek and 
Ossete customs. Like the ancient Greeks the Ossetes buried 
their dead in their fields ; every family had its own burial 
place, consisting of a great square building with a narrow 
entrance. Their desire is to have their dead near them in 
order that they may intercede for thom. When he sells his 
land the Ossete parts with the family graves, which become 
the property of the purchaser. The latter, therefore, might 
be regarded as a wicked person forcibly taking the dead 
away from their descendants, and might be haunted by evil 


spirits, did he not propitiate them by feasts and sacrifices. 
In the same way on marriage the household gods might 
resent the carrying away of the bride, and become evil genii 
to the husband ; accordingly a naked sword is carried above 
the bride's head and brandished on all sides to protect her 
from the invisible spirits. 

The want of a written character has prevented the Ossetes 
from independently having recourse to the most ancient and 
most simple of all forms of concluding a contract, viz. by a 
deed in writing. The modern documents occasionally found 
among them are partly in the Arabic and partly in Russian 
character, and merely prove the direct influence of Muhamma^ 
dan law on the one side and Russian jurisdiction on the other. 
The very term they employ for a book, ji-nig^ is a corrupted 
form of the Russian word kniga, and is used by them to 
designate written documents. But their endeavour to change 
every kind of symbolism for a written document long before 
the Russians entered their country is evident from the 
mention made of their use of wooden tablets like the birki or 
scoring sticks of the Russian peasant, and the various marks 
they employed for denoting every article in the agreement. 

Before concluding this article, we must allude to that part 
of M. Kovalefsky's work dealing with the criminal law of 
the Ossetes, and as time will not allow of a full and critical 
examination of this branch of the subject, I avail myself of 
a paper in the Journal des Savants (1887) by M. Dareste, 
Judge of the Cour de Cassation at Paris, who is, I believe, 
an authority of good standing on primitive law. 

Ossete criminal law still recognizes blood indemnity. In 
the last century its application was unrestricted. Every 
murder committed involved, as a necessary consequence, the 
two families — that of the murdered man and his murderer's 
— in an indefinitely prolonged war of extermination. 
Vengeance was a religious duty. The body of the victim 
was brought into the house with every ceremony, and all 
the relations rubbed some of the blood on their foreheads, 
eyes, cheeks, and chin, and took a solemn oath to do 
their duty. Having accomplished this act of vengeancoi 


the avenger repaired to the grave of his relative, and 
there made a solemn declaration of the act he had committed 
in obedience to custom and religion. No compensation 
was admissible except for light wounds, slight injuries and 
thefts. At the present day manners have undergone a 
change. The right of vengeance is limited as regards 
persons. It can only bo exercised by the children and 
nearest rehitives of the dead person. It is forbidden during 
the first two weeks of the fast and whenever it conflicts with 
the laws of hospitality. Lastly, and this is the greatest step 
in advance, it may always be stopped by compensation, the 
amount of which is fixed by arbitration, taking into account 
certain customary rights arising out of the rank and status of 
the parties. The highest compensation awarded is eighteen 
times eighteen cows for murder ; thrice eighteen cows for 
mutilation and wounding. The Ossetes only counted as far 
as eighteen. In the case of a woman the compensation was 
half that payable for a man, but double if the woman were 
pregnant. In the case of a slave there was no blood in- 
demnity, the murder was only regarded as a simple tort, and 
the indemnity calculated according to the loss sustained. In 
the same way, if a freeman were killed by accident, and if 
tlie act were done in self-defence, it was justifiable homicide. 
The primitive union of members of one family has not, 
however, entirely disappeared, and some traces of it yet 
remain. Thus, independently of the compensation payable 
by the murderer personally, his paternal relatives owe a 
feast of reconciliation to the victim's relatives, and they may 
have to entertain in this way a hundred persons. If the 
nmrderer takes refuge in flight, the avenger seizes his goods, 
and then it is customary for the brothers of the fugitive to 
pay the indemnity. The criminal suit is always between 
two families. lie who has no family has no avenger, and, if 
killed, the murderer goes unpunished. 

Wo have now to deal with the first reform which takes 
place in the criminal law of barbarous people by the substi- 
tution of restricted for unlimited vengeance. The penalty is 
proportioned only to the measure of the crime, and maj 


be satisfied by a monetary payment, by which peace is 
restored. The monuments which have survived for us of the 
primitive law of ancient people show us everywhere this 
second system in analogous if not identical circumstances. 
Prof. Kovalefsky approaches these monuments, gives reasons 
for resemblances and difPerences, and finds at every step 
in the customs of the Ossetes explanations which have the 
undeniable advantage of being founded on facts. This is 
one of the most interesting and newest parts of his book. 
The results of his researches are formulated by him in the 
following propositions : 1. Under the family system, crime 
consists not in the attempt against moral and social order, 
but ifi material damage caused to the person ; whence ven- 
geance and compensation ; 2. The violation of what we call 
a civil right constitutes a crime, admitting the same right 
of vengeance which is exercised by the seizure of the goods 
or of the person ; 3. No distinction is therefore drawn 
between civil and criminal wrongs ; 4. And consequently 
there is no difference between civil and criminal procedure ; 
5. Lastly, an intentional wrong is not distinguished from 
mere negligence, the accidental and the premeditated act are 
regarded in the same light. 

We have seen that every criminal cause is a quarrel 
between two families. It follows, therefore, that crimes 
coipmitted in the bosom of the family do not admit the 
right of vengeance, but it does not therefore follow that 
they should remain unpunished. The elder or head of the 
family exercises a right of internal police. He may expel 
the person who has disturbed the peace of the house, and 
oblige him to exile himself by the destruction of his house ; 
in some cases his goods only may be seized, and he may be 
placed under an interdict or kind of excommunication which 
puts a stop to all relations with other members of the family. 
The guilty person may avoid confiscation by paying a 
ransom; this is not merely an indemnity for the damage 
caused, as it may amount to twenty-seven times its value ; 
it is rather the equivalent of the punishment incurred. 
All this side of primitive law has hitherto remained obscure. 


The practice of the Ossetes reveals its importance, and ex- 
plains certain characteristics of ancient legislation. For 
instance, Solon or rather Draco, the editor of Athenian 
criminal law, did not speak of the parricide, and seems 
hardly to have thought a crime of such enormity possible. 
This reason may have satisfied moralists like Plutarch, but 
edifying histories cannot explain ancient laws. The true 
reason is that parricide was committed in the bosom of the 
family, and therefore did not admit of vengeance. Excom- 
munication and exile were the only penalties in such cases. 
Most of the laws of the barbarians preserve the same silence 
on this head as Athenian law, and evidently for the same 
reason. The parricide could not be brought under the 
criminal law till the system of blood vengeance bad given 
place to another, that of a penalty inflicted in the name of 
society. Primitive criminal law only knew a small number 
of crimes. Crimes against the state or against religion con- 
sidered as a political institution, and most of the torts or 
wrongs against private property, are creations of a later 
date. To speak accurately theft is no crime; among the 
Ossetes at all events it gave rise only to a civil process, and 
the restitution of the thing stolen; their customs did not 
distinguish between manifest theft and that which is not 
manifest, or, to illustrate our meaning by contemporary 
English law, between robbery and burglary; it was in- 
different as to whether the robbery were committed by day 
or night. The robber caught in the act may be beaten, but 
may in no case be killed, as his family would exact the 
price of blood. The only distinction made by custom was 
that a robbery committed in an inhabited house is con- 
sidered more serious than one in the fields, the former 
being an attempt not only against property, but also against 
domicile. But robbery committed within the family or 
rather the gens was a different thing. The restitution im- 
posed in this case by the head of the family might be triple 
or even seven times the value of the thing stolen. In this 
way the repression of robbery began to assume a penal 


Among wrongs against the person three are suggestive of 
interesting remark. First, blows and wounds are regulated 
by a tariff less complicated than those of the Germanic codes. 
The size of the wound is measured by grains of barley placed 
end to end, a singular arrangement, probably borrowed from 
the code of Yakhtang.^ Next are the injuries or attempts 
against the honour of the individual. The greatest outrage 
which a man can do to another is to kill a dog on the tomb 
of his ancestors. In former times this outrage could only 
have been washed out with blood. An attempt upon the 
chain suspended above the domestic hearth was also con^ 
sidered as an unpardonable injury (cf. ante, p. 384). At the 
present day these matters are more easily settled. It is the 
same with the adulterer. His was also in former times an 
inexpiable crime. The outraged husband might kill the 
seducer found in flagrante delicto^ and was not liable to pay the 
price of blood. Modem manners have modified these affairs. 
But the position of the adulterous wife is very different. Her 
crime is committed within the family, and is therefore 
subject to domestic jurisdiction. Mounted on an ass she is 
promenaded in shame through the streets, exposed to the 
insults of all, and at length is put to death by her husband 
and his relatives. This is the common law of all Indo- 
European nations. For instance, the Brahmanical codes 
describe the same practice with the only difference that 
a monkey is substituted for the donkey. 

This part of the Ossete criminal law throws a great light 
on the history of criminal law in general. It shows whence 
were derived the first penalties inflicted in the name of 
society, and how the State came to take the place of the 
gens. Domestic jurisdiction served criminal legislation with 
its earliest types, while the law of vengeance has gradually 
been abolished in international relations. 

The customs of the Ossetes have been officially proved 

^ The code of Yakhtang, Prince of Greorgia, was reyised in 1723, according to 
M. Dareste, who, in an earlier nnmher of the same volume of the Journal des 
Savants, reviews both the Armenian and Geore^an systems of jurisprudence and 
their close connexion with Ossete customs. Ci. he, p. 169. 


and classified at various epochs, notably in 183G, 1844 an( 
1S(3G. They vary in the several cantons, presenting matte: 
well worthy of study in detail. 31. Dareste has only lijrhtb 
touched on tho subject. We will conclude, ho remarks, ir 
emphasizing Prof. Kovalefsky's remark that the criminal la\i 
oi the Ossetos ofiers a perfect analogy with ancient Indo- 
European codes, and particularly with the ancient laws o3 
Ireland recently published. All these monuments of the 
past illustrate and explain each other, and the points ol 
comparison met with among the people of the Caucasus an 
all the more precious because they show us living institutions. 
I need only say a few more words in conelusiou. I ara 
indebt(»d to the present article for an acquaintance with its 
author, Prof. Kovalefsky, who has kindly read over my MS., 
and suggested two or three notes by way of elucidation, 
His knowledge of jurisprudence, of which he was for man\ 
years Professor at the University of Moscow, enables him tc 
speak with great authority on all the customs of the semi- 
civilized inhabitants of the Caucasus, among whom he ha: 
made several journeys. The results of his last year's travel 
are i)ublished in somo pamphlets on the Pshaves anc 
Khevsurs, and he has also communicated some results of hii 
earlier observation in two articles published in the Vestnil 


Art. X. — The Languages spoken in the Zarafshan Valley in 
Russian Turkistan. By R. N. Oust, LL.D., M.R.A.S. 

In the course of my reading preparatory to my proposed 
trip in September next to Orenberg and the Steppes of 
Central Asia, I came upon the valuable book by Dr. Radloff, 
"Aus Siberien," Leipzig, 1884. His account of the lan- 
guages spoken in the Zarafshan Valley, of which the famous 
city of Samarkand is the capital, seems so important, that I 
have had it translated from the German for publication in 
the Journal. In Vol. XVIII. of the Journal, 1886, pp. 
177-195, I communicated a paper on the Geographical Dis- 
tribution of the Turki Languages, but some points required 
elucidation, which are cleared up by Dr. Radloff's remarks. 
His statements with regard to the T&jik or Persian portion 
of the population of the Valley is very important, as being 
fresh, and no doubt accurate. 

Robert N. Cust, Hon. Secretary. 
Mat/ 10th, 1888. 

The population of the Zarafshan Valley may be divided 
into two groups, according to its languages: Istly, races 
speaking Tiirki languages, and 2ndly, races speaking Persian. 
The former constitute the largest portion of the population, 
while the latter are scattered about in various parts. The 
Persian-speaking inhabitants as a rule go by the name of 
Tajik ; even the uncultured country people and nomad tribes 
call the Persian language T&jik-til (T&jik language). 

The Tdjik generally only inhabit the towns, and only 
busy themselves with commerce and handicraft. They have 


their origia partly from very old Persian emigrants or freed 
Persian slaves, who were sold in great numbers every year, 
by the Turkomans in the Khanates. The newer Persian in- 
habitants are generally called Iran, and are partly, although 
perhaps secretly, Shiah. 

The chief seats of the Tajik (by which general name I 
here comprise all the Persians) are the cities of Khojend on 
the Syr Daria (which separates the Tajik town from the 
Uzbek town, inhabited nearly wholly by Tajik) and Samar- 
kand. The inner town of Samarkand is almost solely 
inhabited by Tajik, and Persian is the prevailing language 
there. The Tajik fill the western gardens and the neigh- 
bourhood of Samarkand almost exclusively as well ; however 
there are a few Iran villages, which make the silk-worm 
their chief industry. I have in vain endeavoured to find 
from the Tajik their tribal names, neither do they know 
anything about their early history. 

As a remnant of the former population, I may mention 
the so-called Mountain- Tdjik or Qalcha, who inhabit districts 
more or less extensive. It seems as if these ancient inhabit- 
ants had saved themselves from the stream of new-comers by 
keeping to these high-lying districts. As far as I could tell, 
these great Tajik settlements are situated as follows : 1) one 
day's journey from Kokand on the way to Dauan, the follow- 
ing villages were pointed out to me, Schaidan, Babadurchan, 
and Yangas ; 2) in the south-west mountains of Tasbkend ; 
3) on the north border of the Kara-Tag; 4) along the upper 
course of the Zarafshan, east of Pentshikend, where the popu- 
lation was called Galcha and Kara Tegin. Unfortunately I 
could not visit any of these Persian settlements, so I cannot 
give any further details about them. However, as far as I 
can know, these people differ very little from the other in- 
habitants in their customs and ways of living. 

The Turki inhabitants of the Zarafshan Valley consist for 
the most part of Uzbek, with the exception of a few places 
on the Nurpai, where there are several important Arab 
settlements, but which have long succumbed to Turki in- 
fluence, and even speak their language. 


The chief Uzbek tribes are by no means strictly separate 
from one another, but are considerably intermixed, always 
keeping together as a race. A fact of this is, that a great 
number of the Kiptchak names, which often, as one clearly 
sees, have been given after the names of small tribal frac- 
tions. However, I consider it superfluous to discuss this 
fictitious genealogy further ; one thing I will yet mention. 
The Khan of Bokhara, who came from the Mangyt tribe, is 
said to sit on a felt cloth every time he ascends his throne, 
the four corners of which are held by delegates from the four 
branch tribes. 

From what I have said, two languages, the Persian and 
Turki, are spoken in the Zarafshan Valley, and in Trans- 
oxiana generally. I do not venture to give any decided 
opinion about the Persian ; however it seems that the Persian 
spoken here differs very little from the written Persian. As 
to the Turki languages, there are four here : the Kirghiz, 
the Kara-Kalpak, the Turkoman, and the Jagatai or Uzbek. 
The three former are closely related, while the Uzbek differs 
considerably from them ; the latter alone is a literary lan- 
guage. Of course, throughout the large area which the 
Uzbek inhabit, there must be some variety in the dialects ; 
however, generally speaking, this language may be taken as 
a whole ; at any rate, the inhabitants of Bokhara and the 
Sarts of Turkistan understand each other well enough, which 
is not to be surprised at, when one considers the long and 
constant intercourse between the towns of Central Asia. 

As to the purity of the Turki language, it is in the steppes 
that it is the most purely spoken, where it has not yet been 
permeated by the civilization of Islam, the destroyer of 
language and of national spirit. The language of the 
Kirghiz is the least poisoned with Arabic and Persian words, 
and whatever foreign elements they may have taken up, they 
have completely assimilated. However, they have been 
invaded in many parts by foreigners, which fact is proved 
by the fact of the Kirghiz living in close proximity to the 

As regards purity of language, next to the language of 


the Kirghiz stands that of the Kara-Kalpak, and the Turko- 
man in the Nurata mountains, although the tribes have 
succumbed considerably to the Uzbek in all their social 
intercourse, and have therefore incorporated many loan- 

The language of the Uzbek residents of the Zarafshan 
Valley is not nearly as pure as those which I have just 
mentioned. Arabic and Persian expressions are used a great 
deal, even by the non-educated. In the towns this language 
is the most disfigured, as it is considered good style to borrow 
foreign expressions. The higher the society, the more does 
the language get debased, so that to an outsider it sounds 
like a different language. Not only are an innumerable 
amount of foreign expressions used here, but the grammatical 
structure is changed. The harmony of names has been 
quite destroyed, and changed to please the foreigners. It 
seems as if learning itself had required this unnatural course, 
for the Mulla forces upon the reading scholars pronunciation 
contrary to that of Turki, and severely denounces the correct 
intonation. Thus it comes about that the less learned people 
read according to the Mulla's instruction. 

It seems as if learning had the object of eradicating the 
language of the people. The ordinary man, who reads and 
writes without being learned, does so in Turki. However, 
as soon as he knows more, he turns his back in disgust on 
these reputed signs of ignorance, and gives himself up to 
the study of Persian. This half-educated man still writes 
in Turki,^as he is not yet suflScient master of the Persian, 
lie only reads the Kordn in Arabic, learns prayers, and 
works through a few Arabic books, provided with a transla- 
tion. However, if he gets as far as the Arabic Grammar, 
and gets to know a little of Arabic, he then neglects the 
Persian, and gives all his time to Arabic, the aim of every 
learned man. The greater scholars generally only write iu 
Persian, troubling themselves very little if the receiver of 
the epistle understands Persian or not. Very often this 
unfortunate man is obliged to find a Mulla first to translate 
the writing of his correspondent. All the official business 


in documents, decrees, etc., of the government are transacted 
in Persian, even in Kokand. The reason of this is that 
every official always has a Mulla, who of course writes 
Persian. I have often had occasion to see these official 
documents written. The official just gives the Mulla the 
substance of the writing, and only seals it, while the other 
does all the rest. 

Under these circumstances, the continual inroad of 
foreigners is not to be surprised at. But what helps to 
break up the language more is, that the foreign words con- 
tinue their independent existence, as was the case with the 
interlarding of French phrases among the German aristocrats 
of the last century. Only here the confusion increases, 
because there is no reaction by which the language should 
be purified. 

Although, generally speaking, people are not slow to see 
that such occupations as investigating and learning are good 
for the mind and strengthen the judgment, it is unfortu- 
nately just the opposite here. Only the uneducated seem to 
have a sound judgment and a certain acuteness. 

The language of the Kirghiz is pleasing and eloquent ; 
they are witty and sarcastic in questioning and answering, 
and often even very sharp, and even the least educated 
Kirghiz is complete master of his language. A Kirghiz 
story-teller has a fresh and fascinating way of relating. 
The Kara-Kalpak, the Turkoman, and the Uzbek resident 
of the Zarafshan Valley is even more helpless than the un- 
educated nomad, but the educated classes among the towns- 
people are very heavy in their conversation, devoid of 
expression, and exceptionally wearisome in their talk. How 
could it be diflTerent P They occupy themselves mostly with 
what they cannot understand from a linguistic point of view. 
The Kirghiz hears his fairy tales, myths, and songs in his 
own language, and so he gets impressions which remain, and 
incite to imitate. The Uzbek, on the contrary, listens to 
the simplest stories in a language the greater part of which 
he only half understands, and the more he studies, the thicker 
becomes the mist around him. They get used to guessing 

TOL. XX. — [nBW 8X11IB8.] 29 


the sense of what they have read or heard, and leam the 
jingle of words by heart, like a parrot. Through this only 
one function of the mind, the memory, is praotiaed, while 
the other functions are not called upon at alL The scholar 
requires from fifteen to twenty years to master the difficultiei 
of the language, a victory which is the aim of every student. 
There are very few who have been fortunate enough to carry 
oflf the victory. 


>i^ -i^^Sfc^ '^^^ 



Art. XI. — Further Notes on Early Buddhist Symbolism, By 
R. Sewell, Esq.y Madras Civil Service^ M.R.A.S. 

In an article on Early Buddhist Symbolism^ in Vol. XVIII. 
Part 3, of the Royal Asiatic Society's Journal (1886), I 
expressed my belief that the three objects of worship and 
ornament so commonly seen on Buddhist sculptures in India, 
the svastikUf the chakra^ and the triiula, were not indigenous 
Indian emblems, but symbols of Western Asian origin — 
whether Semitic or Aryan matters little — ^adopted of old by 
the Hindus, and accepted, originally by Buddhists, not as 
being in themselves Buddhist symbols, but as being symbols 
of religious signification in general use among the people. 
I stated my conviction that they were in their inception sun- 
symbols, the svastika representing probably sun-motion ; the 
chakra a fiery circle or orb emblematic of sun-power, the sud, 
for instance, in an Asiatic noon-day, as well as the giver of 
light, the vivifier ; and the doubtful triiula (and this was the 
point of my story) in all probability derived from the 
Egyptian scarab. The paper was enriched with several 
illustrations, showing the transition of the scarab into various 
forms in Assyria, Phoenicia, Persia, and, thence, in Buddhist 
India. To prove that this novel theory was not lacking in 
common sense, I gave a concise resum^ of the historical 
aspects of the case, {>ointing out that Northern India had 
been, for perhaps a thousand years prior to the teaching of 
the Buddha, and for quite a thousand years prior to the con- 
struction of such Buddhist buildings as now remain to us, in 
much closer communication with the countries of Western 
Asia than has been commonly supposed. I am not alone in 
my belief that several Indian forms have been derived from 
forms in religious use further west. Mr. Fergusson, for 


instance, thought that the well-known Vaishiiava gamda was 
nothing more than the hawk-headed divinity of the Assy- 
rians. So far no apology is needed. "When, however, my 
scarab theory for the origin of the triSula is considered, the 
standpoint is diflferent ; for there I am alone, and on ground 
that is exceedingly slippery. It is hecause subsequent dis- 
cussion appears to me to strengthen rather than to weaken 
the force of my arguments, that I venture again into the 
arena. At present I desire to put on record a few remarks 
on Mr. F. Pincott's paper, " The Tri-Ratna," in Joam. Roy. 
Asiat. Soc. Vol. XIX. Part 2, p. 238, and, with their kind 
permission, to publish some criticisms by Dr. E. W. West of 
Munich, and Prof. J. Darmesteter of Paris. 

It is perfectly true, as noted by Mr. Pincott, that Buddha 
set his face against metaphysical speculation, that his object 
was to draw his countrymen away from idle dreaming and to 
teach them to concentrate their efforts on the practical duties 
of life,^ and also that he discouraged the use of all images 
and representations ; but we are concerned, not with BcAdha 
himself, but with Buddha's followers some centuries after 
his death, when they had begun to sculpture the buildings, 
the ruins of which now exist. And all Buddha's teaching 
did not cause them to refrain from a lavish use of symbols. 
The question at issue is, what was the origin of those 
symbols ? They may have been deliberately invented by the 
Buddhists from simple ideas,^ or they may, equally I think, 
have been adopted from symbols then in common use among 
the people. Mr. Pincott seems to think that I have accused 
Buddha himself of dabbling in solar myths, but I must 
protest against such an interpretation of my arguments. 
Buddha himself had nothing to do with the symbols sculp- 
tured by his devotees. 

Mr. Pincott states that the trisula is merely the three- 
pronged object on the top of the illustrations in my paper, 
and that that term is never applied to the circular object 
found underneath it, and he continues: **The two objects 

1 Op. cit. p. 238. 
« Id. p. 239. 


are totally distinct, and are often represented separately in 
different places and for different purposes. This could never 
be the case if they formed part of one object ; for there is 
no sense in depicting the front claws of a scarab on one 
building, and his headless trunk on another." He also adds 
that sometimes the circle is seen over the triiula. I am 
afraid that I must have expressed myself very badly. I 
never had it in contemplation to assert that the term 
triiula was ever applied to the circle minus the head. My 
belief was, and is, that the original triiula was the whole 
object depicted on the Amaravati sculptures, but that con- 
stantly that object came to be mutilated, so that often the 
symbol was represented merely as the three-pronged top plus 
the circle, with or without the side-members, and in later 
times the three-pronged top alone. In modem India, of 
course, the triiula is understood to be simply the trident 
portion. Personally I have never seen the lower portion of 
the emblem — circle, wings, and (may I say P) hind-legs — 
witffout the trident top, nor have I ever seen the circle 
depicted above the trident. 

Mr. Pincott believes that the trident standing alone repre- 
sents the old Indian letter J^, the first letter of the celebrated 
formula Ye Dharmd, while the whole symbol represented 
in my illustrations represents this letter J^, the chakra 
(Buddha)^ and a supporting stem or stand, symbolizing the 
Sang ha. This may be so, but it is dangerous to argue from 
mere similarity, and it would be easy to show that there are 
other prominent portions of the symbol — ^for instance, the 
lower members — unaccounted for by this theory. At any 
rate I do not think that the scarab theory is yet quite " anni- 
hilated," as will be seen below. Meanwhile, I am personally 
indebted to Mr. Pincott, not only for his article, but for his 
courteousness in handling my, to him probably absurd, 

On March 7th, 1887, Dr. E. W. West wrote to me the 
following letter from Munich : 

"Will you allow me to suggest that Fig. 14 on p. 399 of 
J.K.A.S. N.s. Yol. XVIII. (in your article on Early Buddhist 


Symbolism, see Plate, Fig. 1) may be merely a mde Bkeleton out- 
line of a Eitting figure of Buddha, with the amis upraised in an 
unusual attitude. At any rate it must be mnbolical of Buddha, 
bcrcause the Pahlavi legend can hazdly be intended for anything 

else than ))^ ^)\ Bud ditd^ ' the demon Bu4f ' * tenn applied 

to Buddha bv the Zoroastrians, as seems evident from BMmiahUk 
xxviii. 34 {Sacred Books of the EaU, vol. v. p. Ill), which can 
be otherwise translated thus : ' The demon Bud is he whom thev 
worship among the Hindus, and his spirit-bieatli is lodging in 
idols such as Budasp worships.' " 

I pause to note references. The translation of the Bun- 
dahii referred to is Dr. West's own. There the passage is 
rendered : '' 34. The demon Bilt is he whom they worship 
amongst the Hindus, and his growth is lodged in idols, as 
one worships the horse as an idol." A footnote says : " Av. 
Biiiti of Vend. xix. 4. 6. 140, who must be identified with 
Pcrs. but * an idol,' Sans. bhu(a ' a gobUn/ and not with 
Buddha." The letter continues : 

'' I was doubtful about this identification of Bu4 with Buddha, 
because there is a demon B5iti (Pahl. BH^) mentioned in the 
A vesta (Thididddf xix. 1, 2, 43) [Spiegel 4, 6, 140] as a special 
enemy of Zarathushtra, but without any other details. Whether 
the demon BCiidhi of Vend. xi. 9 [Spiegel 28] is the same is quite 
uncertain, as no information about him is given. The passages 
mentioning these demons may very possibly be interpolations made 
in early Sassanian times, when Buddhism had become a rival of 
Zoroastrianism in the east of Iran; but this is only a gncss. 
However, Prof. J. Darmesteter was clearly of opinion that the 
demon Bud of Bund, xxviii. 34 was intended for Buddha, and 
he pointed out that Budasp is mentioned as the creator of Sabeism 

by Hamzah. Supposing that the legend )py)^ correctly repre- 
sents tlie original, the most obvious reading is ^tf^lnd, which 
might be mistaken as an adjective 'of or pertaining to Buddha,' 
similar to ^j^j^^, ^jj, ^ji!^^tr*9 'wooden, golden, silvery;* but 
I am not aware that the adjective suffix -in can be appended to 
a name ; at any rate, in Pahlavi the proper suffix for forming an 
adjective from a proper name is -dn, as in puaht-t VtMkidtpdn^ 
' the ridge of Yishtasp* (a mountain name). If therefore the woid 


be an adjective, meaning 'belonging to Buddha,' it ought to be 
written jjj jyu BMdnd (the last stroke being optional). My 

reading BUd dSv6 requires ))*0^^, which can also be read BUd 

dind * religion of Buddha,* but the application of the word dSnd 
to any religion, except Zoroastrianism and its sects and heresies, 
is rare, unless it be intended for their religious books or Scriptures. 
The characters in this Pahlavi legend seem to be of the sixth or 
seventh century a.d." 

In reply I informed Dr. West that my illustration had 
been taken from Layard's work, and suggested the advisa- 
bility of consulting the original seal, which was believed to 
be in Paris, that alone being a safe guide, when th6 question 
of a rendering of the legend was at issue. And I remarked 
further on the unlikelihood of an unusual attitude being 
adopted for a figure of Buddha intended to be identified as 
Buddha by the people of the day at first sight. For such a 
purpose, probably, one of the most common attitudes would 
have been chosen — either that depicting the sage as standing 
and preaching, or the seated contemplative position, legs 
crossed and hands in lap. I shall reserve other arguments 
for the present. Dr. West replied in the following very 
interesting letter, written on June 15th : 

'* Your letter of April 3rd arrived when I was away from home, 
and, since my return, I have waited till I could ask Prof. J. 
Darmesteter ... to inspect the seal with the Pahlavi inscription, 
which was formerly in the Imperial Cabinet in Paris, and now 
in the Biblioth^que Nationale. I have had to await his con- 
venience, but he has now sent me sealing-wax impressions of this 
seal and two others of analogous devices, but without inscriptions. 
As these impressions would be spoiled by the slightest pressure 
ia a hot climate, I retain them here at your disposal, merely send- 
ing you three paper impressions from each in the enclosed en- 
velope, which, though not quite so clear as those in sealing-wax, 
will be more permanent in hot weather. As M. Darmesteter's 
remarks are interesting, I quote them verbatim, as follows : 

** * Je vous envoie, ci-inclus, Tempreinte de la pierre en question. 

U est difficile, comme vous voyez, de lire autre chose que t)^ t^ 


Bufln, et inipossfcrle de lire Bnt-der. D'aiHeTirs je ne tois pas 
CirTiX^iLt an Mazdcen poamit se fiiire faire one gesune areo le 2.o:s 
d'in -f-t':. Qi.icl au passage da Baadeheah xxriiL 34, je linis 
V /i'/ntieri B^ltd^p ai lie-i de ^li^ «p. et j'y Terrain nne alliis;-!: 
a r introduction d'l calte dea idoles par B^ia*p. Le CTxIte 
d^r^ idolfc* invente, selon Hamza et Mirkhond. sous TahxcTin?^ 
d'^nt lo premier minLstre et ♦iirectear de conscience est nomne 
s.^^^ ^•^ rbns Hamza, ^^i-J XJ^ dans Firdaasi, »»f./jw A\rA 
Mn.rou«li. Bu,ddjip a fct« reconna, depuis longtemps, par 3L 
lU*inrnid comme una corruption de Bwihiiatca, Je ciois con: 
(\n(: lo possase da Bundehesh a identifie le But ft de TAvesta, 
a tort oa a raiaon, avec le but ^-^^ derive de B add ha. L'emploi 
sy''t»;matique de w^' avec j^*^*^ (= grawuMa) daas les textes 
anciens ne permet gru^re de douter qu'en effet ^^^ est^ comme 
on le croyait, la corruption de Bud'lha. Les empreintes de deux 
an t res j^emmes que je vous envoie en meme temps sont pei 
fivorables a rhypothnse du Buddha assis, et parleraient plutot en 
favour du Scarabtk'.* . . . Budin, pour en revenir a notre point 
de depart, ne pent puere etre que le nom du proprietaire ; on pent 
prononcer aussi Bodin^ ce qui en ferait un derive de haodAd; of. 
le nom de la dynastic des Boyides ^•^. Le saffixe -in ne semble 
pas inconnu dans les noms propres : cf. Barzim, etc.* 

** This last sentence does not meet my remark that the suffix 
'hi does not appear to bo added to proper names (already existing) 
to form possessive adjectives; so that it was doubtful if Budtn 
could mean * belonging to Buddha,* * Buddhistical,' which might 
bf; applied to the symbol. Of course any adjectival epithet, 
fr>rrn(d from an ordinary noun, can be taken as a proper name. 
This is a veiy probable explanation of the inscription, but it does 

not explain the symbol. The Avcsta haodhd becomes ^u h6d in 

JVihlavi, and seems to mean 'consciousness,' as it is said to be 
absent in sleep. In certain compounds, however, haodhd becomes 

4)^6y h6dnk in Pahlavi, so that JV^^ is a possible form for 

hndhin with the moaning * conscious,* * sensible,' an epithet that 
nii^lit (easily be adopted as a proper name. On a seal the name 

' Tlio tliroc wals ftlliidKl to nro enj»Tave(l perns, and are to be found in the 
nil)linthr(jur Xatioimlc in Paris. They are tijrnred in the Plate as Nos. 1319, 
i:i'J(), and l.'}21. 'i'lio lin(>s uru cut into the seals. That they must bo intendiHl 
t«i Im' iis«'<1 an wals is shown by the Pahlavi legend in No. 1321, which is rerened 
on tho Ntonc, so us to be right for reading on wax. 


of the proprietor is appropriate, but so is any word that expresses 
assent to, or correctness of, any document to which the seal is 
attached. The remarks of Hamza, etc., refer probably to some 
modem Tahmuras, whom the Arab and Persian writers have con- 
founded with the ancient Peshdadian predecessor of Yim (Jamshed). 

'* There is no doubt that the two seals without inscriptions 
very much strengthen the scarab hypothesis ; the addition of the 
rattlesnake tails (or whatever they are) is curious. Your Fig. 14 
very correctly represents the sealing-wax impression from the seal 
"No. 1321. You wiU see the extreme difficulty of deciding be- 
tween the various explanations that may be advanced as regards 
these seals. The Pahlavi characters do not differ sensibly from 
the modem Pahlavi of the MSS., and can hardly be older than 
A.D. 600, but may be a good deal later. Some time about a.d. 600, 
Khusro Parviz had possession of part of Egypt for a few years, 
when there must have been much intercourse between Persia and 
Egypt. Eut it is quite as probable that the svmbol on the seals 
may have come from the Buddhists of Afghanistan, which you 
would regard as a reflection of an Egyptian form from an Indian 

** 1 have never seen a sitting figure of Buddha with the arms 
raised above the head. . . . 

''The old idea about the triSula in its skeleton form being a 
monogram (which Cunningham mentions in J.R.A.S. Vol. XIII. 
o.s. p. 114, but which I think I have met with at an earlier date) 
has just enough plausibility about it to make it a guess worth con- 
sideration, but I do not see how it can be really proved, although 

Cunningham's details may be slightly extended. Thus, if -W- be a 

monogram, it not only contains the letters J^ t/a, | ra, ^ va, .J la, 
and ^ ma, which Cunningham identifies with the Sans, ya * air,' 
ra * fire,' va * water,' la for ild ' earth,' and ma for manasa * mind,' 
but it also contains [j. ha * sky,' * heaven,' which may stand for the 
fifth element * infinite space,' and also the whole of manasa ' mind.' 
But the whole idea is a mere guess, showing that there are more 
ways than one of imagining the origin of a thing, when we begin 
to exercise our imaginations." 

The letters of the supposed monogram are formed thus : 

y r V I h n m «or« 


Dr. "West, in a subsequent letter, writes : 

** There are also other so-called monograms which have a strong 
resemhlance to these, that require to be kept in vie^, such as the 
i^ or SiK on the Indo-Scythic coins, many of which have figures 
of Zoroastrian divinities whose names have been lately deciphered 
in their Greek inscriptions by Dr. A. Stein (see Bahyloniun and 
Oriental Record for August, pp. 155-166). On many of the early 
Sassanian coins we have the crux ansata on one side of the sacred 
fire, and the ^ or ^ on the other. The latter fig^ore makes one 
think of the mdh-riii * moon-faced,* the technical term for each of 
the two stands upon which the Parsi priests lay the bartom, or 
bundle of sacred twigs or wires, during their ceremonies. The 
twigs lie in the crescent tops of two somewhat similar stands placed 
a little way apart, but the stands are usually tripods. In the later 
coins this Y degenerates into U and ^^ the plcdn crescent like 
that of the Turks ; and the crtix ansata is replaced by a star. The 
Parsi Eivayats, or books of traditional religious memoranda, also 

give a figure like a star for a khurshid-rHi (* sun-faced ') 

It is very possible that the star (sun?) and crescent of the Sassanian 
coins have some connection with the star and crescent of the Paris 
seal. . . .'* 

Several arguments may be used against the theory that 
the Buddhist triiula is a monogram formed of a number of 
the letters used in old Pali, one of the strongest of which 
is that the symbol, or something exceedingly like it, was in 
general use, as I have shown in my former article, in Western 
Asia and Eastern Europe, and that, so far as is yet known, 
the ancient Indian alphabet of Asoka was confined to India. 
It can hardly be imagined that a symbol in use in Phoenicia 
would have been derived from a combination of letters in an 
obscure Indian alphabet. It might, indeed, be argued, tke 
versdy that the Indian alphabet was an ingenious combination 
of strokes and curves derived from the form of the sacred 
symbol in common use ; for if the form ^ be examined, 
and pulled to pieces, hardly a letter of that alphabet can be 
pointed to that is not contained therein. 

It will be noticed that Professor Darmesteter and Dr. 
West have set aside, at least for the present, the theory that 
either the figure on the gem or the legend to the side of it 


have anything to do with Buddha, while the discovery of the 
two new gems with similar figures, hitherto unpublished, 
does much to strengthen the scarab hypothesis. It does so 
for the reason that the members opposite to those enclosing 
the circle or ball have additions to them, wanting in the seal 
with the legend. I venture to submit for consideration the 
following explanation of the ^^ rattlesnake tails," as they are 
called by Dr. West. The usual figure of the scarab, as de- 
picted in Egyptian hieroglyphs (J.R.A.S. Vol. XVIII. p. 
398, Fig. 11), shows on the upper pair of legs certain side 
marks, intended doubtless to represent the claws on the legs. 
The ball of dung rolled up by the animal should be between 
the hind legs if anywhere, i.e. the lower limbs in the sculp- 
tures. In engraved examples from Phoenicia and Cyprus, 
for some reason, the ball is depicted as between the upper 
pair of legs {id. Figs. 12, 13), and it is so in the seal at present 
under discussion (id. p. 399, Fig. 14). Hence the lower 
limbs here take the place of the upper limbs in the hiero- 
glyphic scarab, i.e. the limbs that bear at the sides the 
imitation of claws. It appears to me, therefore, that the 
" rattlesnakes' tails " on the ends of the lower members in 
the two new Paris seals may be nothing more nor less than 
survivals of the claw-marks on the upper limbs of the scarab 
of Egyptian monuments, though these limbs in the seals are 
grotesquely twisted upwards in a manner quite inconsistent 
with the original design. This inconsistency is not, I 
venture to think, fatal to the theory, since symbols are con- 
stantly found altered and conventionalized in unforeseen and 
curious ways. 

If an analogy to these claw-marks is wanted, the fingers 
of the hands of the seated and standing sovereigns on Ceylon 
and Chola coins, as depicted in debased coinage, may be 
cited in comparison. I annex examples taken from illustra- 
tions appended to Mr. Rhys Davids's '' Ancient Coins and 
Measures of Ceylon." 

The representation of fingers in these coins is not much 
less grotesque than those of the claw-marks on the Paris seals. 



Art. XII. — The Metallic Cowries of Ancient China (600 B.C.). 
By Prof. Terrien de Laooupebie, Ph. & Litt.D. 


I. 1. Curious coins variously named in Chinese niimimiatic coIlectiiHtt. 

2. Great taste for numismatics in China. 

3. Lack of criticism and knowledge. 

4. Effects of this ignorance even in Europe. 
II. 5. The Ants' nose money ! 

6. It is their oldest name in numismatics. 

7. Native explanation that they were buried with their dead. 

8. Sham implements used to be buried. 

9. The Ghosts* head money ! 

10. They were really cowries made of metaL 

1 1 . Places where they were found. 

III. 12. Figures, description and legends. 

13. Wrong hypothesis of their haying been issued by the great To. 

14. Issued really in B.C. 613-690 in Ts'u. 

15. Circumstances of their issue. 

16. Eeason why there are so few data about them. 

17. Geographical and historical proofs. 

IV. 18. They were a combination of cowries and metallic money. 

19. Great extension and age of this currency. 

20. Reason why these pieces were issued in Ts'o, a non-Chinese land. 


1. Several of the collections of coins made in their own 
country by intelligent and enthusiastic Chinese Numis- 
matists contain specimens of a curiously-shaped scarab-like 
copper currency. They are variously called Y^pi tsien or 
* Ant's nose metallic currency;' Kuei-tou or 'Ghosts' heads,' 
and finally Ho-pei tsien or * Cowries Metallic currency/ The 
first two of these names, quaint and queer as they are, do 
not in the least suggest what the things so designated were 
intended to be. But when we consider that such denomi- 
nations were applied by numismatists^ who were unaware of 


the circumstances which had led to the issue of this peculiar 
currency^ we caonot be astonished that the uncritical Chinese 
scholars of former ages, being at their wit's end, should have 
adopted a sensational appellative to arouse the mind of their 
readers to the peculiarity of the case. 

2. The taste for numismatics is old in China, though for 
want of opportunity, not so old as the love of antiquities. 
Collections of ancient objects and souvenirs among the rich 
families (not to mention those in the royal museum and 
library) were already in fashion at the time of Confucius. 
But metallic currency was then hardly in existence, and 
could not at that time therefore afford a field for the 
antiquarian taste for collecting ancient specimens. 

It was a common habit among Chinese collectors to com- 
pile and publish catalogues of their collections ; and this 
habit having been continued down to the present day, we 
are enabled to understand how the Chinese are in possession 
of nearly five score of numismatical works.^ Many more 
were not preserved to modern times, and have left no traces 
of their existence. The oldest of those mentioned in the 
later books, but which have perished in the meantime, would 
be nearly fourteen centuries old.^ 

3. The knowledge of historical minor events, and of 
palaeography, combined with a spirit of criticism, which is 
required for numismatics, has almost always been defective 
among the Chinese collectors of ancient specimens of cur- 
rency. Two or three recent works excepted, their numis- 
matical books are indeed of a low standard. The natural 
tendency to imitation which has caused so large a part of 
their literature to be mere patchwork and mosaic, was ne- 
cessarily fatal to the progress of that part of knowledge. 

^ A list of them is giren in the introdnction to my Historical Catalogs of 
Chinese Money, from the collections of the British Museum and other sources (4to. 
numerously illustrated), toI. i. 

* The ^ |§ Tsien Fu, by ^ 1§, ^^ Jtien, who lired during the Liang 
dynasty (ad. 602-667), often quotes in the description of curious and rare speci- 
mens an older work, the 0| ^ Ttien tehe^ by jf|] J^ Liu-she, a work now 

lost and of unknown date. Yid. ^ ^ K Xt Tso-hien, 1^ ^ ^^u ttiuen 
hveif E. iii. f . 1. 


Any statement acquires in that conservatiTe comitTT an- 
thority and respect in proportion to its age, howeTer h\se 
or fanciful the basis on which it rests. And this character- 
istic was coupled with the tendency to attribate to the great 
men of antiquity any valoable deed or improTement of later 
times. The result was a falsification of the sound notions 
which otherwise could have been obtained from an unbiassed 
inquiry made by the collectors themselTes, had they' taken 
that trouble. 

4. And as they did not do so, they give ns figures of 
genuine specimens of money once carrent as that of the 
primitive times. The much-respected names of Fnh-hi and 
Iluang-ti of the fabulous period, as well as those of Kao- 
yang and Tao belonging to the dawn of Chinese history, are 
indicated by them as having issued specimens of corrency, 
which a better knowledge now proves to date only from the 
fifth, fourth, and third centuries B.C. These erroneous 
statements have both crept into Western literature and 
scientific books, of course with misleading results. For 
instance, a well-known German naturalist and traveller gives 
as a proof of an antiquity of twenty-two centuries B.C. for 
strata of the loess,^ the finding of the copper knife-money 
of Yao at Ping-yang fu.^ Now it turns out on investigation 
that there is no knife-money from that place, and that the 
pu-money found there, and formerly attributed to Tao's 
time, was issued, as a matter of fact, as late as the middle 
of the third century before the Christian era. It is obvious 
from this, that, so far as numismatic chronology, and the 
inferences derived from it, go, the loess theory of the German 
scholar must be amended. 


5. The Y'pi tsien are mentioned by several works on 
numismatics without any other indication than their name. 

^ F. V. Richthofen, in his Chiua^ Tol. i. p. 160. 

^ Their attrihution to Yao rests on this simple-minded Chinese reasonine, that 
aK rin^r-vang was the capital of Yao, all the antiquities foimd there are remnanti 

of his time. 


So, for instance, in the great catalogue of the Antiquarian 
Museum of the Emperor Kien-lung, published in 1751 
(forty-two vols, in folio ^). The complete ignorance as to 
their authenticity is shown by the fact that the author of 
a small treatise on the current money of foreign countries, 
Wat Kwoh Taien Wen, has reproduced a figure of the T-pi 
taien, without any indication or reference as to their origin. 
The mere fact of his including them in his work shows 
that he thought himself justified in considering them 

It is needless to dwell further on the ignorance of those 
of the native numismatists, who know nothing about the 
real nature of these coins, and indulge in the wildest specu- 
lations about them. It will be sufficient to indicate only 
their most important suggestions, and then to give the 
probable solution of this little problem. 

6. As to the various names these monies bear, we may 
remark that 'Ant's nose current money,* or T-pi tsien 
(3 9 jH > is the oldest known. We find it quoted as the 
common appellation by Hung Tsun in the twelfth century 
A.D., the most important of the ancient numismatists. Besides 
the name, he does not give any other information, except a 
short description of the specimens. 

7. An explanation of this quaint name has been put 
forward by the learned author of the Ku kin so kien luh, 
another numismatical work of some importance. He says 
that in ancient times people used to bury with the dead, and 
in the coffin, some tchin-y ^ ij^, i.e. valuable ants,^ meaning 
by that, metallic figures of ants, and hence these little 
scarab-shaped objects dug out of the ground received their 
queer appellation. The suggestion of the learned author 
receives some sort of confirmation, so far as the custom of 
burying objects is concerned. 

^ Vid. the reprint of the nnniismatical part. Kin ting tsien iuh, K. zr. f. liv, 
' This statement has perhaps some relation to the following § 23, bk. ii. sec. i. 
pt. ii. of the Li-ki^ Sacred Bookt of the Boat, vol. xxvii. p. 140 : **At the mourn- 
ing of Tze-chang Kung-mine, I made the ornaments of commemoration. There 
was a tent-like pall, made ofplain silk of a carnation colour, with clutiere of ante 
at the four comers, (as if he nad been) an officer of Yin.*' 


8. Yet we hear more about sham implements or objects than 
of anything of intrinsic value. For instance, an interesting 
statement is attributed to Confucius, in the Book of Itites, that 
'' in the time of the Hia, the earliest dynasty, they did not sacri- 
fice to the dead, but simply made for them incomplete imple- 
ments of bamboo, earthenware without polish, barps unstrung, 
organs untuned, and bells unhung, which they called * Bright 
implements,' implying that the dead are spirits (ahen) and 
bright." ^ So much for the supposed Confucian statement. On 
the other hand, the use of images as charms is still carrent in 
modern times. To images or drawings of tigers, lizards, 
snakes, centipedes, etc. — the list is almost inexhaustible— is 
ascribed the virtue of attracting to themselves the diseases 
which would otherwise attack the inmates of the house.' 

We cannot say that this justification of the popular appel- 
lative of the Ant's nose currency is satisfactory, and we 
should not be surprised if our readers pronounced the whole 
business unseemly. However, in Chinese matters of popular 
feelings and notions, hjrpercritics would never have any rest.' 

9. Another name — and a more popular one — of the same 
scarab-shaped specimens of ancient currency was JSiwei-iou* 
i.e. ' Ghost's head ' or Ktcei-lieny i.e. ' Ghost's face/ * Ifo 
reason is given by the native scholars for such a soubriquet, 
and therefore we are at liberty to suggest that it may have 
arisen from the fact that some of them were found in graves. 

10. It is only with the third name, Ho-pei Uien^^ or cowries 
metallic-currency, which we find in a recent work, the Ho pu 

^ Li'ki^ Than Kung^ sect. i. pt. iii. § 3, Sacred Bookt of the Eaet^ toI. ixrii. p. 
148. This passage is not to bo found in the Liki as published and translated bj 
J. M. Callery, Li-ki ou Memorial dee ritte traduit. . . . Turin, 1853, 4to. The 
t«xt is the abridgment made by Fan, a renowned Chinese scholar. Sham objects, 
like carriages oi clay and human figures of straw (substitute of living people), 
were not always that which was put in tombs. For instance, the following case 
(Li-ki^ Than Aung, sect. i. pt. iii. § 19) : "At the burial of his wife, Duke Siani 

the stone period. Cf. below, {§ 11, 17. 

* j^ IS* name given to them in tiie Topography ofKu'eht hien ^ j|g ■£ ^^ 
where many were found. 

'9t It- 



weu'tze kao,^ published in 1833, that we reach the real ex- 
planation of their peculiar shape and of the purpose of their 
issue as substitutes for the ancient currency of cowries. 

11. A numismatist of the twelfth century ^ reports ' that 
many specimens were found in the sand and pebbles of 
Sit^ze,* a village of the Ku-sh^ district, in the prefecture of 
Kuang-tchou, in the S.E. of the province of Honan. In the 
last century enormous quantities were discovered,^ during 
excavations on the banks of the Wah ® river, in the prefec- 
ture of Kiang-ning (commonly Nanking), in the province of 


12. The pieces of this curious money are of copper; 
their sizes are about 75 mm. to one centimetre in width 
and two in length, and their shape that of an oval, convex 
at the obverse and flat at the reverse.^ They were generally 

' fi ^ % ^ ^ I ^1^- i^- ^ol- 16-18. 

'3C « 2C |||Tchn.fungkm.ymhi8-i5r # ^ P3 81 SI ^« *»''• 
tai wen tuh luh. They were described by ^ ^ Eunff tsun in lus j^ ^ 
Tsiuen teh$ pnbliflhed in 1149. 

' Quoting the @ ^ j|g^ }^ Ku-thi him tehe, or * Topography of the 
Eu-sh^ district.' 

^ ^ jgL M ^ Eu.8h6 hien. The btter is sitaated by lat. 32° 18' and long. 
115° 37\ according to G. Playfair, The CitUt and Towns of China, No. 3632. 

^ According to the Kih kin so kitn Itth "^ ^ J^ ^ ^inlS books ; 
ITo pu wen tze kao, bk. !▼. f. 17f^. 

"^ Besides the Kit tsiuen huei, tcheng iii. f. 15, the ffo pu wen-ize kao, bk. iv. 
ff. 16-18, already quoted, cf. also the 0| ^ g Tsien sheh t*u, bk. xxiv. f. 
2, in the Tehun tsao iang Uih collection, 1842 i the j^ jjl Tsiuin she, 1834, 
bk. i. £. 19. 

TOL. XX. — [nBW 8KBIB8.] 30 


pierced with a small round hole at the one end rather 
narrower than the other, as if to be Strang in sets, in the 
usual fashion of Chinese money.^ On the obverse they bear 
stamped on the surface an inscription showing their value. 
There are two kinds of inscription, according to size : 

^) # >^ ^ -^^^ ^^^ ^^^^* ' ^^^ ^^ tchus/ written in an 
abridged form of the ancient characters of the time. This 
for the smaller ones. The larger ones bear : 

2) ifs ^ Pan Hang ' half ounce/ therefore worth twelve 
tchus, or the double of the smaller ones. The two symbols 
are written as in the other case, in an abridged and peculiar 
form ; but their reading, as well as that of the other legend, 
is not open to doubt. 

13. The shape and size of these pieces justify plainly the 
appellative of ^Metallic Cowries-money' given to them. 
But where, when, and on what occasion were they issued P 

An ingenious Chinese writer, Wu Tchang-king, has said 
that they were issued by the Great Yii, while he was 
engaged in his engineering works to quell the great inonda- 
tions caused by the overflowing of several rivers. The 
suggestion has been eagerly adopted by the author of the 
Tsien sheh fu (1842), who ought to have known better than 
to accept such a preposterous hypothesis. The fact that 
some of the finds of metallic cowries took place in the Wah 
river is the sole possible excuse for this wild theory, which 
has not a particle of evidence in its favour. The Oreat Yii's 
(2000 B.C.) dominion did not embrace that part of China 

' Tlie ^ ^ P in JTm ting UUn luh (1787), bk. xr. f. lir, rimplj 
refers to tbe description in the Tsiuen tehe by Hung ($uh. This work, which ii 
not good, is a reprint of the nnmismntical part of the great Catalogue of the 
Museum of the Emperor Kien lung, Kin tingsze tting ku kian, in 42 voli. gr. foL 
published in 1751. The illustrations of the Kin ting ttien luh are imaginuj and 
very bad, as they were not made from rubbings of the coins, bat simply from the 
descriptions. In the |§{ j^ ^ j|S Ttien tehe »in pien^ by Tchang Ts^ung-yi 
published in 1826, bk. xx. f. 7, the description of the F-pi uitn only iagiTcii, 
accompanied with four illustrations An abridn^ translation of this work, which 
is rather uncritical and inexact, has been published under the title of CkiMm 
Coinage^ by Mr. C. B. Hillier, in the Tramactumt of the China Branch of tha JUpal 
Asiatic Society, part ii. 1848-60 (Hong Kong, 1862), pp. 1-162, with 329 wood- 
cuts similar to those of the original. See p. 166. Dr. S. W. Bushell saya that 
it is one of the smaller and less trustworthy works, cf. hia article CAumm 
Authors on Numismatics, pp. 62-64 of The Chimse Recorder and 
Journal, vol. ir. Foochow, August, 1871. 


where these curious pieces of money have been found. He 
did start an expedition across the modern Anhui province, 
towards the mouths of the Yang-tze Kiang, against some 
aboriginal and independent populations, but he never was 
able to come back, and his host was annihilated there. ^ 
So that there is no possibility of his having established there 
a regular metallic currency — and that at a time, too, when 
none existed in his own dominion, and was not to exist, 
even as far as regulation goes, for nearly a thousand years. 
It was only about 1032 B.C. that rules were enacted, fixing 
that copper for currency should be weighed by tchus ; and 
therefore the metallic cowries, which bear their weight 
inscribed in tchus^ cannot have been issued till after, and, as 
we shall see, long after, the latter date. 

The opinion of Wu Tchang-king, shared by the author 
of the Tsien sheh t*u, was not in accordance with popular 
tradition, but it is a good instance of the complete lack of 
criticism which, with two or three exceptions, is so con- 
spicuous in the works of native numismatists. 

14. It is in the Siao Erh ya that we find expressed what 
the common opinion was.^ This work has the merit of being 
a very ancient one ; it is a dictionary similar to the Erh ya, 
and compiled by K'ung fu,^ a descendant of Confucius, 
known also under the name of K'ung ts'ung.tze, who died 
about 210 B.C. The author alludes to a practice of putting 
some such pieces of money into tombs, and records that they 
were issued by Sun shuh-ngao.^ The latter was prime 
minister to Tchwang, King of Tsu, between the years 613 
and 590 B.C., and his name is connected with the monetary 

1 The nnsnccessful issue of his expedition (reported in a few words only in the 
Tehuh shu ki nien or Annals of the Bamboo Books, part iii. 1, and Sze-ma Tsien 
She ki, bk. ii. f. 14), was so complete that the body of Yii conld not be brouu:ht 
back, and a century and a half elapsed before the possibility for a descendant of 
Tii to penetrate in disguise into the country, in oraer to pay the required honour 
to the tomb of the great engineer (Shs ki, bk. 41, f. 1). 

' i]> ^ iJH, quoted in the Ttien theh Vu, bk. xxir. f. 2z. 
^ gU also ^ m^ ^ . His work was commented upon by Li kuy, of 
the Han dynasty. It is noticed in Dr. £. Bretschneider's bibliography, Botamcum 
Sinicum, No. 784. And a short biography of him is found in W. F. Mayers* 
Chinese Headers* Manual, yol. i. p. 322. 

^ ^ & Wi* ^^ biography was written by Sze-ma Tsien, She ki, bk. czix. 


history of the country by his objection to a whim of hie 
ruler, who wanted to assimilate to one and the same value all 
pieces of money small and large. ^ 

15. We have no regular records of the ancient history of 
Chinese money, and we are therefore compelled to build it 
up from scraps of information scattered in the literature and 
from the evidence derived from the monetary specimens 
themselves. In the present case there are no geographical 
names on the pieces, and the indications of weight are our 
sole information. These, of course, show that their issue 
was subsequent to the regulations as to the weights of 
metallic currency, enacted for the first time in 1032 B.c.y and 
in a more precise and definite manner daring the years 
681-643 B.C. This was the time when Hwan kung, Prince 
of Ts'i, became leader of the princes,^ under the nominal 
suzerainty of the King of Tchou, whose former authority 
had come to be a mere shadow. The time of Sun shuh-ngao 
and his ruler Prince of Ts'u, is sufficiently posterior to the 
rule of Hwan kung for the historical probabilities to be in 
accord with the above reported tradition, which attributes 
the issue to their government. The tradition, as we have 
seen, is very old, as we noticed it in existence in the third 
century B.C., three hundred years therefore after the event. 

^ The story is told at len^h in his biography, 0,C. ft, 1-2; it hai been 
reproduced in a shortened form by Ma Twanhn, in his W$n hien Vmng ifc*a«, 
and inexactly reported by him. The king wanted to make the money light 

yX £ JU >^ ^ i^ ^ ^^^ ^^^ Twanlin has erroneously subetitnted ^ 
tchung 'heavy' for the character j^ king Might,' therefore implying the rererse 
of the Kin{r's intention. Beside8, the passage appears in Dr. W. YisBering't 
Chinese Ctmeney^ p. 23, who has blindly followed Ala Twanlin, as relating to a 
King of the TsMn principality in the third century B.C., while it referred to a King 
of Ts'n 3o0 y(>nrs previously. As a rule the monetary and the geographic^ 
sections in Ma Twanlin are very defective. 

^ In 771 the King of the Tchou d}iiasty, then ruling over the whole of the 
Chinese dominion, had been killed by the non-Chinese and independent Jung 
tribes (cf. The Languages of China before the Chineu, 6 206). Hit successor 
removed the capital from Tchaug-ngan ^mod. Singanfu m Shensi) to Loh (near 
Uonaufu, Honan), but the power of the a}'na6ty never recovered its former great- 
ness and prestige. The various rulers of tne principalities over which the 
su/.erainty of the Tchou had hitherto been effective, made themielvea more and 
more indtpendent; but it happened that by fe droit dupiusfort, the moat power- 
ful of these principalities assumed the leadership ^ pa for the time being. The 
princes of Ts*i, Sung, Tsin, Ts*in, and Ts'u were successively leaders of the princes 
oetwoen the years n.c. 681 and 591 ; and these years are sometimee oalled the 
period of the iivepa. 


16. And if we are not able to put forth any other state- 
ment, we must not forget that the border states and separate 
principalities of the Chinese agglomeration before the Han 
period have left no minute records, and scarcely any at all. 
Besides this, some old works in which information might 
have been found have most probably disappeared, as no less 
than five great bibliothecal catastrophes between the years 
213 B.C. and 501 a.d. have reduced the earlier literature of 
China to a mere wreck. 

17. Another argument of considerable value is that the 
great finds of the ho-pei tsien took place within the territorial 
limits of the state of Ts'u, and not elsewhere. The district 
of Ku'Hh^y above quoted, was formerly the independent small 
principality of Liao^ which was conquered and absorbed by 
the state of Tsu in B.C. 622.* The region of the Wah river, 
where the other finds were made, did not belong to the state 
of Ts'u at the time of Sun shuh-ngao, but it became so later 
on, and the currency of the conqueror must have followed 
the extension of his dominion. There is nothing to show 
that the issue of the ho-pei (sien was limited to the time of 
the ruler who had first issued them, and their great con- 
venience must have maintained the existence of so convenient 
a medium of exchange until they were ousted by the uniform 
metallic currency established by the Han dynasty.' The 
aforesaid region was included in the state of Wu, which was 
frequently at war with that of Ts'u; the latter had even 
directed in 548 B.C. a naval attack (by the Yangtze Eiang) 
on the Wu state, which however succumbed under the 
attacks of its southern neighbour, the principality of Yueh, 
in 472 B.C. ; * but conquered and conqueror were finally 
absorbed by the great state of Ts'u in 334 b.c.^ 

1 G. Playfair, The Cities and Towne of China, No. 3632. 

2 ^ Cf. Tso tchuen, Duke Wen, year yI. § 6. 

^ Some sort of reorganization of the taxes, etc., took place in the state of Ts^a 
in 547 B.c Cf. Teo tehuen, Duke Siang, year xxt. 9; in J. Legge, Chinese 
ClaaeieSy vol. v. p. 617. 

* Tso tchuetij Duke Siang, year xxiv. 3. 

^ Sze-ma Tsien, She ki, Tsu she kia, hk. 40. Cf. Terrien de Lacouperie, The 
Languages of China before the Chinese^ \ 192. 



18. The causes which brought the metallic cowries into 
use need no great penetration to be understood. Their 
curious shape was an attempt at combining the time-honoured 
appearance of the currency with the metallic^ the material 
advantage of which had been made obvious by the metal 
coinage in use in the neighbouring Chinese states towards 
the north. 

19. Cowrie-shells as a medium of exchange in the Far 
East were known before historical times. They were em- 
ployed in that way by some of the Pre-Chinese populations 
of the Flowery Land, as early as the time of the entrance 
of the Chinese into the country by the N.W., ue, in the 
twenty-third century before the Christian era. And it is in 
Chinese literature that we find the most ancient allusions to 
them/ but we do not know how such a curious custom began. 
It is only by inferring their having been used as ornaments 
on headdresses and on embroidered cloth, that we may 
suppose that this is the reason why they came to be valued, 
and asked for. Their use extended later on from Australasia 
and Southern China to India,^ to Tibet and to Africa. The 
Chinese, which means for many centuries a small portion 
only of the present China proper, regulated their circulation 
as well as that of the tortoise, and other shells. The intro* 
duction of metallic currency caused the circulation of cowries 
to disappear gradually in the Chinese states. And history 
has preserved us the date of 338 B.C. as that of the final 
interdiction of the cowrie-currency (under the rule of the 
Prince of Ts'in in N.W. China) because of the irregular 

^ Some more information has been given in my notice on Chinese and Jftpanese 
money, pp. 190-197-235 of Coins and Medals, their Flaee in Hittory mnd Art 
bv the authors of the British Museum Official Catalo^e (London, Elliot Stock! 

' They were not known in N. India in ancient times, at least they aie not 
mentioned in the Code of Manu, nor in that of Y&jnavalkya (about the ChristiaB 
era). Cf. Edward Thomas, Ancient Indian Weights {Marsden^s ITumummtm 
(h'ietiialia, new edit, part i.), p. 20. When the Muhammadam conqiwKd 
Bengal early in the thirteenth century, they found the ordinary cnmncv 
composed exclusiTely of cowries. Cf. the references in Colonel H. YuW^'s 
Gioasaryy p. 209. 


and insufficient supply of these and other shells.^ For cen- 
turies their circulation had been contemporaneous with that 
of the metallic money in the various Chinese States, and it 
lasted not a few centuries afterwards in some out-of-the-way 
corners, as, for instance, it is still doing in Bdstar (N. India),^ 
and some parts of Indo-China. 

20. The State of Ts'u, where the issue of the metallic 
cowries took place, was a non-Chinese one; while in the 
north it was conterminous, north of the Yang-tze Kiang, 
with the Chinese dominion, and was gradually falling more 
and more under the influence of Chinese civilization. In 
the east and south it was in relationship with independent 
populations belonging to the Indo- Pacific races. Among 
them the cowries formed the chief currency, with so much 
more facility that the supply was at hand, as it was derived 
chiefly from the Pescadores Islands,^ between Formosa Sea 
and the mainland. 

* Sin Wang Mang, usurper (a.d. 9-22), at the end of the First Han dynasty, 
endeaToured, without success, to reyive the circulation of cowries and shells. Cf . 
his enactments in my Bistorieal Catalogue of Chinese Money ^ vol. !• PP' 381-383. 

» Dr. W. W. Hunter, Imperial Gazetteer of India. Col. H. Yule. A. C. 
Bumell, Glossary of Anglo-Indian Words, pp. 208-209. 

' Some also were found formerly on the shores of the Shantung peninsula. Cf . 
A. FauTel, Trip of a Naturalist to the Chinese Far East^ in China Review^ 1876, 
vol. iv. p. 353. At the International Fisheries Exhihition, London, 1883, the 
Pescadores and Lamhay Island sent 44 species of cowries. Cf. Chinese Catalogue^ 
pp. 29, 63-65. They are found in ahundance on the shores of the Laccadiyes and 
Maldiye Islands, African coast of Zanzibar, etc., the Sulu islands, etc. Cf. £d. 
Balfour, The Mneyolopedia of India, 8.T. 

Unitebsitt Collbgb, London, May^ 1888. 



KalidXsa in Cetlox. 

British Museum, London, 

2Srd May, 1888. 

Sir, — ^Referring to your note in onr January issae on 
Ealidasa, I wish to call attention to two recent pablications, 
copies of which I have before me> both clearly founded on 
the same curious legend. 

(1) The Historical Tragedy entitled Ealidas by Simon 
De Silva Seneviratna, Muhandrum, [Sinhalese title:]] Kalidas 
nritya pota (pp. 22, F. Cooray, Colombo, 1887, 8vo.). 

(2) Xalidas Oharitaya, Hevat Ealidasa kavinduge ha 
Xumaradasa nirinduge da jTvita-kavya (pp. 17, ^'Lakmini- 
pahana" Press, Colombo, 1887, 8vo.). 

This last is a poem in 255 stanzas by an author bearing a 
name worth giving in fall, if only to draw attention to the 
curious mixture of Western and Eastern elements prevailing 
in Ceylon, Hettiyakandage Joseph Andrew Fernando [J5{ap 
Endri Pranandul. 

It will be of some service if readers of this Journal resident 
in Ceylon can institute inquiries from the authors of these 
works as to the exact historical or legendary material (MS. 
or printed) used by these authors in preparing their respec- 
tive works. 

Yours truly, 

Cecil Bbndall. 

Tht Secretary of ths Royal Asiatic Society. 



(March, April, May.) 

I. Reports of Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

16th April, 1888.— Sir Thomas Wade, K.C.B., in the 

There were elected as Resident Members the Rev. Richard 
Morris, M.A., LL.D., and Col. Sir William Davies, K.C.S.I. 

Mr. J. F. Hewitt, late Commissioner of Chota Nagpur, 
read the paper which appears in full in this Number, on the 
Early History of Northern India. 

4:th June, 1888. — Anniversary Meeting. 

Sir Thomas Wade, K.C.B., President, in the Chair. 

The President had first to express his regret at the loss 
of two valuable Orientalists, Professor Fleischer, the dis- 
tinguished Professor of Arabic at Leipzig ; and Bhagvan Lai 
Indraji, the famous native Indian scholar and archaeologist. 
He had, on the other paft, to congratulate the Society 
upon the great addition it had received to its strength in 
the past twelve months. The Secretary would read to the 
Meeting a short memorandum showing the changes in its 
condition during several years, from which it would appear 
that the number of its members had never been so large 
as at the present moment. This increase of course was the 
more gratifying as advantaging the finances of the Society, 
whose position in this respect had been further benefited 
by revision of the arrangements affecting the printing and 
publication of the Society's Journal. The thanks of the 
Society were specially due to the Secretary, whose conver- 


sance with details of the kind had enabled him to effect a 
large saving in the expenditure under the head of printing, 
and a considerable gain under the head of adYertisements. 
As regarded the progress of the Society tow^ards attainment 
of the great object of its institution, the investigation and 
encouragement of Oriental Art, Science, and Literature^ the 
President had no option but to repeat the observation whidi, 
within his hearing, had fallen from both of his distinguished 
predecessors, Sir William Muir and Colonel Yule, namely, 
that the achievements of the Society fall far short of what 
should be expected of it, regard being had to what is done 
by the Orientalists of other nationalities, and to the hct 
that, politically and commercially, England is more interested 
in the East than any of her competitors in Orientalism. A 
step towards improvement had been made in a proposition 
which the Council had had under consideration, the pro- 
position to appoint two or more Committees which should 
respectively interest themselves in history, literature, etc, as 
Aryan or non- Aryan. The Council had further been con- 
sidering the possibility of reviving the Translation Fund, a 
branch or affiliat'ed department, by which in earlier days 
there were published, under the general superintendence of 
the Society, both Oriental texts and translations. The 
formulation of this scheme was also due to the Secretary, to 
whose activity and industry the Council could not exaggerate 
its obligations. 

Lastly, the Council had been engaged in preparing a 
revised edition of the Bules and Regulations of the Society, 
which was now laid upon the table. The principal changes 
were four. In the first place it was considered advisable to 
place the election of new members in the hands of the 
Council, as is the case with most other Societiesi and secondly 
it is proposed to create a new class of members to be called 
Extraordinary Members, and to be chosen from such of the 
Oriental diplomatists accredited to the English Oovemmentas 
would be likely to take an enlightened interest in the work 
of the Society. In the third place it was desirable, for the 
reason set out in the report, to raise the subsoriptiona of 


non-resident members (who receive the Journal post free) to 
a sum sufficient to pay for the production and postage of the 
Journal. And lastly to modify the rule under which at 
present those members living in England, but too far from 
London to take advantage of the library and of the meetings 
of the Society, were required to pay a higher subscription on 
the ground that these advantages were open to them. The 
proposed new draft embodying these improvements had been 
very carefully considered by a Special Committee appointed 
for the purpose, and he trusted it would meet with the 
approval of the Society. 

The report of the Council, which was taken as read, was 
as follows : 

Report of the Council. 

The Council of the Royal Asiatic Society have to report 
that since the last Anniversary Meeting the Society has lost 
by death or retirement eight Resident and twelve non- 
Resident Members, and has admitted as new Members four- 
teen Resident and twenty non-Resident, showing a total 
increase in the membership of the Society of fourteen. 
Including the thirty Honorary Members, the number on the 
list is now 411. 

In connection with this, it should be pointed out that the 
Society is now in a better condition, both as to membership 
and as to income from subscriptions, than it has been at any 
other time during the last half century. This will be 
apparent from the following table, extending over the years 
1834-87. It was not possible to include in the return any 
earlier years, as the balance-sheets and accounts of the 
Society previous to 1834 can no longer be found. It will be 
noticed that for the thirty years 1834-64, the membership 
and income were almost constant (not to say stagnant), and 
that there then ensued a period of decline, till, in 1876, the 
Society had reached its lowest ebb. In that year Mr. Yaux 
became the Society's Secretary, and an improvement at once 
set in, and has gone on almost uninterruptedly till the last 
year, 1887, which shows better figures than any of those 



which precede it in the table. The Council feel themaelTei 
fully justified in expressing their belief that this improYe- 
ment will be at least fully maintained in the future. 

Statistics of Membership and Subscriptions, 1834 — 1887. 


in £ sterling. 

No. of 

paying Memben. 

Average of the 10 years. 




































1874, 1875, and 1876 














The year 1887 
[16th July, 1888] 








• • • 

• • • 





There follows the abstract of the receipts and expenditure 
for the year. There is a slight increase from subscriptions, 
and in that from the sale of the Journal to non-members ; 
and an increase also in the expenditure for printing and for 
repairs. The latter item represents the repainting, etc., of 
the Society's rooms, and the former represents the great 
increase of work done by committees, with the hope of 
improving the position of the Society. As the payment for 
the printing of Part lY. of the Journal does not appear in 
the account, about £80 must be added to the total expendi- 
ture to give a complete view of the Society's financial 
position. When that is done, it will be seen that the receipts 
exceeded the expenditure by about £150, of which £100 was 
added to the reserve fund invested in Consols. 

The Council arc glad to report that it has been found 
possible to continue the issue of the Journal in four quarterly 
parts, and they hope that this most important new departure 
may be now looked upon as having become an established 
and permanent custom. The stock of printed copies of cor 
Rules having become exhausted, the Council, before reprint- 

^ This table is basod on the fuller table (giving the results for each year) now 
exhibited in the Library of the Society. 


ing, have reyised the existing rules, and beg to recommend 
the revised set of rules for adoption by the Society. The 
principal change is in the amount of the non-resident sub- 
scriptions ; and the reasons which have led the Council to 
propose this change are set out in the enclosed circular letter 
to non-Resident Members. As only one of the 231 non- 
Resident Members has disapproved of the change, the Society 
will be able to judge whether it meets or not with their 

Royal Asiatic Societt. 

22, Albemarle Street, London, W. 

Sir, — The Council of the Royal Asiatic Society beg to 
invite your attention to the following facts. 

For many years the Journal of the Society was issued at 
irregular intervals, and in parts of varying size. Thus for 
ten years (1824 to 1833) there were published three volumes 
of "Transactions." For the following four years yearly 
volumes of the " Journal " were issued, but only three 
volumes appeared in the subsequent six years, and at last 
the issue declined to only one volume for the three years, 
1844-46. The next six years are represented by six volumes 
of about 400 pages each, and then there was only one 
volume again for the three years, 1851-55, and one for the 
four years, 1857-60. After that the members received one 
volume each year. But this only continued for three years ; 
the twelve years, 1864 to 1875, being represented by seven 
volumes only. From that date each year has had its own 
volume, in increasing size and divided into a gradually in- 
creasing number of issues in the year, until there has now 
been firmly established the custom of issuing punctually to 
date a quarterly illmtrated journal containing, not only 
original articles, but very full news of all that is being done 
throughout the world in the subjects in which the members 
of our Society are interested. 

The Council have every reason to believe that their action 
in this respect has met with the approval of the Society. 
They have been glad to notice a steady increase in the number 


of non-rcsidcnt members, and they desire still furthc 
improve the Journal, and to add, in other ways, to 
advantaores the Society is able to offer to their membei 
the East. But the experience they have now gained 
proved to them that this cannot be done at the present 
of subscription. Last year's " Journal," for instance, o 
good deal more to produce — and that without reckoi 
postage, which, in the case of members residing in the 
is especially heavy — than the guinea which the non-resi 
members paid. 

The non-resident members used to pay two guineas a j 
Tliis was the rule till 1851. In that year (which, j-ou 
notice, was the date when the Journal was most reduced] 
subscription of new non-resident members was, very prop* 
also reduced to one guinea, but members already admi 
continued to pay two guineas down to the year 1 
Ilesident members have paid three guineas throughout 
existence of the Society. 

Under these circumstances, the Council invite the 
operation of the non-resident members in the improvcm 
they are endeavouring to carry out. The Journal in 
present shape cannot be produced for one guinea. It wi 
be a very great pity to reduce either its size, or the num 
or the regularity of its issues. But one or other of ti 
courses must be adopted unless the non-resident members 
willing to increase their annual subscription. Now, on 
contrary, it is very desirable to increase the number of 
illustrations, and to improve both news and articles by pai 
special correspondents in the East, and writers of spc 
articles both at home and abroad. The Council are th 
ibre considering the question of raising the non-rosi( 
subscription to *iOs, (It is deserving of notice, that, s 
the quarterly issue, the price of the Journal to non-mem 
has been fixed at £2 a year, and that at this price 
number of purchasers has steadily increased.) 

The proposed change would enable the Council to rel 
non-resident members from one ellect of the existing r 
Under those rules, when they return home they bee 


resident members and have to pay three guineas a year, so 
that just when their income has declined their subscription 
has been increased. The Council propose that non-resident 
members should, in future, continue to pay only the non- 
resident subscription, unless they come to live actually in or 
near London. 

If you approve the proposed changes, and desire no decrease 
in the expenditure on the Journal, no reply to this circular 
will be necessary. If you should be of the contrary opinion, 
will you kindly let me know before the 4th June, when the 
matter will have to be finally decided upon. 

I am Sir, Yours obediently, 

T. W. Rhys Davids, Secretary. 

The following list of Council and Officers for the ensuing 
year is submitted for approval : 

President. — Sir Thomas F. Wade, M.A., K.C.B., Professor 
of Chinese in the University of Cambridge. 

Director, — Major-General Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., 
D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S. 

Vice-Presidents. — Sir Thomas Edward Colebrooke, Bart. ; 
Major-General A. Cunningham, R.E., C.S.I., K.C.I.E. ; the 
Rev. Professor A. H. Sayce, M.A. ; Colonel Henry Yule, 
R.E., C.B., lili.D. 

Council. — ^F. F. Arbuthnot, Esq. ; Professor R. K. Douglas ; 
Theodore Duka, Esq., M.D.; J. F. Fleet, Esq., CLE.; 
Major-General Sir F. J. Goldsmid, C.B., K C.S.I. ; J. F. 
Hewitt, Esq.; H. H. Howorth, Esq., M.P., F.S.A. ; Sir 
William Hunter, K.C.S.I., CLE., LL.D. ; Henry C Kay, 
Esq. ; Professor Terrien de Lacouperie, Ph.D., Litt.D. ; 
General Robert Maclagan, R.E., F.R.S.E. ; Professor Sir 
Monier Monier- Williams, K.C.I.E., M.A., D.CL. ; E. Delmar 
Morgan, Esq. ; The Rev. Richard Morris, M.A., LL.D. ; 
Professor W. Robertson Smith, M.A. 

Treasurer. — E. L. Brandreth, Esq. 

Secretary. — Professor T. W. Rhys Davids, Ph.D., LL.D. 

Honorary Secretary, — Robert N. Cust, Esq., LL.D. 

Trustees, — Sir T. Edward Colebrooke, Bart.; Robert N. 


Oust, Esq., LL.D. ; Sir Richard Temple, G.C.S.I., CLE, 
D.C.L., M.P. 

Honorary Solicitor. — Alexander H. Wilson, Esq. 

It wa8 moved by Mr. Morris, and seconded by Dr. Dcka, 
that the new rules, as recommended by the Council, be 
adopted as the Kules of the Society. 

Mr. Sinclair moved as an amendment that to the nev 
rule No. 46 there should be added the words : " Pro\-ided 
that nothing in this rule be held to prohibit the association 
with the honorary auditors of a professional auditor." 

Mr. Strachey seconded this amendment. 

Mr. Kay pointed out that there was nothing in the pro- 
posed addition inconsistent with the rule as drafted. 

Mr. Sinclair consented to his amendment being put as a 
rider, and on a division it was decided by 18 to 3 to adopt 
his suggestion. 

Mr. ilorris's motion was then carried unanimously. 

The Chairman, again referring to the two vacancies which 
had occurred in the list of Honorary Members, informed 
the meeting that the Council recommended the election of 
Professor Wright, of Cambridge, and Professor Sachau, of 
Berlin. This was unanimously agreed to. 

Sir Charles Bernard, K.C.S.I., and Pandit Yisvanatha 
Narilyana Inderji were elected Resident Members ; and 
Dx-ijadas Datta, R. S. Ayangar, C. F. Oldham, A. M. T. 
Jackson, and R. A. Weil, Esquires, were elected Jfon-